Skip to main content

Full text of "English literature in Germany"

See other formats 


UNIVERSITY 
OF  FLORIDA 
LIBRARIES 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 

PUBLICATIONS 

IN  MODERN  PHILOLOGY 

VOLUME   37 
1953 


EDITORS 

L.  M.  PRICE 
J.  E.  de  La  HARPE 
R.  K.  SPAULDING 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 

in  2011  with  funding  from 

LYRASIS  Members  and  Sloan  Foundation 


http://www.archive.org/details/englishliteraturOOpric 


ENGLISH  LITERATURE 
IN  GERMANY 

BY 

LAWRENCE  MARSDEN  PRICE 


UNIVERSITY   OF   CALIFORNIA  PRESS 
BERKELEY  AND    LOS  ANGELES 

1953 


^0  S> 
v.  %.! 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Editors  (Berkeley)  :  L.  M.  Price,  J.  E.  de  La  Harpe, 

E.  K.  Spaulding 

Volume  37,  pp.  1-548 

Submitted  by  editors  December  14,  1950 

Issued  March  13,  1953 

Price,  Paper,  $5.00  ;  Cloth,  $6.00 


University  of  California  Press 

Berkeley  and  Los  Angeles 

California 


Cambridge  University  Press 
London,  England 


PRINTED  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA 


To  Mary  Bell  Price 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 

Introduction 1 

Abbreviations 6 

Part  One 
REFORMATION  AND  RENAISSANCE 

I.  Scholars,  courtiers,  and  churchmen 7 

II.  The  English  comedians 17 

Part  Two 
RATIONALISM,  SENTIMENTALISM,  AND  GENIUS 

III.  The  eighteenth  century 35 

IV.  The  moralizing  weeklies 51 

V.  Pope  and  philosophic  poetry 61 

VI.  Thomson  and  descriptive  poetry 73 

VII.  Locke  and  Shaftesbury 85 

VIII.  Milton's  Paradise  Lost 103 

IX.  Young's  Night  Thoughts 113 

X.  Macpherson's  Ossian 122 

XL  Percy's  Reliques  and  the  German  folk  song 136 

XII.  The  moralizing  drama 146 

XIII.  Richardson  and  the  moralizing  novel 164 

XIV.  Fielding  and  the  realistic  novel 180 

XV.  Sterne  and  the  sentimental  novel 192 

XVI.  Goldsmith  and  benevolent  irony 207 

Part  Three 
SHAKESPEARE  IN  GERMANY 

XVII.  Lessing  and  the  rationalistic  critics 217 

XVIII.  Herder  and  the  theories  of  genius 241 

XIX.  Shakespeare  and  the  German  classic  dramatists      .      .      .  254 

XX.  Shakespeare  since  1800 270 

[vii] 


viii  Contents 

Part  Four 

THE  ERA  OF  WORLD  LITERATURE 

XXI.  English  literature  in  the  German  romantic  period   .      .      .  299 

XXII.  Byron  and  "Weltschmerz" 316 

XXIII.  Scott  and  the  historical  novel 329 

XXIV.  The  Victorian  novel 345 

XXV.  The  American  frontier  novel 361 

XXVI.  New  concepts  of  democracy 371 

Bibliography 389 

Index  of  investigators 519 

Index  of  authors 532 


INTRODUCTION 

Thirty  years  ago  I  sent  prematurely  into  the  world  a  work  called  Eng- 
lish-German Literary  Influences:  Bibliography  and  Survey.  As  the  title 
indicated,  the  text  consisted  chiefly  of  a  running  commentary  on  the 
works  listed  in  the  bibliography,  with  some  attempt  to  play  a  judicial 
role  where  authorities  were  in  conflict.  One  of  my  most  able  critics  neatly 
quoted  a  one-time  judgment  of  Lessing:  "Es  sind  mehr  Collectanea  zu 
einem  Buch  als  ein  Buch."  Despite  its  shortcomings  the  edition  was 
exhausted  and  ten  years  later  I  was  enabled  to  substitute  another  work, 
which  with  due  indulgence  might  be  called  a  book.  I  gave  it  the  title  The 
Reception  of  English  Literature  in  Germany,  published  it  in  1932,  dedi- 
cated it  to  my  teacher,  Alexander  Rudolf  Hohlfeld,  and  hoped  that  my 
earlier  intrusion  into  the  field  might  be  forgotten,  but  to  my  distress  I 
still  find  it  quoted  at  times  with  disregard  of  my  later  and  better  con- 
sidered formulations. 

It  has  been  said  that  the  second  version,  like  its  predecessor,  was  un- 
philosophical.  The  same  criticism  holds  true  of  this  third  and  last  version, 
and  frankly  I  cannot  say  I  wish  it  otherwise,  for  unless  I  am  mistaken 
some  of  the  philosophical  critics  wished  for  a  work  in  which  it  should  be 
demonstrated  in  what  ways  the  German  "Geist"  differed  from  the  Eng- 
lish spirit  or  was  superior  or  inferior  to  it.  As  I  am  skeptical  regarding 
"Nationalgeist,"  I  could  not  embark  upon  any  such  discussion.  Many 
years  ago  under  the  reign  of  good  Queen  Victoria,  a  child  was  observed 
by  its  fond  mother  seated  on  the  sofa  completely  engrossed  in  a  book. 
Gravely  concerned,  the  mother  inquired  what  might  be  the  nature  of  the 
work,  and  on  learning  that  it  was  a  play  by  one  Racine,  she  gently  but 
firmly  removed  it,  saying:  "If  you  must  read  plays,  at  least  avoid  the 
frivolous  French  products  and  read  our  sound,  stout,  British  authors." 
So  saying,  she  placed  in  the  hands  of  her  erring  daughter  a  volume  of 
Wycherley's  plays. 

That  English  literature  "influenced"  German  literature  to  a  certain 
extent  was  my  hypothesis  in  part,  but  influence  is  only  a  phase  of  educa- 
tion and  as  Lessing  said:  "Erziehung  gibt  dem  Menschen  nichts,  was  er 
nicht  auch  aus  sich  selber  haben  konnte,  nur  geschwinder  und  leichter." 
Now  it  happens  to  be  true  that  England  passed  through  certain  stages 
of  the  transition  from  Middle  Age  tutelage  to  modern  free  thought  some- 
what earlier  than  Germany  and  hence  could  stand  as  an  instructive 
example.  That,  however,  is  not  a  philosophical  idea  but  a  historical  fact 
and  it  was  my  task  to  define  the  successive  stages  of  this  development  in 
England  and  in  Germany.  It  seemed  most  convenient  to  do  this  by 

[1] 


2  University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

considering  the  qualities  of  certain  English  men  of  letters  and  observing 
what  they  meant  to  writers  in  Germany. 

The  second  version  too  was  in  the  nature  of  a  survey.  It  is  now  twenty- 
one  years  old  and,  as  everyone  knows,  when  a  survey  has  reached  such 
maturity  it  should  be  relegated  to  a  back  shelf.  Much  progress  has  been 
made  during  the  interval  in  the  study  of  English-German  literary  rela- 
tions. The  accession  to  the  bibliography  of  over  four  hundred  new  items 
will  give  some  idea  of  the  activity  of  the  investigators  during  the  last 
two  decades.  New  connections  have  been  established  and  statements, 
formerly  accepted  as  facts,  have  required  reexamination,  reformulation, 
or  retraction. 

The  necessary  retractions  weigh  naturally  most  heavily  on  my  con- 
science. First  of  all  I  wish  to  revoke  the  greater  part  of  all  that  was  said 
in  regard  to  the  art  of  the  English  comedians  in  Germany  in  the  seven- 
teenth century.  Scholars  have  used  their  best  ingenuity  to  describe  the 
stage  of  the  comedians  on  the  basis  of  the  collection  called  Englische  Co- 
moedien  und  Tragodien,  1620,  but  since  the  appearance  of  an  article  by 
Nordstrom  regarding  the  "authorship"  of  that  collection  by  a  theatrical 
tyro  and  the  thoroughgoing  study  of  the  text  by  Freden  [135]  in  1940, 
past  theories  are  for  the  most  part  inadmissible.  Yet  Baeseke  [99],  writing 
seven  years  after  the  first  publications  of  Nordstrom  and  Freden,  pur- 
sued the  former  profitless  course,  and  the  recent  monumental  work  by 
Stahl,  Shakespeare  und  das  deutsche  Theater,  1948  [665],  accepts  the  pre- 
Fredenian  descriptions  as  valid.  The  truth  of  the  matter  is,  I  believe, 
that  the  Swedish  monograph  is  practically  unknown  in  Germany.  I  have 
seen  no  German  review,  for  that  matter  no  English  review  except  my 
own.  May  this  volume  serve  to  hinder  the  further  spread  of  ancient  error 
in  this  field. 

It  is  not  necessary  here  to  record  all  the  minor  suppressions  and  revi- 
sions but  the  more  substantial  additions  may  be  noted.  It  has  been  the 
tradition  to  begin  such  a  survey  with  references  to  the  popularity  of  the 
English  moral  weeklies  around  1720,  but  I  have  reached  the  conviction 
that  the  account  should  begin  with  the  earlier  philosophical  and  religious 
concernments  of  England  in  the  late  seventeenth  century.  These  became 
known  to  the  learned  in  Germany  and  paved  the  way  for  the  more 
popular  work  of  such  men  as  Pope,  Addison,  Thomson,  and  Young  and 
their  acceptance  in  Germany.  This  earlier  period  is  a  neglected  field  of 
study.  I  have  contented  myself  with  an  indication  of  the  importance  of 
Holland  as  a  mediator  of  new  ideas. 

The  treatment  of  Shakespeare  in  Germany,  though  the  largest  single 
theme  of  my  work,  was  relatively  the  least  adequate.  I  have  now  included 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  3 

a  fuller  account  of  the  translations  and  adaptations  from  the  time  of 
Wieland  to  the  present  day  and  have  brought  the  creative  work  of  the 
"Sturm  und  Drang"  dramatists  and  of  the  early  German  romantic  poets 
into  closer  relation  with  Shakespeare.  Added  also  is  some  account  of  the 
stage  history  in  Germany  of  the  dramas  of  Shakespeare  and  of  the  Shake- 
spearean connections  of  Biichner  and  Hauptmann.  For  all  this  I  am 
indebted  to  the  recent  work  of  German  scholars.  For  my  own  part  I  have 
made  some  minor  explorations  in  the  field  of  the  middle-class  drama  of 
the  eighteenth  century,  and  the  dramatization  of  works  by  Richardson, 
Fielding,  Sterne,  and  Goldsmith.  In  place  of  the  chapter  on  Dickens  in 
Germany  now  stands  a  chapter  on  the  Victorian  novel  in  Germany. 
Finally  now  that  the  century  has  half  passed  it  was  possible  in  the  last 
chapter  to  inquire  what  the  Germans  of  our  own  day  are  deriving  from 
English  literature.  All  chapters  have  been  reconsidered,  but  some  revised 
only  in  detail.  The  main  facts  regarding  the  vogue  of  Pope,  Thomson, 
Milton,  Young,  Percy,  Byron,  and  Scott  in  Germany  have  been  long 
and  well  established. 

The  aim  of  this  work,  like  that  of  its  predecessors,  is  not  to  prove  any- 
thing, but  merely  to  counteract  the  tendency  of  confining  the  study  of 
German  and  English  literature  along  nationalistic  lines  and  to  make 
easier  the  first  steps  of  those  who  are  inclined  to  strive  for  the  same  goal. 


Part  One 
REFORMATION  AND  RENAISSANCE 


ABBREVIATIONS 

See  also  the  list  on  p.  391 

Eckermann,  Gesprdche    Eckermann,  Gesprdche  mit  Goethe,  Leipzig,  Insel 

Verlag,  1923;  796  pp. 

Goethe,*  Werke     Goethe,  Werke,  Weimar,  1887-1919;  123  vols. 

Hagedorn,  Werke     Hagedorn,  Poetische  Werke,  ed.  J.  J.  Eschen- 

burg,  Hamburg,  1800;  5  vols. 

Haller,  Gedichte     Haller,  Gedichte,  ed.  L.  Hirzel,  Frauenfeld,  1882 

(Bibliothek  alterer  Schriftwerke  der  deutschen 

Schweiz  .  .  .  Ill) ;  cxxvi  +  423  pp. 

Haller,  Tagebuch     Haller,    Tagebuch    seiner    Beobachtungen    uber 

Schriftsteller  und  uber  sich  selbst,  ed.  Heinzmann, 

Bern,  1787;  2  vols. 

Heine,  Werke    Heine,  Sdmtliche  Werke,  ed.  O.  Walzel,  Leipzig, 

1915;  10  vols. 

Herders  Briefwechsel    Herders  Briefwechsel  mit  Caroline  Flachsland,  ed. 

H.  Schauer,  Schriften  der  Goethe-Gesellschaft 

XXXIX  (1926)  and  XLI  (1928). 

Herder,  Werke     Herder,  Sdmtliche  Werke,  ed.  Suphan,  Berlin, 

1877-1913;  33  vols. 

Lessing,  Schriften     Lessing,    Sdmtliche   Schriften,    ed.    Lachmann- 

Muncker,  Stuttgart  and  Leipzig,  1886-1924;  23 

vols. 

Ludwig,  Schriften     Ludwig,  Gesammelte  Schriften,  ed.  Ad.  Stern  and 

E.  Schmidt,  Leipzig,  1891 ;  6  vols. 

Robinson,  Diary    Henry  Crabb  Robinson,  Diary,  Reminiscences 

and  Correspondence,  London,  1869;  3  vols. 

Schiller,  Brief e     Schiller,  Briefe,  ed.  F.  Jonas,  Stuttgart,  etc., 

1896;  7  vols. 

Schiller,  Werke    Schiller,  Sdmtliche  Werke,  ed.  Giintter  and  Wit- 

kowski,  Leipzig,  1920  ff. ;  20  vols. 

Voltaire,  CEuvres    Voltaire,  (Euvres  completes,  Paris,  1883-1885;  52 

vols. 

Wieland,  Briefe    Wieland,    Ausgewdhlte    Briefe    an   verschiedene 

Freunde  .   .  .  1751-1810,  ed.  Gessner,  Zurich 

1815;  4  vols. 

Wieland,*  Schriften     Wieland,  Gesammelte  Schriften,  ed.   Homeyer, 

Kurrelmeyer,  Stadler  et  al.  Berlin,  1909  ff.  In- 

complete  to  1950 ;  20  vols. 

*  Since  the  works  of  Goethe  and  Wieland,  cited  above,  and  of  Jean  Paul  appear 
in  series,  Roman  numerals  are  used  in  the  footnotes  to  indicate  the  series;  the  fol- 
lowing Arabic  numerals  (in  parenthesis)  indicate  the  volume. 


Chapter  I 
SCHOLARS,  COURTIERS,  AND  CHURCHMEN 

Wenn  man  eines  neusuchtigen  Deutschlings  Herz  offnen  und  sehen  sollte,  wiirde  man 
augenscheinlich  befinden,  daB  flinf  Achtel  desselben  franzosisch,  ein  Achtel  spanisch, 
eins  italienisch  und  kaum  eins  deutsch  daran  gefunden  werde.  (Moscherosch,  Wahr- 
hafftige  Gesichte  Philanders  von  Sittewald,  1632.) 

Johann  Michael  Moscherosch  thus  leads  us  to  infer  that  with  all  the 
xenomania  in  the  Germany  of  his  time  there  was  no  recognizable  propor- 
tion of  anglomania.  "Der  neusiichtige  Deutschling"  naturally  took  his 
tone  from  the  courts,  where  German  was  rarely  heard.  Italian  was  used 
for  a  time  in  South  Germany,  Vienna,  and  Hesse;  English  was  affected 
for  a  short  time  at  Heidelberg,  but  with  a  few  exceptions  French  pre- 
vailed. 

German  literature  in  the  seventeenth  century  was  similarly  under  the 
spell  of  foreign  influence.  Nearly  all  its  conspicuous  features,  its  trends 
of  taste,  and  its  representative  personalities  emphasize  this  fact.  The 
characteristic  literary  society  of  the  time  was  the  "Sprachgesellschaft." 
The  "Fruchtbringende  Gesellschaft,"  later  called  the  "Palmenorden," 
was  founded  in  1617  by  Prinz  Ludwig  von  Anhalt-Kothen.  The  "Teutsch- 
gesinnte  Genossenschaft"  of  Hamburg  (founded  1643)  was  led  by  the 
purist  Zesen.  The  "Pegnitzschafer"  of  Nuremberg  (founded  1644)  were 
under  the  sponsorship  of  the  grammarians  Klaj  and  Harsdorffer.  The 
"Elbschwanen"  (Hamburg,  1660-1667)  were  under  the  leadership  of 
Johann  Rist.  A  common  chief  aim  of  all  these  and  similar  societies  was 
the  purification  of  the  German  language  especially  from  French  and 
Latin  words,  but  foreign  encroachment  was  fended  by  foreign  technique : 
the  model  of  the  "Fruchtbringende  Gesellschaft"  was  the  "Accademia 
della  Crusca"  of  Florence,  1587.  The  cult  of  the  vernacular  was  further- 
more a  common  Renaissance  tendency. 

By  common  consent  Martin  Opitz  was  the  spokesman  of  orthodox 
literary  opinion  of  his  time  and  country.  When  still  a  young  man,  he  had 
protested  in  a  well-written  Latin  treatise,  Aristarchus  sive  de  Contemptu 
Linguae  Teutonicae,  1617,  against  the  excessive  use  of  Latin  and  foreign 
languages  in  Germany.  He  made  it  his  life  work  to  show  that  Germany 
could  have  all  the  literary  genres  possible  in  other  languages.  There  is 
something  less  than  complete  literary  independence  in  this  very  en- 
deavor. Even  his  Buck  von  der  teutschen  Poeterey  had  many  predecessors. 
One  of  the  earliest  in  Renaissance  times  was  that  of  Hieronymus  Vida, 
which  appeared  in  Rome  in  1527  under  the  title:  De  Arte  Poetica:  Libri 

[7] 


8  University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Tres.  The  Poetices:  Libri  Septem  of  J.  C.  Scaliger  were  published  in  Lyons 
in  1561,  two  years  after  his  death;  his  seven-book  division  was  retained 
by  most  of  his  successors.  Du  Bellay  of  the  French  "Pleiade"  wrote  his 
Defense  et  illustration  de  la  langue  frangoise  in  1549,  which  his  colleague 
Ronsard  contracted  into  the  Abrege  de  Vart  poetique,  1565.  Sir  Philip 
Sidney  wrote  his  Apologie  for  Poetry  in  the  years  1579-1580.  Martin 
Opitz  studied  at  Leyden,  1620,  under  the  noted  Dutch  grammarian 
Heinsius,  author  of  Nederduytsche  Poemata,  1616,  before  producing  his 
own  Buck  von  der  teutschen  Poeterey  in  1624.  Again  we  have  the  typical 
advance  from  Italy  through  the  Romanic  countries  to  England  and 
thence  indirectly  to  Germany,  this  time  by  way  of  Holland.  More  fre- 
quently England's  contribution  to  the  common  stream  passed  back  into 
Germany  by  way  of  France,  while  still  other  currents  flowed  directly 
from  France  or  Italy  into  Germany,  leaving  England  out  of  the  course. 

Germany  conformed  tardily  to  a  change  of  taste  in  fiction.  The  love 
story  reached  its  climax  in  Amadis  of  Gaul,  a  Spanish  novel  of  1508.  This 
type  of  novel  had  enjoyed  a  great  popularity,  but  a  reaction  in  favor  of 
the  simple  life  had  already  set  in.  Sannazaro's  Arcadia  (Naples,  1504), 
Montemayor's  Diana  (Portugal,  1524),  d'Urfe's  L'Astree  (France,  1607- 
1625),  and  finally  the  Arcadia  of  Sidney,  1590  (German,  1629),  indicate, 
when  taken  together,  the  peripheral  European  advance  of  pastoral  prose 
and  poetry  into  interior  Germany. 

The  ornate,  bombastic,  or  "high  baroque"  style  which  came  into  vogue 
with  Hofmann  von  Hofmannswaldau  and  Lohenstein  after  1650  had  its 
predecessors  in  other  countries.  In  Spain  it  was  represented  by  Gongora 
(1561-1627)  and  in  Italy  by  Marino,  whose  Strage  degli  innocenti  ap- 
peared in  1630.  Daniel  Kasper  von  Lohenstein  (1635-1683)  with  his 
"Lohensteinischer  Schwulst,"  was  accordingly  one  of  the  last  of  a  long 
lineage. 

Intercourse  between  German  and  English  scholars  was  at  most  spo- 
radic, but  Erasmus  spent  much  of  his  time  between  1497  and  1517  in 
Oxford  and  Cambridge,  Daniel  Morhof  visited  England  twice,  1660-1661 
and  1670-1671.  He  was  inclined  to  disclaim  the  title  "father  of  literary 
history"  and  accord  it  to  Francis  Bacon,  who  was  held  in  the  highest 
esteem  by  the  learned  circles  in  Germany.  The  earliest  complete  edition 
of  Bacon's  works,  Opera  omnia,  quae  extant,  was  published  in  Frankfurt 
in  1665,  and  thus  made  available  to  German  scholars  in  the  original 
Latin.  Among  those  associated  with  Bacon  in  the  founding  of  the  Royal 
Society  was  Theodor  Haake.  The  English  society  provided  sanction  and 
model  for  later  German  scientific  societies  and  the  New  Atlantis  was  a 
respected  authority  on  the  organization  of  such  bodies.1  Johann  Balthasar 

1  Minkowski  [51]. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  9 

Schupp  derived  many  of  his  ideas  on  agriculture,  commerce,  and  educa- 
tion from  Bacon.2 

It  is  convenient  to  divide  the  remaining  literary  figures  of  the  time 
into  two  groups,  the  men  of  the  world  (or  courtiers)  and  the  men  of  the 
church,  and  to  consider  first  the  former.  At  the  outset  we  are  confronted 
with  a  difficulty  in  tracing  connections.  Before  the  nineteenth  century 
few  Englishmen  of  note  visited  Germany  and  before  the  eighteenth 
century  few  Germans  visited  England.  However,  among  the  latter  we 
may  note  Prinz  Ludwig  von  Anhalt-Kothen,  the  head  of  the  "Frucht- 
bringende  Gesellschaft" ;  his  nephew  Christian  II;  Johannes  Laurem- 
berg;  Quirin  Kuhlmann;  Theodore  Haake,  the  first  translator  of  Milton; 
Gottlieb  von  Berge,  his  second  translator;  Philipp  von  Zesen;  Christian 
Wernigke;3  Georg  Rudolf  Weckherlin;  and  Hofmann  von  Hofmanns- 
waldau,  who  seems  to  have  acquired  a  fair  knowledge  of  contemporary 
English  literature  during  his  short  stay  in  England.  Among  the  works 
with  which  he  was  familiar  was  Drayton's  Polyalbion  and  perhaps  also 
his  England's  Heroical  Epistles.  Thus  the  possibility  emerges  that  this 
collection  rather  than  Horace's  or  similar  ones  in  other  literatures  may 
have  provided  the  stimulus  for  his  Heldenbriefe.4 

Georg  Rudolph  Weckherlin  alone  of  the  group  became  permanently 
absorbed  into  English  life.  He  was  already  a  trained  public  servant  and 
acknowledged  master  of  poetry  when  he  took  up  his  permanent  abode  in 
England  in  1619.  At  Paris  and  at  London  he  had  witnessed  public  cele- 
brations in  honor  of  royalty  and  knew  of  the  poems  written  by  Malherbe, 
Chapman,  and  Dekker.  When  called  upon  to  write  a  poem  in  honor  of  a 
state  occasion  in  Wurttemberg  he  introduced  the  new  Renaissance  style 
where  formerly  Latin  verse  or  German  "Knittelvers"  had  prevailed,  and 
shortly  afterward  he  was  able  to  greet  the  Princess  Elizabeth,  the 
daughter  of  James  I,  at  Stuttgart  with  a  sufficiently  elegant  and  correct 
poem  in  her  own  language,  "The  Triumfall  Shews  set  forth  lately,  Stut- 
gard,  1616."  His  Oden  und  Gesdnge,  1618,  marked  the  introduction  of  the 
Renaissance  style  in  Germany.  Before  his  final  removal  to  England  he 
had  already  married  Frances  Raworth,  the  daughter  of  the  later  mayor 
of  Dover.  In  England  too  he  was  engaged  in  state  affairs,  which  brought 
him  into  communication  with  men  of  rank  and  note,  but  his  family  life 
was  spent  within  middle-class  circles,  and  this  influence  finally  prevailed. 
Weckherlin  served  under  James  I  and  Charles  I,  but  when  the  conflict 
arose  it  found  him  on  the  side  of  the  Long  Parliament.5 

2  Zschau  [45]. 

3Muncker  [10]  4-30. 

4  C.  Grant  Loomis.  An  unpublished  essay. 

6Forster  [49]. 


10        University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Weckherlin  translated  some  of  the  Eclogues  of  Spenser  for  his  Oden 
und  Gesdnge.  He  translated  Sir  Henry  Wotton's  poem,  "The  Character 
of  a  Happy  Life,"  Sylvester's  "The  Soul's  Errand,"  and  an  anonymous 
poem,  "The  Choyce  of  a  Wife."6  He  was  personally  acquainted  with  few 
men  of  letters  in  England,  perhaps  only  with  Sir  Henry  Wotton.  When 
Milton's  eyes  began  to  fail,  Weckherlin  became  his  assistant  in  the  office 
of  foreign  affairs,  but  the  connection  between  the  two  poets  remained 
purely  official.  In  Weckherlin's  abundant  diaries  and  letters  there  is  no 
mention  of  Shakespeare.7  On  the  whole  it  must  be  said  that  his  English 
experiences  had  little  effect  on  Weckherlin  and  still  less  on  German  poetry 
as  a  whole.  His  early  acquaintance  with  French  poetry  was  decisive.  His 
poetry  shows  the  influence  of  Du  Bellay,  Ronsard,  and  Malherbe,  but 
only  slightly  or  not  at  all  of  Spenser,  Wyatt,  Surrey,  Sidney,  and  Lyly.8 

Of  these  English  poets  Sidney  was  best  known  in  Germany.  His 
Arcadia,  1590,  was  admired  by  Opitz,  Harsdorffer,  Schirmer,  and  Birken, 
but  was  criticized  unfavorably  by  Schupp.  A  translation  of  1629  was 
revised  by  Opitz  in  1638,9  but  there  are  few  specific  traces  of  Sidney  in 
Opitz's  Schdfferey  von  der  Nimfen  Hercynie,  1629.  Opitz  translated  also, 
in  1626,  John  Barclay's  Argents,  1617-1620,  using  the  original  Latin  and 
a  French  version  as  bases.10  Such  competent  critics  as  Schupp  and  Mor- 
hof  found  fault  with  the  translation  and  even  condemned  the  original 
Latin  as  a  dangerous  model  for  the  young.  On  the  other  hand,  the  work 
found  favor  with  Harsdorffer,  Buchner,  and  Birken.  Kindermann's  Die 
ungliickliche  Nisette,  1669,  imitated  it.  Zesen's  Die  adriatische  Rosemund, 
1645,  bears  traces  of  Sidney's  style  as  does  his  Assenat,  1670,  to  a  still 
greater  degree.  Grimmelshausen's  Simplicissimus,  1668,  profited  by  its 
technique11  and  Christian  Weise's  drama  Von  der  sizilianischen  Argenis, 
1684,  made  extensive  use  of  it. 

The  influence  of  the  once  famous  Welsh  epigrammatist  John  Owen 

of  Carnarvonshire  (1563-1622)  may  be  regarded  as  a  healthful  one,  for 

he  set  a  good  example  of  pithiness  and  terseness.  Among  the  German 

poets  who  tried  to  translate  his  Alexandrines  or  vied  with  him  in  like 

form  were  Rist,  Fleming,  Weckherlin,  Gryphius,  and  Morhof.  It  is  not 

generally  known  that  Opitz  too  participated  in  the  competition  with 

6Forster  [50]. 

7Forster  [49]  25  and  141. 

8  E.  F.  Johnson,  "Weckherlin's  Eclogues  of  the  Seasons."  Johns  Hopkins  diss., 
Tubingen,  1922;  chap,  x:  "English  influence  on  the  Eclogues." 

9  Cf.  Waterhouse  [40]  and  Wurmb  [64]. 

10  Schmidt  [53]  77. 
"vonBloedau  [54]  22  f. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  11 

over  a  hundred  verses.12  But  all  their  efforts  were  excelled  by  Friedrich 
von  Logau's  Sinngetichte,  1654.13 

Contrary  to  the  view  of  Herford,14  which  has  prevailed  until  recently, 
the  religious  literature  of  England  came  to  Germany  abundantly  from 
the  time  of  the  beginning  of  the  Reformation.  The  dispute  of  Henry  VIII 
with  Luther  and  with  the  pope  and  the  religious  dissensions  of  the  time 
of  Elizabeth  and  of  "bloody  Mary"  produced  a  mass  of  controversial 
declarations  and  tracts  which  were  sold  at  the  "Buchermessen."15  Most 
of  these  works  were  in  Latin,  and  some,  written  in  English,  had  to  be 
translated  into  Latin  in  order  to  be  salable  in  Germany. 

The  number  of  works  translated  from  Latin  into  German  for  the 
benefit  of  the  larger  public  was  not  great,  but  under  this  rubric  we  may 
mention  especially  two  plays  by  George  Buchanan,  Jepthes  sive  Votum, 
1554,  and  Baptistes  sive  Calumnia,  1578.  The  earliest  of  several  transla- 
tions of  these  works  appeared  respectively  in  1569  and  1583.16 

Nor  did  the  Catholic  literature  of  England  remain  unknown  in  Ger- 
many, where  Thomas  More's  Utopia  (Paris,  1516)  was  widely  read  by 
the  learned.  Erasmus  caused  a  second  edition  to  be  printed  in  Basel  in 
1518.  A  German  translation  also  appeared  in  Basel  in  1524.  In  1612  a 
second  German  translation  came  out  in  Leipzig,  followed  the  next  year 
by  Mundus  Alter  et  Idem,  or  Utopia,  Pars  II.  The  translator  has  been 
identified  as  Gregorius  Wintermonath.  Sale  of  this  work  was  slow.  There 
were  remainders  of  the  edition  as  late  as  1704.  Possibly  Germans  preferred 
to  read  the  work  in  the  original  Latin.  The  author  of  this  second  part 
was  not  Thomas  More.  It  is  now  generally  attributed  to  Joseph  Hall.  It  is 
a  satire  directed  against  the  faults  of  the  church,  first  published  in  Hanau, 
1607,  or  perhaps  even  earlier  in  Frankfurt  before  1605.  Later  editions 
appeared  in  Utrecht,  1643,  and  Munich,  1664.17  Other  works  of  Hall 
were  also  well  known  in  Germany.  His  Balm  of  Gilead,  1646,  was  trans- 
lated in  1663  and  his  Characters  of  Vices  and  Virtues,  1608,  in  1628. 18 

SchofHer  has  called  the  period  of  religious  conflict  in  England  the  dark 
age  of  its  literature.  From  1600  to  1700  there  was  but  one  class  which 
had  the  necessary  education  and  leisure  to  provide  works  of  imagination 
and  beauty  in  abundance,  and  that  was  the  clergy.  The  clergy,  however, 
maintained  that  to  feed  the  imagination  with  old  wives'  tales  was  to  lead 
away  from  the  paths  of  virtue  and  distract  from  the  reading  of  the  Bible. 

12  Loomis.  See  footnote  4,  above.  16  Ibid.,  131  ff.  and  150. 

13  Urban  [60].  17  Waterhouse  [40]  39^2. 

14  Herford  [31].  1S  Ibid.,  102-104. 

15  Wiem  [29]  3. 


12        University  of  California  Pub  lications  in  Modern  Philology 

Schoffler  says:  "Zwischen  Reformation  und  Aufklarung,  d.h.,  etwa 
fiinf  Generationen  lang,  ist  auf  britischem  Boden  kein  weltlich-schon- 
geistiges  Buch  in  der  Landessprache  erschienen,  das  den  Namen  eines 
in  Amt  befindlichen  Geistlichen  als  Verfassers  triige."19  This  extreme 
statement  is  supported  by  a  broad  survey  and  due  consideration  of 
seeming  exceptions. 

In  1660  came  the  Restoration.  The  Whigs  came  into  power  in  1689, 
and  men  of  latitudinarian  views  gained  advancement  in  church  and 
state.  The  arrival  of  the  Hannoverian  kings,  1714,  consolidated  the  gains. 
Soon  after,  we  find  the  clergy  laying  claim  to  all  the  vices  and  follies  of 
the  day,  including  even  the  writing  of  novels  and  plays.  Presently  a  new 
alignment  is  obvious.  The  church  and  rationalism  appear  as  allies  in  the 
fight  against  immorality.  The  formerly  hostile  groups  begin  to  make 
graceful  bows  to  each  other.  Milton  led  the  way  with  a  poetic  and  imagi- 
native picture  of  the  Christian  universe.  Addison  demonstrated  the 
greatness  of  Milton,  and  Young  concluded  a  literary  history  with  a  de- 
scription of  how  the  Christian  hero,  meaning  Addison,  died. 

A  like  development  took  place  in  Switzerland.  Differences  began  to 
develop  within  the  Calvinistic  religion.  Calvin  himself,  less  rigid  than 
some  of  his  successors,  maintained  that  he  who  believes  in  the  Bible  and 
has  a  guiltless  conscience  is  not  under  compulsion  to  deny  himself  all  the 
pleasures  of  life.  One  should  enjoy  life  as  if  one  did  not  enjoy  it,  or, 
otherwise  stated,  the  Christian  is  permitted  to  be  happy,  but  only  with  a 
sour  face.  Calvin's  more  zealous  followers  regarded  all  feelings  of  pleasure 
as  a  lure  of  the  devil.  When  in  1618  a  synod  was  held  in  Dordrecht  in 
Holland  to  regulate  matters  of  belief  and  conduct,  it  was  the  Swiss  rep- 
resentatives who  stood  solidly  for  the  severer  doctrines.  Their  zeal  and 
unity  carried  the  day,  but  Holland  was  lost.  By  1670  the  ideas  of  Des- 
cartes were  widely  accepted  there.  Next,  Switzerland,  by  itself,  sought 
to  establish  a  haven  for  the  unadulterated  faith.  In  1675  the  representa- 
tives of  Zurich,  Schaffhausen,  Basel,  Bern,  and  Geneva  met  and  formu- 
lated a  "Konsensus"  which  practically  repeated  the  declaration  of  the 
Dordrecht  synod  of  1618.  But  here  too  the  seeds  of  heresy  had  already 
been  sown  and  the  next  fifty  years  brought  Switzerland  well  into  line 
with  the  tendencies  in  England. 

English  influence  in  German-speaking  lands  began  within  the  religious 

field.  It  was  fostered  by  a  parallel  social  development.  John  Wycliffe's 

new  teachings  came  to  Johannes  Hus  by  way  of  Jeronimus  of  Prague.  It 

19  H.  Schoffler,  Protestantismus  und  Literatur  .  .  .,  Leipzig,  1922,  24;  but  cf.  C.  F. 
Richardson,  English  Preachers  and  Preaching,  1640-1670,  a  Secular  Study.  Columbia 
Univ.  diss.,  New  York,  1928,  especially  chap,  iv,  pp.  138-200:  "The  secular  interests 
of  the  clergy.  1)  Learned  avocations.  2)  The  clergy  and  the  tine  arts." 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  13 

was  not  until  later  that  Holland  became  a  center  of  actual  contact  of 
large  numbers. 

Holland  was  noted  for  its  many  universities  of  high  repute.  Among  the 
Germans  who  studied  at  Leyden  may  be  mentioned  Opitz,  Gryphius, 
Fleming,  and  Hofmannswaldau,  and,  early  in  the  next  century,  Brockes 
and  Haller.  Swiss  students  were  sent  to  Holland  to  study  the  pure  doc- 
trine of  Calvin  but  as  the  century  wore  on  they  brought  home,  more  and 
more,  the  views  of  Descartes  and  the  habit  of  pipe  smoking,  the  begin- 
ning of  an  unclerical  mode  of  living. 

Between  1650  and  1700  no  less  than  250  students  from  Zurich  alone 
studied  at  Leyden,20  to  take  no  account  of  Utrecht,  Groningen,  Franeker, 
and  Harderwijk.  But  British  students  too  came  in  large  numbers.  It  can 
be  shown  that  there  were  965  of  these  at  Leyden  between  1650  and  1700,21 
or,  in  an  average  year,  twenty  from  Britain  against  five  from  Zurich. 

Holland  had  long  since  become  the  land  of  the  freethinkers  and  the 
home  of  the  brave  refugees.  The  broadest  toleration  in  Europe  prevailed 
here.  Orthodox  Calvinism  was  the  religion  of  the  majority  of  the  inhabi- 
tants, but  there  were  also  Calvinists  of  the  Arminian  heresy,  Lutherans, 
Quakers,  Mennonites,  Anabaptists,  Moravians  (Herrnhuter),  Presby- 
terians, and  Anglicans.  The  Jews  had  their  synagogue  and  Catholics 
were  allowed  to  worship,  though  not  in  places  designated  as  churches. 

Amsterdam  was  a  center  of  a  somewhat  different  type  from  Leyden 
and  its  orientation  was  stronger  toward  France.  It  was  a  goal  of  its 
travelers  and  a  sanctuary  of  its  refugees.  In  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth 
centuries  nearly  a  hundred  Frenchmen  of  note  visited  Holland  and  wrote 
up  their  impressions.  Among  them  may  be  mentioned  Scaliger,  Des- 
cartes, Pierre  Bayle,  Le  Clerc,  Colbert,  the  Abbe1  Prevost,  Montesquieu, 
Voltaire,  the  Abbe  Raynal,  and  Diderot.22  Bayle  and  Le  Clerc  passed  the 
remainder  of  their  lives  in  Holland.  Amsterdam  was  the  center  of  the 
publishing  trade  in  Holland  and  here  appeared  journals  which  marked 
the  most  advanced  thought  of  the  day,  among  them  the  Nouvelles  de  la 
republique  des  lettres  of  Bayle,  1684-1689,  and  the  Bibliotheque  universelle 
et  historique  of  Le  Clerc,  1686-1693. 23 

English  divines  played  a  prominent  part  in  the  course  of  events  in 
Holland.  Persecution  at  home  drove  thither  William  Ames  in  time  to 
play  an  important  role  in  the  Dordrecht  synod.  He  taught  twelve  years 

20Schoffler  [156]  15. 

21  Edward  Peacock,  "Index  to  English  speaking  students  who  have  graduated  at 
Leyden  University."  Index  Society  Publications  XII,  London,  1883. 

22  Roelof  Murris,  La  Hollande  et  les  Hollandais  au  XVIIe  et  au  XVIII6  siecle  vus 
par  les  Frangais  .  .  .,  Paris,  Champion,  1925. 

23  Hendriks  J.  Reesnik,  L'Angleterre  et  la  litterature  anglaise  dans  les  trois  plus  anciens 
periodiques  frangais  de  Hollande  de  1684-1709,  Zutphen,  1931,  443.  Reesnik's  third 
journal  is  the  Histoire  des  ouvrages  des  savans,  ed.  Basnage  de  Beauval,  Rotterdam, 
1687-1709. 


14        University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

at  the  University  of  Franeker.  His  most  important  work,  De  Conscientia, 
ejus  Jure  et  Casibus  (Amsterdam,  1632),  was  translated  by  Harsdoerffer 
(Nuremberg,  1654).  His  most  notable  pupil  was  Gisbert  Voetius,  pro- 
fessor of  theology  at  Utrecht,  who  translated  the  Praxis  Pietatis  of  Lewis 
Bayley. 

Gilbert  Burnet,  later  Bishop  of  Salisbury,  learned  Hebrew  during  his 
first  stay  in  Holland.  Later  he  had  to  flee  there  to  escape  persecution 
under  the  rule  of  James  II.  He  was  warmly  received  by  William  of 
Orange,  became  well  acquainted  with  the  Swiss  refugee  Le  Clerc,  acquired 
Dutch  citizenship  to  gain  additional  security,  married  a  woman  of 
Scottish  and  Dutch  ancestry,  and  returned  to  England  with  William  of 
Orange,  whose  coronation  and  funeral  sermons  he  preached.  Numerous 
works  of  Burnet  were  translated  into  German,  most  of  them  passing 
over  by  way  of  Holland.  Among  other  notable  refugees,  as  well  as  tem- 
porary home  seekers,  or  visitors  in  Holland  were  Sir  William  Temple, 
Shaftesbury,  and  William  Brewster  and  William  Bradford,  who  left 
with  their  flock  for  New  England. 

Sir  Thomas  Browne,  after  making  the  grand  tour  through  Europe, 
paused  at  Ley  den  to  take  his  degree  in  medicine.  The  unauthorized 
edition  of  his  Religio  Medici  appeared  in  London  shortly  afterward,  1642; 
the  corrected  edition,  1643;  the  first  Latin  edition  in  Amsterdam,  1644; 
the  first  Dutch  edition,  1665.  In  1668  it  was  translated  from  the  Dutch 
into  French.  The  first  German  translation  known  bears  the  date  1680; 
from  what  language  it  was  translated  does  not  appear. 

Bunyan's  Pilgrim's  Progress  and  others  of  his  works  were  first  trans- 
lated into  Dutch  {Pilgrim's  Progress,  1679)  and  from  Dutch  into  Ger- 
man. The  earliest  German  translators  were  Johann  Lange  and  Christoph 
Mathias  Seidel.  The  latter  was  closely  connected  with  the  inner  circle 
of  Pietism;  with  Spener;  and  with  Canstein,  the  founder  of  the  "Can- 
steinische  Bibelgesellschaft,"  the  products  of  which  were  printed  at 
Halle  "am  Waysenhaus."  The  first  French  edition  of  the  Pilgrim's 
Progress  was  also  published  in  Amsterdam,  1685,  the  second  in  Amster- 
dam, 1703,  the  third  in  Basel,  1717,  the  fourth  in  Rotterdam,  1722,  the 
fifth  in  Halle,  "am  Waysenhaus,"  1752,  and  not  until  much  later  did  an 
edition  appear  on  French  soil,  Toulouse,  1788.  Meanwhile  there  were 
many  German  editions  of  the  Pilgrim's  Progress.  The  two  published  at 
Ephrata  and  at  Germantown,  Pennsylvania,  1754  and  1755,  testify  to 
the  continued  interest  of  the  Herrnhuter  in  the  work.24 

Seven  of  William  Penn's  works,  A  Brief  Account  of  the  Quakers,  Good 
Advice  to  the  Church  of  England,  Roman  Catholick  and  Protestant  Dis- 

24  Sann  [330  ].  Cf.  Reesnik,  149  f. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  15 

senters,  A  Key  Opening  the  Way,  Letter  of  Love  to  the  Young,  No  Cross  no 
Crown,  Some  Fruits  of  Solitude,  and  Truth  Exalted,  were  translated  in 
Holland  earlier  than  elsewhere  on  the  continent.  Four  other  of  Penn's 
characteristic  treatises  were  written  first  in  Holland  in  the  Dutch  lan- 
guage and  later  translated  into  English,  French,  and  German. 

In  the  second  half  of  the  seventeenth  century  the  complaint  was  pub- 
licly voiced  in  Germany  that  the  bookshops  were  filled  with  translations 
of  English  works  in  which  a  secret  poison  was  concealed.25  This  poison 
was,  of  course,  Puritanism  and  Protestant  heterodoxy  in  other  forms.  In 
view  of  the  close  connection  between  pietism  and  the  later  developments 
of  German  literature — baroque  subjectivism,  sentimentalism,  "Sturm 
und  Drang,"  and  romanticism — these  tracts,  though  not  strictly  literary, 
should  not  be  overlooked.  The  book  of  religious  edification,  the  "Er- 
bauungsbuch,"  was  the  typical  literary  product  of  the  time  and  the  work 
that  unfailingly  reached  the  masses.  The  tracts  of  such  men  as  Richard 
Baxter,  William  Perkins,  Joseph  Hall,  and  John  Barclay  were  abun- 
dantly represented  in  German  translation  and  their  influence  on  the 
German  masses  was  widespread,  slow  working,  and  not  easily  traceable, 
but  it  will  scarcely  be  questioned  that  they  added  new  impulse  to  the 
mystic  tendencies.  Certain  it  is  that  some  of  the  best-known  German 
authors  of  the  century  showed  interest  in  these  English  moral  works. 

Moscherosch  was  the  author  of  Insomnis  Cura  Parentum,  1643,  which 
was  inspired  by  an  English  tract  written  by  Elizabeth  Joceline.  In  it  he 
recommends  to  his  children  the  reading  of  Dyke's  Nosce  te  Ipsum, 
Bayley's  Praxis  Pietatis,  and  a  work  attributed  to  Emanuel  Sonthomb, 
no  doubt  Das  gulden  Kleinod  der  Kinder  Gottes.26  This  work,  which  ap- 
peared in  Germany  as  early  as  1620,  passed  into  a  second  edition  in  1652, 
introduced  by  a  friend  of  Harsdorffer,  Dilherr,  under  whose  influence 
Nuremberg  became  "eines  der  wichtigsten  Zentren  fur  die  Verbreitung 
englischer  religioser  Schriften."27 

English  tracts  of  a  similar  type  were  also  probably  well  known  to  Zesen, 
who  shared  with  the  English  theologians  their  tolerance  and  their  tend- 
ency toward  mysticism.  One  of  his  best-known  works  in  its  time  was  his 
Anddchtige  Lehrgesdnge  von  Kristus  Nachfolgung  und  Verachtung  aller 
Eitelkeiten  der  Welt,  1675,  which  was  a  poetic  version  of  the  Imitatio 
Christi  of  Thomas  a  Kempis. 

Harsdorffer  preferred  the  more  rational  literature  of  courtly  manners 

and  good  conduct.  His  favorite  English  author  was  Joseph  Hall,  whose 

25  Vietor  [41]. 

28  Op.  dt.,  ed.  Pariser,  in  NDL,  CVIII  (1893)  13,  32,  63. 

27  Introduction  to  Dilherr's  translation  of  Das  gulden  Kleinod.  .  .  .  Sonthom's 
authorship  is,  however,  doubtful;  see  Vietor  [41  ]  86. 


16        University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Characters  of  Virtues  and  Vices  he  translated.  He  also  translated,  1654, 
the  De  Conscientia,  ejus  Jure  et  Casibus  of  William  Ames,  the  pastor  of 
the  English  Puritans  in  Holland.  Ames's  influence  extended  beyond  his 
flock,  and  his  works  found  tolerant  acceptance  in  Dutch  circles. 

The  execution  of  Charles  I  caused  much  stir  in  France  and  Germany. 
Shortly  after  his  death  there  appeared  a  work  called  EUthv  /3  010-1X1/07,  a 
defense  of  Charles  I  attributed  to  the  monarch  himself.  To  this  John 
Milton  answered  with  a  defense  of  the  "regicides."  By  command  of  the 
English  government  this  work  was  translated  into  French  in  1652. 
Milton's  work  made  him  notorious  in  France  as  a  statesman  and  po- 
litical writer  at  a  time  when  he  was  scarcely  known  at  all  as  a  poet. 
The  early  comments  on  Milton  in  France  were  unfavorable.  Bayle 
treated  Milton  at  length  (three  pages)  and  more  favorably  in  his  dic- 
tionary in  1697,  but  again  chiefly  as  a  political  writer,  observing  only 
incidentally  that  his  Paradise  Lost,  "passe  pour  l'un  des  plus  beaux 
ouvrages  de  poesie  que  Ton  ait  vu  en  Anglais."  The  "Lexika"  of  Bud- 
deus,  1704,  and  of  Mencke,  1713,  discuss  Milton  in  a  similar  fashion.-8 

A  combination  of  facts  makes  it  seem  probable  that  the  young  Gryphius 
during  his  six  years  in  Holland  moved  in  a  circle  that  was  in  close  touch 
with  the  English  Puritans  and  thus  acquired  the  religious  toleration  of 
his  succeeding  period.-9  His  Carolus  Stuardus,  1657,  based  for  the  most 
part  directly  or  indirectly  on  the  EU&u  jScuhXi/o?30  proves  nothing  to  the 
contrary.  Gryphius  was  a  monarchist,  and  his  sympathy  with  the  Puri- 
tans did  not  lead  him  to  condone  "regicide."  However,  the  two  English 
"Erbauungsbucher"  which  Gryphius  translated  were  both  written  by 
Richard  Baker,  an  Episcopalian  clergyman.  It  was  Hofmannswaldau 
who  put  the  first  of  these  volumes  into  his  hands,  so  Gryphius  tells  us, 
and  who  encouraged  him  to  undertake  the  work  and  to  persevere  to  the 
end.31  Thus  five  chief  representatives  of  the  German  "barock,"  Mosche- 
rosch,  Zesen,  Hofmannswaldau,  Harsdorffer,  and  Gryphius,  found  a 
common  interest  in  the  new  religious  tendencies  of  England. 

28  Robertson  [420]  319  f. 

29  Vietor  [41  ]  27  f. 
30Schonle  [44]. 

31  Vietor  [41  ]  32. 


Chapter  II 
THE  ENGLISH  COMEDIANS 

The  wanderings  of  the  English  comedians  in  Germany  during  the  last 
decade  of  Shakespeare's  life  and  the  following  half  century  or  more  form 
a  romantic  episode  of  literary  history.  The  reconstruction  in  broad  out- 
line of  their  itineraries  and  repertories  and  adventures  constitutes  one 
of  the  definite  triumphs  of  research  since  1817. 

In  the  year  1592  an  Englishman  by  the  name  of  Fynes  Moryson  passed 
through  Frankfurt  and  found  some  of  his  countrymen  presenting  some 
English  plays  for  the  entertainment  of  the  German  audience.  Not  at  all 
edified  by  the  exhibition,  Moryson  expressed  himself  in  no  uncertain 
terms  on  his  return.  His  account  was  published  in  London  in  1617/  only 
to  be  forgotten  for  two  centuries.  In  his  Deutsches  Theater,  1817,  Ludwig 
Tieck  commented  upon  the  comedians,  but  in  such  a  way  as  to  excite 
curiosity  rather  than  satisfy  it.  Ideas  regarding  the  comedians  grew  more 
fanciful  until  scholars  began  to  look  upon  the  whole  matter  as  a  myth; 
but  in  reality  Tieck  had  a  store  of  evidence  regarding  the  subject,  which 
eventually  came  to  light.  About  the  year  1850  Tieck  was  called  upon  to 
pay  a  large  debt  which  his  brother  had  contracted  and  was  compelled 
to  sell  the  valuable  library  he  had  been  zealously  collecting.  His  books 
had  first  to  be  put  in  order  and  catalogued,2  and  for  this  special  service 
Albert  Cohn  was  called  in.  Confidential  relations  were  established.  Tieck 
placed  his  data  at  the  disposal  of  Cohn,  and  thus  the  first  extensive 
account,  1865,  of  the  players  was  rendered  possible.3  Chiefly  during  the 
next  twenty  years,  knowledge  of  the  wanderings  of  the  English  come- 
dians increased  considerably,  but  is  still  somewhat  incomplete.4  If  Eng- 
lish comedians  played  in  Leipzig  in  1585,  that  was  the  first  appearance 
of  such  companies  on  German  land,  and  if  it  was  an  Andrew  Rudge  who 
led  some  players  in  "Ein  Spiel  vom  reichen  Manne"  in  1591,  then  an 
elsewhere  unmentioned  troupe  of  comedians  is  thereby  indicated.5 

In  its  broad  outlines  the  history  of  the  English  comedians  in  Germany 
presents  itself  as  follows:  The  players  came  by  way  of  Denmark.  In  1579 
English  musicians  are  reported  there;  in  1585  English  players  followed 
them.  In  the  next  year  a  troupe  of  players,  led  by  William  Kempe, 
appeared  at  the  court  of  Denmark  as  attendants  of  their  patron,  Lord 

1  Moryson  [73]. 

2  ShJ,  XLII  (1906)  221.  Cf.  Zeydel  [1313]  129  f. 

3  Cohn  [71  ]  also  reproduced  two  plays  of  Ayrer  and  four  from  the  repertory  of  the 
English  comedians.  For  further  plays  of  the  comedians  see  nos.  [67]- [69]. 

4Trautmann  [79]- [80]. 
6  Witkowski  [87]. 

[17] 


18        University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Leicester.  Christian  I,  the  electoral  prince  of  Saxony,  heard  of  the  per- 
formances in  Denmark  and  through  his  connection  with  the  Danish 
king  arranged  for  a  visit  of  players  to  his  own  court.  The  players  followed 
Christian  on  his  journeys  and  entertained  him  with  "Singspielen,  Schau- 
spielen,  Musik  und  Tanz,"  and  remained  about  nine  months  in  his  serv- 
ice, leaving  Dresden,  July  15,  1587,  and  visiting  Danzig  on  their  home- 
ward journey.6 

A  lasting  foothold  in  Germany  was  first  secured  by  the  troupe  of 
Browne  in  1592.  This  troupe  divided  after  a  short  time.  One  part  entered 
the  service  of  Landgraf  Moritz  von  Hessen,  the  other  of  Herzog  Heinrich 
Julius  von  Braunschweig.  The  Hessian  troupe  was  directed  by  Browne 
until  1598,  followed  by  Webster  until  1603.  An  attempt  has  recently 
been  made  to  identify  this  Jorge  Webster  with  John  Webster,  the  author 
of  The  White  Devil.7  The  Braunschweig  troupe  was  directed  at  first  by 
Sackville  until  1596,  then  by  Browne  until  1607,  and  following  that  by 
Greene.  The  Blackreude-Theer  troupe,  1603-1606,  was  a  temporary  off- 
shoot of  this  company.  Following  the  outbreak  of  the  Thirty  Years'  War, 
Greene  appeared  by  preference  in  Catholic  lands  and  Browne's  troupe 
played  at  the  Protestant  court  of  Frederick  V  at  Prague.8  After  1628 
Greene's  name  appears  no  more  in  the  records  and  Reinhold  seems  to 
have  been  his  immediate  successor.  The  Reinhold  troupe,  in  spite  of 
losses  and  reorganizations,  held  itself  together  for  nearly  half  a  century 
longer.  Certain  of  its  members  are  mentioned  as  playing  in  1671,  and  it 
is  supposed  that  they  took  part  in  performances  in  Dresden  at  an  even 
later  date. 

Contemporaneous  with  the  Browne-Greene  troupe  were  other  com- 
panies which  purported  to  come  directly  from  England.  The  most  notable 
of  these  were  the  Spencer  troupe,  1604-1623,  and  the  Jolliphus  troupe, 
1648-1660.  It  is  by  no  means  certain,  however,  that  these  troupes  were 
entirely  unrelated  to  the  Browne-Greene  stock,  for  out  of  five  dramas 
played  by  Spencer  in  Nuremberg  in  1613  three  correspond  to  plays  known 
to  have  been  in  Browne's  repertory.9  Furthermore  it  appears  that  the 
Jolliphus  ensemble,  far  from  being  a  new  troupe,  consisted,  in  part  at 
least,  of  the  remnants  of  the  old  Browne-Greene-Reinhold  troupe,  which 
Jolliphus  from  now  on  directed.10 

It  is  unlikely,  on  the  whole,  that  the  existence  of  any  hitherto  un- 
known companies  will  be  demonstrated.  The  sporadic  performances  here 
and  there11  were  in  all  probability  staged  by  stragglers  of  the  already 
well-known  companies,  nor  could  new  companies  coming  from  England 

•Bolte  [81]  xvi.  9  Kaulfufi-Diesch  [91]  142. 

7  Hartleb  [135]  27.  10  Herz  [85]  56. 

8  Kramer  [102]  93  f.  u  Regarding  such  see  Herz  [85]  63  f. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  19 

have  easily  won  large  rewards.  Even  the  old-established  troupes  played 
with  varying  success.  They  discovered  that  it  was  first  necessary  to 
learn  the  German  language,  then  the  art  of  pleasing  the  spectators  with- 
out conflicting  with  the  city  authorities.  In  times  of  little  income  there 
was  a  tendency  to  split  up  into  smaller  groups,  which  were  perhaps  re- 
cruited by  additions  from  amateur  German  talent.  The  term  "eine  neue, 
aus  England  herubergekommene  Truppe"  was  probably  used  by  native 
troupes  for  its  advertising  value.  The  English  comedians  are  last  men- 
tioned in  contemporaneous  records  in  1694. 

The  leaders  of  the  various  companies  differed  widely  in  their  personal 
characteristics.  There  was  the  reliable,  honest,  and  less  enterprising 
Browne  who  accepted  the  lowly  place  assigned  to  actors  but  who  never 
degraded  his  art  to  gain  distinction,  and  could  assert  with  pride  "dafi 
er  nie  wegen  Uberforderung  der  Spectatores,  oder  sonstiger  Unbill  be- 
straft  worden  sei,"12  and  there  was  Greene,  a  man  of  coarser  fiber,  who 
judged  success  by  financial  gain.  He  enjoyed  the  special  protection  of  the 
emperor  and  could  meet  the  "Ratsherren"  with  effrontery.  Sackville 
was  an  original  artist,  who  developed  a  new  type  of  fool  or  clown  and 
played  it  with  success.  He  later  utilized  his  experience  as  buyer  for  his 
company  and  his  popularity  with  people  and  court  by  becoming  a  mer- 
chant and  "Hoflieferant"  in  Braunschweig.13  Spencer  was  the  P.  T. 
Barnum  of  his  day.  He  believed  the  public  liked  to  be  duped  and  his 
Tiirkische  Triunvphkomodie  was  the  greatest  show  in  Germany.  He  was 
unscrupulous  in  his  dealings  with  the  authorities.  Finding  his  perform- 
ance forbidden  in  Cologne  he  let  himself  be  converted  to  Catholicism 
and  was  permitted  to  play  during  Lent  at  an  increased  price.  In  Dresden 
and  Berlin,  where  his  change  of  heart  was  not  known,  he  was  received 
with  undiminished  favor  on  his  return.  Jolliphus  represents  the  come- 
dians in  their  decadence.  He  is  last  heard  of  in  Nuremberg  in  1659.  He 
played  there  in  May  and  June,  was  ordered  out  of  the  city  at  the  end  of 
September  and  again  in  October,  and  was  permitted  to  return  in  No- 
vember only  to  be  driven  out  again  on  account  of  a  disgraceful  row  which 
he  occasioned. 

Conclusions  of  somewhat  various  natures  regarding  the  texts  of  plays 

by  the  "Englische  Komodianten"  have  been  based  chiefly  upon  two 

collections,  the  first  called  Engelische  Comedien  und  Tragedien,   1620, 

containing  ten  plays  and  two  farces,  and  the  second,  Liebeskampff  oder 

ander  Theil  der  Englischen  Comoedien  und  Tragoedien,  1630,  containing 

six  plays  and  two  "Singspiele."  The  first  student  of  the  texts,  Ludwig 

Tieck,  thought  that  they  were  noted  down  from  the  stage  production  of 

12Herz  [85]  22. 

13  Zimmermann  [83]. 


20        University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

crudely  extemporizing  actors.14  His  successor,  Albert  Cohn,  wisely 
doubted  whether  the  actors  had  anything  to  do  with  the  preparation  of 
the  printed  text.  He  regarded  the  work  as  a  collection  of  pieces  the  general 
action  of  which  was  observed  by  one  or  perhaps  a  few  spectators  and 
then  "remodelled  under  German  hands."15  Tittmann  agreed  with  Cohn 
in  general  but  believed  there  was  but  one  editor  of  the  collection,  who 
may  have  had  some  fragmentary  written  data  from  the  actors.16  Creize- 
nach  regarded  the  work  as  a  collection  of  printed  plays,  published  with- 
out the  consent  of  the  actors.  He  did  not  believe  the  editing  was  by  a 
single  hand  but  that  the  collection  was  based  on  the  actual  manuscripts 
of  the  company.17  He  therefore  had  full  faith  in  it  as  documentary  evi- 
dence. Gundolf  believed  rather  that  the  manuscripts  of  the  company 
indicated  only  approximately  the  action  of  the  plays,  which  the  actors 
themselves  had  to  develop  by  extemporization.18  Flemming  believed  in  a 
basic  text,  but  thought  that  it  was  worked  over  by  a  single  editor.19  As 
late  as  1935  Baeseke  maintained  that  our  printed  collection  represented 
the  old  stage  manuscripts  prepared  for  the  press  without  any  essential 
changes.20 

Surmise  gave  place  to  information  when  Nordstrom,  in  1922,  dis- 
covered that  one  Frederick  Menius  claimed  to  be  the  author  of  the 
Engelische  Comedien  und  Tragedien,21  but  the  degree  of  his  originality, 
or  stated  otherwise,  the  actual  text  or  form  of  presentation  of  plays  re- 
mained still  in  doubt.  The  evidence  has  been  thoroughly  sifted  of  late  by 
Freden.22  Some  of  his  conclusions  are  the  following: 

Menius  was  a  scholar  in  the  sense  that  he  read  and  wrote  Latin.  The 
introduction  to  the  collection  is  based  in  part  upon  a  work  of  reference 
by  Thomas  Garzoni  called  Piazza  universale  di  tutte  le  professioni,  Venice, 
1585,  translated  into  German  in  1619.  Menius  was  in  Wolgast  as  a  prac- 
ticing lawyer  from  1617  to  1621.  Herzog  Philipp  Julius  von  Pommern- 
Wolgast  had  a  troupe  of  English  comedians  at  his  court  during  those 
years,  or  more  precisely  he  had  a  company  of  German  comedians  under 
English  leadership.  The  studies  of  Freden  have  led  him  to  the  conclusion 
that  Menius,  during  the  earlier  part  of  his  stay  in  Wolgast,  1617-1620, 
attended  the  performances  of  the  English  comedians  at  the  court  of 
Herzog  Philipp  Julius,  noted,  as  best  he  could,  the  action  and  words,  and 
on  the  basis  of  his  notes  reconstructed  the  plays.  In  support  of  this 
Freden  offers  cogent  arguments.  There  are,  to  be  sure,  many  anglicisms 
in  the  text,  though  proportionally  not  so  many  as  Tittmann  would  lead 

14  Tieck  [70]  xxx.  19  Flemming  [69]  34. 

15  Cohn  [71]  civ.  20  Baeseke  [95]. 

16  Tittmann  [72]  I  viii  f.  21  Nordstrom  [130]. 

17  Creizenach  [67]  lxxv  f.  22  Fred6n  [132]  189  ff. 

18  Gundolf  [652]  48. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  21 

us  to  believe.  Their  presence  is  sufficiently  accounted  for  by  Freden's 
hypothesis.  More  striking  is  the  abundance  of  Latin  words  and  of  Latin 
names,  nearly  all  with  their  correct  endings.  These  must  be  attributed 
to  the  author  or  adaptor  or  editor,  whichever  we  may  call  Menius.  Had 
he  had  before  him  the  stage  manuscripts  of  the  comedians  he  would  have 
found,  no  doubt,  entrances  and  exits  indicated  from  the  point  of  view 
that  controlled  the  English  stage  then  and  now,  but  Menius  uses  the 
prevalent  terms  of  the  German  stage  of  his  time.  As  the  equivalent  of 
"enter"  he  employs  most  frequently  the  term  "herauskommen"  (that  is, 
from  concealment  behind  the  stage)  and  for  "exit"  most  frequently 
"hineingehen."  The  most  convincing  evidence,  however,  is  the  fact  that 
the  language  of  the  text  is  regularly  tinged  with  Low  German.  We  cannot 
well  imagine  that  a  collection  of  texts  by  various  hands  would  have  had 
this  consistent  dominant. 

Further  evidence  is  drawn  from  the  "Rollenverteilung."  In  Der  ver- 
lorene  Sohn  an  identical  character  speaks  under  the  designation  of 
"Frau,"  "Weib,"  and  "Wirtin,"  according  to  her  momentary  function. 
Similarly  in  the  play  of  Fortunatus  the  speeches  of  the  English  princess 
are  usually  and  properly  assigned  to  Agrippina,  but  when  the  situation 
arises  she  speaks  as  "Tochter"  or  "Prinzessin."  Surely  no  stage  manu- 
script would  have  been  so  inconsistent.  Nor  could  the  following  have 
appeared  in  a  stage  manuscript:  In  Titus  Andronicus  the  arrival  in 
splendid  procession  is  announced  of  Vespasianus,  Titus,  and  "Romischer 
Keyser."  Thereafter  follows  the  naive  correction  in  the  stage  direction: 
"damalen  war  er  noch  nicht  Romischer  Keyser."  Freden  also  reproduces  a 
number  of  directions  which  show  that  Menius  remembered  the  action 
of  the  play  only  hazily  at  certain  points,  and  even  incorrectly.  At  times 
he  calls  for  actions  or  feelings  that  cannot  be  pictured  on  the  stage,  and 
sometimes  his  directions  give  away  to  the  audience  secrets  it  is  not  yet 
supposed  to  know.  In  short  the  text  as  printed  reveals  the  amateur  and 
the  tyro  rather  than  the  professional  actor;  in  some  respects  the  plays 
of  the  English  comedians  may  have  been  less  faulty  than  his  reportage 
might  lead  us  to  believe. 

But  this  is  only  the  negative  of  the  picture.  It  was  also  within  the  power 
of  the  editor  to  draw  upon  his  education  and  experience  for  additional 
scenes,  traits,  and  characterizations.  Thus  the  way  was  open  for  the 
introduction  of  scenes  based  upon  German  folk  literature  and  the  corn- 
media  delVarte,  for  reminiscences  of  Plautus  and  Terence,  and  for  the 
phraseology  of  the  baroque  novel  where  the  situation  called  for  elegance 
of  expression,  and  all  this  occurred  frequently.  In  fact  the  greater  part 
of  Freden's  study  treats  of  sources  and  interrelations  in  such  detail  that 


22        University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

a  brief  summary  is  impossible.  The  conclusion  is  that  Menius  was  more 
successful  in  his  adaptations  of  Biblical  dramas  and  of  such  themes  as 
Fortunatus  and  Niemand  und  Jemand  than  of  certain  of  the  others  whose 
subject  matter  was  unfamiliar  to  him. 

The  second  collection  of  plays  Liebeskampff  oder  ander  Theil  der 
Engelischen  Comoedien  und  Tragoedien,  1630,  has  also  been  thoroughly 
analyzed.  Richter  regards  the  volume  as  the  product  of  a  German  author, 
who  was  familiar  with  the  work  of  the  "Englische  Komoedianten"  but 
who  was  not  trying  to  write  directly  for  the  theater.23  Despite  its  second- 
ary title,  the  Liebeskampff  was  published  quite  independently  of  its 
predecessor,  though  it  was  no  doubt  suggested  by  it  and  though  it  prob- 
ably followed  its  example  in  some  respects,  notably  in  its  stage  directions. 
The  title  and  the  style  are  Italian  rather  than  English  and  the  author  was 
of  Thuringian  origin. 

On  the  basis  of  these  two  collections  plus  some  fifteen  repertoires  sub- 
mitted to  civic  authorities  by  petitioning  companies  and  further  miscel- 
laneous evidence  the  following  English  plays  may  be  listed  as  having 
become  known  in  Germany  in  greater  or  less  part  through  the  activities 
of  the  English  comedians.24  Even  when  the  English  and  the  German  play 
can  be  shown  to  have  a  common  origin  in  some  well-known  European 
romance,  often  some  minor  incident,  character,  or  phrase  indicated  a 
contribution  from  the  English  version. 

John  Bale  :  Lazarus. 

Francis  Beaumont  and  John  Fletcher:  The  Maid's  Tragedy;  The 
Prophetess. 

George  Chapman  :  The   Conspiracy  and  Tragedy  of  Charles,  Duke  oj Byron. 

Henry  Chettle  :  Patient  Grissil. 

Robert  Davenport  :  A  New  Trick  to  Cheat  the  Devil. 

Thomas  Dekker:  //  this  be  not  good,  the  Devil  is  in  it;  Old  Fortunatus. 

John  Ford  :  The  Broken  Heart. 

Henry  Glapthorne:  Albertus  Wallenstein. 

Robert  Greene:  Alphonsus,  King  of  Arragon;  A  Looking  Glass  for  Lon- 
don and  England;  Orlando  Furioso. 

Thomas  Heywood:  King  Edward  IV;  The  Rape  of  Lucrece;  The  Silver 
Age. 

William  Houghton  and  John  Day:  Friar  Rush  and  the  Proud  Woman 
of  Antwerp. 

Thomas  Kyd:  The  Spanish  Tragedy. 

23  Richter  [98]. 

24  See  Herz  [85]  64-70,  Creizenach  [67]  xxviii-xxxi,  Dessoff  [97],  Flemming  [69], 
Freden  [132],  and  Wolcken  [15]  5  f. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  23 

Lewis  Machin  :  The  Dumb  Knight. 

Christopher  Marlowe:  Doctor  Faustus;  The  Massacre  of  Paris;  The 
Rich  Jew  of  Malta;  Tamerlane. 

John  M arston  :  Parasitaster  or  The  Fawn. 

John  Mason  :  The  Turke. 

Philip  Massinger  :  Believe  as  you  List;  The  Great  Duke  of  Florence;  The 
Virgin  Martyr. 

George  Peele:  Sir  Clyomon  and  Sir  Clamydes;  The  Turkish  Mahomet 
and  Hyrin  the  Fair  Greek. 

William  Rowley  :  A  Shoemaker  a  Gentleman. 

Julian  Robert  a  Segar  :  Larva. 

William  Shakespeare  :  The  Comedy  of  Errors;  Hamlet,  Prince  of  Denmark; 
Julius  Caesar;  King  Henry  IV;  King  Lear;  Merchant  of  Venice;  A  Mid- 
summer Night's  Dream;  Othello;  Romeo  and  Juliet;  Taming  of  the  Shrew; 
Titus  Andronicus;  A  Winter's  Tale;  Two  Gentlemen  of  Verona. 

Pseudo-Shakespearean  Plays:  Edward  III;  The  London  Prodigal; 
Mucedorus;  The  Two  Noble  Kinsmen;  A  Yorkshire  Tragedy. 

Lewis  Sharpe  :  The  Noble  Stranger. 

Robert  Shaw:  The  Four  Sons  of  Ahasverus. 

James  Shirley:  The  Maid's  Revenge;  The  Opportunity;  The  Traitor. 

John  Still,  Bishop  of  Bath:  Gammer  Gurton's  Needle. 

William  Warner  :  Menaechmi. 

Robert  Wilmot:  Tancred  and  Gismunde. 

Anonymous  plays:  Christabella  and  Sir  Eglamon;  The  Destruction  of 
Troy;  Everyman;  The  Four  Sons  of  Aymon;  Nobody  and  Somebody  with 
the  True  Chronicle  History  of  Eliadure  .  .  .;  The  Prodigal  Child;  Sir 
Thomas  More;  The  Tragical  Life  and  Death  of  Tiberius  Claudius  Nero; 
The  Weakest  Goeth  to  the  Wall. 

The  following  furthermore  seem  to  be  based  on  English  plays  which 
have  been  lost : 

Comoedia  von  der  schonen  Sidea,  wie  es  ihr  biB  zu  ihrer  Verheuratung 
ergangen;  Schone  lustige  triumphirende  Comoedia  von  eines  Koniges  Sohne 
aus  Engellandt  und  des  Koniges  Tochter  aus  Schottland;  Tugend  und 
Liebesstreit. 

Two  other  dramas  of  the  time,  however,  preserved  in  manuscript,  are 
deserving  of  passing  mention.  One  is  Speculum  Aistheticum,  a  translation 
of  Anthony  Brewer's  (?)  English  morality  play,  Lingua  or  The  Combat  of 
the  Tongue  and  the  Five  Senses  for  Superiority,  translated  by  Johannes 
Rhenanus,  the  court  physician  of  Landgraf  Moritz  von  Hessen;  the  other 
play  is  a  Latin  comedy  called  Larva,  sent  apparently  to  the  Hessian  court 


24        University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

by  some  young  English  student  at  Cambridge  in  appreciation  of  hospi- 
tality received.  It  was  probably  played  in  the  court  theater.  Bolte  sur- 
mises as  the  author  Johann  (Robert)  a  Segar.-5 

It  will  be  noted  that  Shakespearean  drama,  though  quite  anonymously, 
appeared  in  Germany  in  the  seventeenth  century:  Romeo  and  Juliet  in 
Nordlingen  in  1604,  Merchant  of  Venice  in  Passau  in  1607,  and  Twelfth 
Night  in  Graz,  1608.  The  Collection  Engelische  Comedien  und  Tragedien 
of  1620  also  included  "Eine  sehr  klagliche  Tragoedie  von  Tito  Andronico 
und  der  hoffertigen  Kayserinn." 

On  his  second  visit  to  Germany  Greene  offered  to  the  Dresden  court, 
1626,  versions  of  Romeo  and  Juliet,  Merchant  of  Venice,  Julius  Caesar, 
King  Lear,  and  Hamlet.  The  earlier  tragedy  Der  bestrafte  Brudermord  is 
not  in  the  direct  lineage  with  Hamlet,  but  has  a  common  ancestor.  Other 
dramas  played  before  1692  were  Henry  IV  and  the  "Tragicomodia"  of 
Othello.  Pyramus  and  Thisbe  from  the  Midsummer  Night's  Dream  was 
played  in  various  forms  before  the  time  of  Gryphius's  Peter  Squenz.  The 
Comedy  of  Errors  may  have  been  masked  under  the  title  Von  den  gleichen 
Briidern,  Dresden,  1660,  while  the  always  popular  Taming  of  the  Shrew 
lived  on  to  a  sedater  stage.  The  rector  Christian  Heimann  prepared  a 
version  for  the  students  at  the  Gymnasium  at  Zittau  under  the  title  Die 
wunderbare  Heurath  Petruio  mit  der  bosen  Caterinen,  1658.  The  more  fa- 
mous later  rector  of  the  school,  Christian  Weise,  wrote  a  new  text  for 
Die  bose  Katharina,  1705,  but  meanwhile  the  earliest  of  the  professional 
German  directors,  Magister  Velten,  had  included  it  in  his  repertory, 
Heidelberg,  1679,  and  Die  Kunst  iiber  alle  Kilnste,  ein  bos  Weib  gut  zu 
machen  had  been  played  and  even  printed,  1672. 

The  English  comedians  influenced  histrionics  rather  than  dramatic 
literature.  They  were  the  first  professional  players  in  Germany  and  their 
performances  easily  surpassed  the  "Schulkomodien,"  the  "Fastnachts- 
spiele,"  and  other  productions  of  the  "Ziinfte."  It  is  true  that  the 
"Ziinfte"  were  semiprofessional.  Their  members  joined  their  talents  and 
produced  plays  for  money  in  their  own  and  even  neighboring  cities,  but 
they  never  abated  their  dignity  as  citizens  and  master  workmen.  It  was 
their  aim,  as  Hans  Sachs's  Prologus  frequently  says: 

Ein  Tragedi  zu  recedirn 

In  teutscher  Sprach  zu  eloquirn. 

Amateur  players  from  the  peasant  and  less  distinguished  classes,  to  be 
sure,  may  have  been  less  restrained.  The  English  comedians  knew  no 
reserve  whatsoever.  It  was  their  aim  to  excite  fear,  horror,  or  belly 

25  Hartleb  [135]  82  and  Bolte  [134]  23,  28. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  25 

laughter.  They  submerged  their  own  individualities  in  the  parts  which 
they  played  and  studied  gesture  and  facial  expression  in  order  to  empha- 
size effects.  The  frequent  stage  direction  to  "tear  the  hair"  seems  to  have 
been  meant  and  understood  literally.  In  short,  the  comedians  gave  their 
all  for  their  art.  "Getting  it  over"  was  their  sole  aim  and  thereby  they 
exerted  a  deep  and  lasting  influence  upon  histrionics  in  Germany.  Their 
direct  successors  were  the  wandering  players  of  the  last  half  of  the  seven- 
teenth century,  among  whom  Velten  was  recognized  as  a  leader.  A  direct 
descendant  professionally  of  Velten  was  Frau  Neuber,  who  was  later  to 
join  for  a  time  with  Gottsched  in  the  purification  of  the  stage,  especially 
from  the  very  abuses  the  English  comedians  had  introduced. 

Systematic  attempts  have  been  made,  particularly  by  KaulfufS-Diesch 
and  Baeseke,26  to  reconstruct  the  stage  of  the  English  comedians  and 
describe  the  manner  of  presentation  of  the  plays.  The  text  of  1620  has 
served  as  the  basis  for  their  deductions,  but  Freden  has  so  impugned  the 
documentary  reliability  of  this  collection  that  it  is  wisest  to  admit 
ignorance.  The  manuscript  version  of  Niemand  und  Jemand  is  the  only 
one  which  can  be  traced  to  the  players  themselves.  It  was  apparently 
written  down  in  Graz  in  1608,  two  years  after  its  printed  publication  in 
London,  and  bears  the  name  of  "Johannes  Griin,  Nob.  Anglus,"  who 
makes  the  false  claim  that  he  is  the  author  of  the  play.  The  text  is  "a  fair 
copy  of  a  dictated  prototype."  The  scribe  was  apparently  a  well-educated 
man,  who  spoke  and  wrote  in  the  prevalent  dialect  of  Graz.27 

Since  internal  evidence  of  the  staging  of  the  plays  is  inconclusive  we 
may  pay  some  heed  to  contemporary  illustrations.  Elizabeth  Mentzel 
describes  a  woodcut  of  a  stage  in  Cassel,  Nuremberg  or  Frankfurt  used 
by  English  players  in  1597: 

Die  verhaltnismafiig  tiefe,  weniger  breite  Buhne  ist  durch  einen  zuriickziehbaren 
Vorhang  in  einen  grofleren  vorderen  und  kleineren  hinteren  Theil  geschieden.  .  .  .  Der 
vordere  Theil  des  Schauplatzes  liegt  etwas  niedriger  als  der  hintere,  zu  dem  auf  dem 
Holzschnitt  zwei  Stufen  fuhren.  Die  Buhne  hat  weder  einen  Vorhang  noch  Coulissen, 
aber  von  der  Decke  hangen  fahnenartig  einige  Stucke  Zeug  herab.28 

This  stage  then  was  not  greatly  unlike  that  of  the  Blackfriars  Theatre 
in  London.  The  bunting  suspended  from  the  roof  perhaps  had  signifi- 
cance, bright  blue  signifying  daytime,  and  dark  blue  or  black  to  suggest 
night,  but  it  does  not  follow  that  this  was  the  usual  stage.  On  the  con- 
trary the  players  had  to  adapt  themselves  to  any  facilities  offered.  After 
1648  or  thereabouts  they  found  a  few  stages  constructed  for  French  or 

26  See  bibliography  [91]  and  [95]. 

27  Kramer  [103]  85;  reprinted  in  Bischoff  [100]  and  Flemming  [69];  cf.  Kramer 
[103]  88 f. 

28  E.  Mentzel,  Geschichte  der  Schauspielkunst  in  Frankfurt  am  Main,  1882,  28. 


26        University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Italian  opera.  Before  that  time  the  most  advantageous  setting  offered 
was  a  "Ballhaus"  or  "Fechthaus."  The  stage  was  set  up  near  the  center 
of  one  side  of  a  quadrangle.  This  allowed  one  or  at  most  two  exits  at 
the  rear.  The  use  of  side  curtains  on  the  projecting  stage  is  improbable 
as  this  would  have  cut  off  the  view  of  many  spectators.  The  players  were 
accustomed  to  similar  conditions  in  England,  for  they  played  in  the 
provinces  rather  than  in  London.  Several  stage  directions  seem  to  indi- 
cate that  a  balcony  was  sometimes  used.  There  is  no  convincing  evidence 
that  a  curtain  separating  "Vorderbuhne"  and  "Hinterbuhne"  was  in  use 
before  1648.  After  that  time  advantage  was  taken  of  it  when  available 
on  stages  which  had  introduced  it  for  operatic  production.-9 

The  costuming  was  often  elaborate.  In  the  Magdeburger  Geldklage, 
1617,  of  Johannes  Olorinus  Variscus  [Johannes  Sommer,  pastor  at  Ober- 
weddingen  near  Magdeburg]  a  passage  reads:  "Da  mussen  die  Kragen 
mit  Perlen  besetzt  werden,  und  wird  ein  solcher  Pracht  gesehn,  dai3  sie 
einher  gehen,  wie  die  Englischen  Comodienspieler  im  Theatro."30  The 
troupe  of  Greene  had,  at  least  on  one  occasion,  a  special  "Kleiderbe- 
wahrer,"  and  Spencer,  whose  Tiirkische  Triumphkomodie  surpassed  all 
others  as  a  show  play,  once  presented  to  the  court  a  bill  for  1000  thaler 
for  expenditures. 

The  first  company  of  comedians,  that  of  Browne,  presented  its  plays 
at  the  outset  by  necessity  in  English,  in  Frankfurt  in  1592,31  in  Nurem- 
berg in  1593,  and  in  Cassel  and  Augsburg  as  late  as  1596.  But  the  Black- 
reude  troupe  presented  plays  at  Nuremberg  in  "schonen  deutschen  Rei- 
men"  in  1604,3-  the  Greene  troupe  played  Niemand  und  Jemand  in 
German  in  Graz  as  early  as  1608,33  and  by  the  year  1617  when  Menius 
recorded  its  productions  it  had  a  large  German  repertory.  During  the 
early  or  English-speaking  period  of  the  companies  the  English  verse  form 
was  probably  retained,  but  doubtless  monologues  and  dialogues  un- 
accompanied by  action  were  omitted  or  reduced.  The  change  from  Eng- 
lish to  German  separated  the  plays  still  further  from  the  original  and 
opened  the  portals  for  the  sure-fire  comedy  of  the  clown. 

The  role  of  the  fool  was  of  course  traditional  in  the  German  religious 
and  profane  drama  as  well  as  the  Elizabethan.  The  English  comedians, 
however,  introduced  new  grotesque  and  original  types.  Three  such  types 
may  be  distinguished — the  active,  the  passive,  and  the  acrobatic.  Jan 
Bouset  and  Pickelharing  were  of  the  passive  type,  "der  einfaltige  Tolpel;" 
Wursthansel  was  "der  Schlaukopf"  of  the  active  type.  The  acrobatic 
clown  was  called  "der  Springer."  Valentin  Miller's  Chronik  (Schmal- 

29  Pascal  [96].  32  Kaulfufi-Diesch  [91]  85. 

30  Cohn  [71]  cxxxvi.  33  Bischoff  [100]. 

31  Moryson  [73]. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  27 

kalden,  1595)  recorded  of  one  of  them:  "Er  sei  in  Paul  Merkerts  Hof 
gesprungen  und  die  Wand  rauf  gelaufen."34  These  various  types  were  not 
always  kept  apart  and  were  later  frequently  combined  with  the  Harlequin 
of  Italian  origin,  but  the  English  comedians  lacked  a  chief  prop  of  the 
older  German  drama,  the  good-natured  philosophic  fool,  who  under  the 
mask  of  folly  utters  deep  wisdom,  as  for  example  the  "Jeckle"  of  Hans 
Sachs  in  his  Esther.  Shakespeare  offered  such  characters  but  the  rude 
wandering  troupes  could  not  use  them.  As  Creizenach  says:  "Tiefsinniger 
und  gemiitvoller  Humor  war  nicht  ihre  Sache."35 

In  the  manuscripts  the  action  of  the  fool  is  sometimes  merely  indicated, 
as  in  Fortunatus,  "hier  agieret  Pickelharing;"  sometimes  the  entire  action 
was  comic,  as  in  the  "Singspiele" ;  and  again  the  action  was  originally  a 
minor  one  which  later  developed  into  major  importance.  In  the  English 
original  of  Niemand  und  Jemand  the  comic  element  makes  up  about  one- 
third  of  the  play,  in  the  German  version  of  1608  it  is  about  one-half,  and 
in  Menius's  version  of  1620  about  two-thirds.36  Since  the  comic  figure 
was  regarded  as  the  chief  character,  it  was  usually  played  by  the  leader 
of  the  company.  Sackville  played  Jan  Bouset,  Spencer  "Stockfisch,"  and 
Reinhold  "Pickelharing." 

In  Menius's  transcription  of  the  plays  "durchklingende  Verse"  are 
recognizable.  These  passages  have  given  rise  to  various  speculations. 
Kaulfufi-Diesch  said  that  the  first  translation  was  from  English  verse  to 
German  verse  and  that  the  1620  collection  represented  a  later  disinte- 
gration. Minor  believed  the  first  translation  was  from  English  verse  to 
German  prose,  and  that  the  "durchklingende  Verse"  of  1620  were  in 
conscious  imitation  of  the  Shakespearean  mixture  of  prose  and  verse.37 
Certain  it  is  that  verse  was  regarded  as  a  merit.  The  Blackreude  troupe 
advertised  its  "schone  deutsche  Reime."38  Johannes  Rhenanus  insisted 
on  the  merits  of  the  English  iambic  verse,39  and  two  of  Herzog  Heinrich 
Julius's  plays  were  later  turned  into  verse  by  a  reviser.40  The  "durch- 
klingende Verse"  are  no  longer  a  problem  since  the  appearance  of 
Freden's  work  on  Menius.  Titus  Andronicus  II,  2  has  the  following 
passage : 

The  hunt  is  up,  the  morn  is  bright  and  grey, 

The  fields  are  fragrant  and  the  woods  are  green: 

Uncouple  here  and  let  us  make  a  bay 

And  wake  the  Emperor  and  his  lovely  bride. 

34Herz  [85]  13. 

35  Creizenach  [67]  cviii.  Cf.  Kaulfufi-Diesch  [91]  114. 

36  Kaulfufi-Diesch  [91]  110. 

37  Minor  in  review  of  Kaulfufi-Diesch  [91]  Euphorion,  XIV  (1907)  801. 

38  Kaulfufi-Diesch  [91]  85. 
39Bolte  [134]  23. 

40  Minor  in  Euphorion,  XIV  (1907)  80  ff. 


28        University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

I  have  dogs,  my  lord, 
Will  rouse  the  proudest  panther  in  the  chase 
And  climb  the  highest  promontory  top. 
And  I  have  horse  will  follow  where  the  game 
Makes  way,  and  run  like  swallows  o'er  the  plain. 

The  collection  of  1620  reads: 

(Nun  ist  die  Morgenstunde  heran  gekommen,  und  man  jaget,  die  Jagerhorne  und 
Trumpeten  werden  geblasen.  Titus  Andronicus  kompt  herauss.) 

Titus  Andron.:  O  wie  lieblich  vnd  freundlich  singen  jetzt  die  Vogel  in  den  Lufften, 
ein  jeglich  suchet  jetzt  seine  Nahrung,  vnd  die  Jaget  ist  auch  schon  angefangen,  in 
Frewde  vnd  Herrligkeit. 

Both  Gundolf  and  Freden  cite  this  passage;  Gundolf  to  demonstrate 
the  tragic  fate  of  poetry  at  the  hands  of  the  comedians,  Freden  to  show 
the  inadequate  reporting  of  Menius.41 

When  the  literary  influence  of  the  English  comedians  is  discussed, 
four  names  come  under  consideration :  Herzog  Heinrich  Julius  von  Braun- 
schweig, Landgraf  Moritz  von  Hessen,  Jacob  Ayrer  of  Nuremberg,  and 
Andreas  Gryphius,  the  Silesian.  The  connections  are  not  as  close  as 
Cohn  and  others  have  represented  them.  In  1590  Heinrich  Julius  jour- 
neyed to  Copenhagen  to  fetch  home  his  second  wife  Elizabeth,  the 
daughter  of  Friedrich  II  of  Denmark.  During  the  festivities  there  he  saw 
for  the  first  time  productions  of  the  English  comedians.  This  may  have 
aroused  in  him  the  ambition  to  have  a  theater  of  his  own.  On  his  return 
to  Wolfenbuttel  he  began  to  write  plays,  and  in  1594  he  invited  Thomas 
Sackville  and  his  troupe  to  attend  his  court.  It  is  not  true  that  the  plays 
of  Heinrich  Julius  were  written  for  the  English  troupe.  Eight  or  more  of 
the  twelve  were  written,  or  partly  written,  before  the  arrival  of  the 
English  comedians.42  The  earliest,  his  Susanna,  originally  demanded 
thirty-five  actors,  the  second  version  only  twenty-two,  but  this  reduction 
also  took  place  before  the  Sackville  troupe  came  to  Wolfenbuttel.  The 
duke's  Tragoedie  von  einer  Ehebrecherin  is  unconnected  with  The  Merry 
Wives  of  Windsor,  and  Vincentius  Ladislaus  is  not  connected  with  Much 
Ado  about  Nothing.  These  plays  of  the  duke  were  written  before  their 
surmised  Shakespearean  relatives.43  With  the  probable  exception  of  Sack- 
ville, who  had  learned  enough  Low  German  to  play  the  important  role 
of  the  fool,  it  is  unlikely  that  any  of  the  English  comedians  took  part  in 
the  production  of  the  duke's  plays;  rather  they  presented  their  own  enter- 
tainments of  music,  dancing,  and  acting.44  After  1594  the  duke's  dramatic 

41  Gundolf  [652]  27;  Freden  [132]  81. 

42  Reprinted  in  [122]  and  [124]. 

43  Against  Cohn  [71]  and  Grimm  [123]  see  Knight  [128]  101-103,  107,  111. 

44  Pfutzenreuter  [129]  55  and  57. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  29 

production  ceased  as  suddenly  as  it  had  begun  and  by  1601  he  had  tired 
of  his  comedians  and  dismissed  them. 

One  ducal  play  alone  bears  signs  of  the  influence  of  the  comedians,  and 
for  that  reason  throws  light  on  the  fading  traditions  of  the  comedians  of 
England  as  well  as  of  Germany.  A  much  quoted  passage  in  "A  Warning 
to  Fair  Women,"  1599,  describes  the  prevailing  type  of  tragedy. 

How  some  damn'd  tyrant  to  obtain  a  crown 
Stabs,  hangs,  impoisons,  smothers,  cutteth  throats 

Then,  too,  a  filthy  whining  ghost, 
Lapt  in  some  foul  sheet  of  leather  pilch, 
Comes  screaming  like  a  pig  half  stick'd 
And  cries,  Vindicta! — Revenge,  Revenge! 

Hamlet,  Richard  III,  Locrine,  Caesar's  Revenge,  all  fit  this  description 
in  part,  but  there  is  no  extant  English  play  which  so  fully  includes  all  the 
specifications  as  does  Herzog  Heinrich  Julius's  Tragoedia  von  einem  un- 
gerathenen  Sohne,  a  play  which  bears  strong  evidence  of  being  based  upon 
an  "Ur-Hamlet."45  His  Tragoedia  von  einer  Ehebrecherin  throws  further 
light  upon  the  acting  tradition  in  England  and  on  the  continent,  as  do 
also  Gramsbergen's  Kluchtighe  Tragoedia  and  Gryphius's  Peter  Squenz.46 

It  is  known  that  the  Landgraf  Moritz  von  Hessen  also  wrote  plays 
for  his  company,  which  was  led  at  various  times  by  Brown,  Webster, 
Machin,  and  Reeve,  but  not  even  the  titles  of  his  pieces  can  be  ascer- 
tained. Of  interest  is  the  fact  that  the  presence  of  his  players  led  him  to 
build,  1603-1606,  the  first  theater  in  Germany  especially  devised  for 
dramatic  productions.47 

The  precise  relations  of  Jakob  Ayrer  of  Nuremberg,  1543-1605,  to  the 

English  comedians  is  a  problem  that  has  interested  investigators  since 

1817.  In  his  Deutsches  Theater  Ludwig  Tieck  recognized  that  Ayrer's 

dramas  stood  in  some  close  relation  to  the  English  dramas,  but  lacking 

accurate  data,  he  supposed  an  early  period  of  production  antedating 

Ayrer's  subjection  to  the  influence  of  the  comedians.  In  Bamberg,  where 

he  lived  from  1570-1592,  Ayrer  wrote,  to  be  sure,  a  single  drama,  but 

the  time  of  his  activity  was  1593-1605.  In  1593  he  moved  back  to  his 

birthplace,  Nuremberg.  In  that  same  year  and  frequently  thereafter 

during  the  entire  brief  period  of  his  dramatic  productivity  he  saw  the 

English  comedians  play,  but  there  is  no  evidence  of  any  development  in 

his  art.  His  plays  are  narratives  in  dialogue  form.  Their  length  is  not 

limited  by  action  or  character  unity,  for  Ayrer  had  no  ability  to  eliminate 

"Evans  [125]. 

48  Evans  [94]  and  [125]. 

47Hartleb  [135]. 


30        University  of  California  Publicatio?is  in  Modern  Philology 

the  unessential.  The  repertory  of  the  English  comedians  was  but  one 
of  his  sources.  He  drew  also  upon  Boccaccio,  Frischlin,  Wickram,  Hans 
Sachs,  and  the  folk  books.  He  knew  the  stage  of  Hans  Sachs  and  of  the 
English  comedians  and  wrote  for  the  latter.  Creizenach  attributes  to  him 
the  endeavor  to  unite  the  art  of  the  two.  From  Hans  Sachs  he  accepted 
the  rhymed  verse,  from  the  English  comedians  the  fool,  whose  function 
in  the  play  he  failed  to  understand ;  but  an  attempt  to  fuse  the  stages  of 
Sachs  and  the  comedians  was  foredoomed  to  failure,  if  for  no  other 
reason,  because  Ayrer  had  no  stage  at  his  disposal  and  probably  never 
saw  one  of  his  own  plays  produced.48  He  wrote  106  plays  of  which  69 
have  been  preserved,49  but  the  archives  of  Nuremberg  attest  to  no  pro- 
duction of  a  play  by  Ayrer.50 

It  is  unlikely  that  Ayrer  ever  had  in  his  hand  the  manuscript  of  a  play 
by  the  English  comedians.  He  saw  several  of  their  performances  and  thus 
derived  from  them  some  of  his  subject  matter.  His  Eroberung  von  Kon- 
stantinopel  owes  much  to  the  Tiirkische  Triumphkomodie,  which  in  turn 
goes  back  to  a  lost  play  of  George  Peele,  The  Turkish  Mahomet  and  Hyrin 
the  Fair  Greek.  His  Pelimperia  is  closely  related  to  Kyd's  Spanish  Trag- 
edy. His  Edward  III  may  be  related  to  the  pseudo-Shakespearean 
drama  of  the  same  name  but  more  likely  both  go  back  to  a  common 
source  in  Benedetto.  His  Comedia  vom  Konig  in  Cypern  is  connected  with 
Machin's  The  Dumb  Knight,  which  appeared  in  Spencer's  repertory  as 
Philole  und  Mariana  oder  Untreu  schlegt  seinen  eignen  Herrn.  His  Comedia 
von  einem  alien  Buler  und  Wucherer  follows  closely  the  words  and  action 
of  a  farce  of  the  English  comedians  Ein  lustig  Pickelhering spiel  von  der 
schonen  Maria  und  dem  alten  Hahnrei.  His  Comedia  von  zweyen  Briidern 
aus  Syracusa  stands  closer  to  Plautus  than  does  The  Comedy  of  Errors. 
His  Phenicia  goes  back  to  an  English  "TJr-Much  Ado"  brought  to  the 
Continent  and  then  made  over  into  a  novel  by  Brandt.  Ayrer  made  use 
of  Brandt's  novel,  the  play  of  the  comedians,  and  perhaps  of  Bandello's 
version  as  well.51  As  Ayrer  died  in  1605  and  the  Tempest  did  not  appear 
until  1610  it  can  have  no  connection  with  Ayrer's  Sidea  except  through 
some  common  source.52 

In  the  German  folk  book  Faust  appears  as  a  doctor  of  philosophy  and 
theology  only.  The  degree  of  doctor  of  laws  was  first  conferred  on  him  by 
Marlowe.  This  might  conceivably  have  been  reported  in  Nuremberg  by 
the  Brown  troupe  in  1596.  In  1597  Ayrer  published  a  work  called  Histori- 
scher  Processus  Juris.  In  it  Faustus  is  a  doctor  of  laws.  This  designation 
was  announced  in  1911  as  "das  erste  Zeugnis  fur  die  Bekanntschaft  mit 

48  Hofer  [121]  71.  61  Wodick  [120]  52-82. 

49  Ibid.,  1.  52Fouquet  [707]. 

50  Ibid.,  69. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  31 

Marlowes  Faustus  in  Deutschland."53  The  evidence  should  be  viewed 
with  skepticism,  however,  since  from  Ayrer's  tedious  account  of  the  dis- 
putation it  does  not  appear  that  the  learned  doctor  of  laws  is  identical 
either  with  the  necromancer  Georgius  Sabellicus,  Faustus  junior,  or  with 
Marlowe's  Doctor  Faustus. 

Ayrer,  as  little  as  Herzog  Heinrich  Julius,  formed  a  bridge  for  Shake- 
speare's entrance  into  Germany.  He  respected  the  old  Hans  Sachs  tra- 
dition but  was  stimulated  by  the  external  technique  of  the  English 
comedians  and  welcomed  additional  sources  for  his  plays.  Gundolf  says: 

Des  Schuhmachers  Werke  sind  alle  zusammengehalten  durch  jene  weltfreudige 
Stimmung,  daI3  es  so  viele  merkwurdige  Dinge  gibt,  die  man  seinen  lieben  Landsleuten 
mitteilen  kann.  .  .  .  Bei  Ayrer  fiihlt  man,  .  .  .  da  15  sie  nicht  mehr  aus  einem  Lebens- 
gefuhl  heraus  geschaffen  sind,  sondern  aus  der  selbstandig  und  erstarrt  weiter  rollen- 
den  Tradition.64 

To  Gundolf  all  this  is  symptomatic  of  social  and  political  decay.  He  sees 
in  Ayrer  "den  Zerfall  des  deutschen  Burgergeistes,"  in  Heinrich  Julius 
"die  Entfremdung  der  deutschen  Fiirsten,"  in  the  success  of  the  English 
comedians  "die  Fremdherrschaft."55 

All  plays  of  the  English  comedians  were  presented  without  recognition 
of  authorship  and  were  reduced  to  raw  material.  If  Shakespeare's  plays 
fared  rather  better  than  the  others  at  the  hands  of  the  comedians  it  was 
not  because  of  any  piety  on  their  part,  but  only  because  the  plots  of 
King  Lear,  Caesar,  Othello,  Romeo  and  Juliet,  Hamlet,  and  Merchant  of 
Venice  were  hardy.  They  might  be  mangled  but  they  could  not  quite  be 
killed.  And  mangled  they  were.  The  German  version  of  Hamlet  represents, 
in  Gundolf 's  words 

den  Sieg  der  Buhnenburleske  liber  Humor  und  Ironie,  Romeo,  den  Sieg  des  Opern- 
haften  iiber  das  Poetische,  der  Jud  von  Venedig,  den  Sieg  der  Garderobe  iiber  die 
Handlung.  .  .  .  Nacheinander  werden  weggefressen  Sprache,  Seele,  Symbolik,  Stim- 
mung, Charakteristik,  Sinn,  Handlung,  und  nacheinander  werden  herrschend  Stoff- 
masse,  Clown,  Dekoration,  Musik,  Garderobe.66 

The  one  successful  adaptor  of  an  English  play  was  Andreas  Gryphius. 
Writing  under  the  name  of  Philip-Gregorio  Riesentod  he  gives  in  the 
introduction  the  following  account  of  the  origin  of  his  Absurda  comica 
oder  H err  Peter  Squenz,  "Schimpff -Spiel,"  1687: 

So  wisse:  Dafi  der  umb  gantz  Deutschland  wolverdienete,  und  in  allerhand  Sprachen 
und  Mathemathischen  Wissenschaften  ausgeiibete  Mann,  Daniel  Schwenter,  selbigen 
zum  ersten  zu  Altdorff  auff  den  Schauplatz  gefiihret,  von  dannen  er  je  langer  je  weiter 

63  Castle  [116]. 

54  Gundolf  [652]  54. 

56  Ibid.,  56. 

66  Gundolf  [652]  47  f. 


32        University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

gezogen,  bifi  er  endlich  meinem  liebsten  Freunde  begegnet,  welcher  ihn  besser  aus- 
geriistet,  mit  neuen  Personen  vermehret,  und  nebens  einem  seiner  Trauerspiele  aller 
Augen  und  Urtheil  vorstellen  lassen. 

This  account  is  in  much  need  of  clarification.  It  is  not  recorded  that 
Daniel  Schwenter  wrote  any  comedy  called  "Peter  Squenz,"  but  he  did 
write  a  lost  play  called  Serenus  und  Violandra,  which  would  be  the 
appropriate  framework  for  a  "Peter  Squenz."  Schwenter  could  well  have 
seen  the  "Englische  Komodianten"  present  an  adaptation  of  the  peas- 
ants' play  in  A  Midsummer  Night's  Dream  at  Nordlingen  in  1604.  The 
phrase  "je  langer  je  weiter  gezogen"  can  well  refer  to  comedians  who 
took  up  his  play  and  presented  it  on  their  journey.  Gramsberger  of 
Amsterdam  made  use  of  the  subject  matter  in  a  play  called  Kluchtighe 
Tragoedie  of  den  Hartoog  van  Pierlepon,  which  was  published  in  1650  but 
might  well  have  been  played  before  that  date.  Gryphius  could  then  have 
seen  the  play  during  his  stay  in  Holland,  perhaps  about  the  year  1647. 
Gryphius  published  his  play  in  1657  but  indicated  that  it  was  written 
earlier,  probably  before  1650.  Comparison  shows  that  Gryphius  made 
many  changes  in  Gramsberger's  comedy.  These  are  of  such  a  nature 
as  to  suggest  that  Gryphius  had  seen  not  only  Gramsberger's  play  but 
the  play  of  Schwenter  as  produced  by  the  comedians.  Despite  the  od- 
yssey  of  Shakespeare's  play,  or  perhaps  because  of  it,  a  comedy  devel- 
oped in  accord  with  Lessing's  prescription,  for  out  of  the  sleeve  of  the 
giant  Shakespeare's  mantle  Gryphius  made  an  excellent  robe. 


Part  Two 
RATIONALISM,  SENTIMENTALISM,  AND  GENIUS 


Chapter  III 
THE  EIGHTEENTH  CENTURY 

Und  warum  ist's  falscher  Geschmack,  dem  Britten  zu  folgen? 

1st  er  nicht  naher  mit  uns  verwandt,  als  Galliens  Sklaven, 

Denen  Gebrauch  und  Grammatik  die  starksten  Fliigel  beschneiden? 

Deutsches  sachsisches  Blut  schlagt  in  Brittanniens  Barden. 

Schande  genug,  daB  Enkel  von  uns  uns  langst  iibertroffen, 

Aber  noch  groBere  Schande,  wenn  wir  nicht  Enkel  verstunden, 

Und  die  gedankenreichsten  Gesange  fur  schwiilstig  erklarten. 

Aber  noch  brennt  auch  in  unserem  Deutschland  das  heilige  Feuer, 

Das  von  germanischen  Barden  auf  brittische  Barden  gekommen. 

GroBer  Millton,  wer  konnt,  auch  bey  uns  dich  schoner  verewgen, 

Als  ein  Bodmer  und  Klopstock  durch  ihre  gottlichen  Lieder! 

Die  unsterbliche  Rowe  singt  aus  dem  fuhlenden  Wieland ; 

Du,  mein  Gartner,  Giseke,  Gleim,  Schmidt,  Gellert  und  Schlegel, 

Rammler,  Lessing,  und  Dusch ;  und  du  freymiithiger  Huber, 

Ihr  seyd  alle  Germaniens  Zierde ;  und  alle  Verehrer 

Der  mit  uns  so  nahe  verschwisterten  brittischen  Musen. 

Und  konnt  ich  dich,  Ebert,  vergessen!  Du,  der  du  die  Sprache 

Dieses  denkenden  Volkes  zu  deinem  Eigenthum  machest? 

Du,  der  Herold  von  jedem  Genie  der  dichtrischen  Insel, 

Wirst  mit  mir  voll  Mitleid  die  kriechenden  Dunse  verachten, 

Die  ihre  Prosa  voll  hinkender  Reime  zur  Gottinn  erheben, 

Oder  vielleicht  gliiht  schon  ein  glucklicher  Schiller  von  Popen, 

Welcher  die  stolzen  Zwerge  mit  Dunciaden  verewigt. 

Thus  Zacharia  in  his  Tageszeiten,  1755/  emphasizes  one  of  the  leading 
trends  of  German  literature  at  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century,  the 
preference  of  the  younger  school  of  poets  for  English  literature.  The 
English  leadership  continued.  Goethe  said  to  Eckermann  in  1824: 
"Unsere  Romane,  unsere  Trauerspiele,  woher  haben  wir  sie,  als  von 
Goldsmith,  Fielding  und  Shakespeare?"2  And  Herder  asserted  in  1797: 

Von  den  Englandern  selbst  [sind]  ihre  treflichsten  Schriftsteller  kaum  mit  so  reger 
treuer  Warme  aufgenommen  worden,  als  von  uns  Shakespeare,  Milton,  Addison, 
Swift,  Thomson,  Sterne,  Hume,  Robertson,  Gibbon,  aufgenommen  sind.  Richardsons 
drei  Romane  haben  in  Deutschland  ihre  goldne  Zeit  erlebet;  Youngs  Nachtgedanken, 
Tom  Jones,  Der  Landpriester,  haben  in  Deutschland  Sekten  gestiftet.3 

Literary  Germany  in  the  eighteenth  century  was  involved  in  a  process 
of  reorientation.  Critics  and  poets  were  turning  away  from  the  dogmas 
of  the  French  classical  school  and  seeking  the  inspiration  of  the  classics 
at  the  fountain  head.  Simultaneously  English  literature  gained  the  ascend- 
ancy in  their  minds  over  French  models,  and  the  upshot  of  both  to- 

1  Op.  cit.,  Rostock,  1756;  ed.  2,  1757,  62  f.  3  Herder,  Werke,  XVIII  208. 

2  Eckermann,  Gesprache,  142. 

[35] 


36        University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

gether  was  the  attainment  of  literary  independence  on  the  part  of  Ger- 
many. This  was  the  all-important  goal.  As  one  critic  has  said:  "Nicht 
mit  Hilfe  der  romanischen  Literaturen,  sondern  durch  die  stammver- 
wandte  englische  sind  wir  im  achtzehnten  Jahrhundert  ans  Ziel  des  lang- 
jahrigen  Strebens  gelangt."  The  same  critic  says  elsewhere:  "Hatte  die 
franzosische  Literatur  einen  vorwiegend  formalen  Einnufi  ausgeiibt,  so 
wirkte  die  englische  hauptsachlich  stofnich,''4 — but  certainly  not  to  the 
exclusion  of  form.  Addison  was  looked  upon  as  a  master  of  prose,  and 
Pope,  for  a  time,  of  verse.  Later  the  Germans  echoed  Thomson's  tone 
and  attempted  to  soar  with  Milton  in  his  flight.  They  reproduced  the 
letter  form  of  Richardson's  novels,  Fielding's  direct  appeal  to  the  reader, 
and  the  zigzag  course  of  Tristram  Shandy.  Above  all,  the  Shakespearean 
form  of  the  drama  broke  down  the  prevailing  French  conventions.  It  is 
true  that  in  the  attempt  to  imitate  the  English  models  new  concepts  were 
added  to  the  German  language.  Friendship,  religious  fervor,  introspec- 
tion, patriotism,  and  sentimentality  were  fostered,  and  the  feeling  for 
popular  poetry  was  developed  in  part  under  English  influences.  But  even 
so,  such  influences  were  not  "stofnich,"  but  rather,  to  make  use  of 
Gundolf's  distinction,  "Stoff,  Form,  Gehalt,"  they  were  influences  of 
the  third  and  highest  kind. 

Direct  personal  contact  of  an  author  with  a  foreign  country  was  still 
unusual  at  the  beginning  of  the  eighteenth  century,  and  Germany  re- 
ceived few  distinguished  visitors.  Addison  and  Sterne  included  France 
and  Italy  in  their  itineraries,  leaving  Germany  aside  as  Milton  had 
done  before  them.  It  was  not  until  the  end  of  the  century  that  Coleridge 
and  Wordsworth  arrived  as  harbingers  of  a  more  active  interest.  German 
visitors  to  England  became  more  frequent  as  the  century  advanced. 
Among  the  first  notable  poets  to  visit  England  were  Haller  and  Hage- 
dorn.  The  value  of  Haller's  short  stay  in  England  in  1727  was  impaired 
by  his  imperfect  command  of  the  English  language. 

Earlier  and  better  than  any  of  his  contemporaries  Hagedorn  succeeded 
in  conveying  some  of  the  English  spirit  into  the  German  literary  guild. 
His  sojourn  in  England,  1729-1731,  was  a  turning  point  in  his  own  poetic 
career.  It  is  true  that  as  a  native  of  Hamburg  he  had  enjoyed  a  certain 
contact  with  English  literature  in  his  youth  and  had  even  contributed  to 
the  Hamburg  Patriot  two  letters  of  the  Spectator  type.  Moreover  at  Jena 
he  had  become  familiar  with  the  philosophy  of  Wolff,  the  popularizer  not 
only  of  Leibniz  but  also  of  Shaftesbury  and  the  English  deists.  Yet  in 
his  Versuch  einiger  Gedichte,  1729,  poems  inspired  by  Horace  contrast 
with  others  in  the  style  of  Hofmannswaldau  and  his  muse  is  wavering 
and  undetermined.  Then  came  Hagedorn's  two  years  in  London,  "die 

4  Koch  [141]  40  and  7. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  37 

einzigen  Jahre,"  as  he  later  wrote  Bodmer,  "die  ich  wieder  zu  erleben 
wiinschte."5  In  England  he  published  two  short  articles,  never  identified, 
in  the  English  language.6  There  is  no  evidence  that  he  became  acquainted 
with  Pope,  Thomson,  Young,  Richardson,  Gay,  or  any  other  English 
men  of  letters,  but  he  knew  their  works  and  added  them  to  his  excellent 
and  well-read  library.7 

The  English  poetry  of  the  time  appealed  to  Hagedorn's  optimistic  and 
carefree  nature  and  its  love  of  country  life.  Its  philosophy  of  happiness, 
freedom,  and  friendship;  and  its  hatred  of  pedantry  and  servility,  so 
in  harmony  with  Horace's,  he  readily  made  his  own.  A  philosophy  of 
happiness  was  looked  upon  with  suspicion  in  Protestant  circles  in  Ger- 
many, and  pedantry,  factionalism,  class  pride,  and  servility  prevailed 
even  in  literary  circles.  It  was  the  release  from  this  stifling  atmosphere 
that  so  endeared  London  life  to  him  for  he  was  a  good  fellow  among  his 
colleagues,  ever  ready  to  lend  a  hand  or  even  a  book,8  asking  no  deference 
from  his  less  successful  competitors  and  heedless  of  his,  to  be  sure  some- 
what doubtful,  title  of  nobility.  Only  in  his  Horatian  praise  of  country 
life  he  may  have  professed  too  much. 

In  the  year  1763  Justus  Moser  was  called  to  London  on  a  mission 
connected  with  the  regency  of  the  English  royal  house  over  the  bishopric 
Osnabriick.  He  remained  there  eight  months  and  saw  England  during 
one  of  her  most  prosperous  periods.  He  was  a  keen  and  interested  observer 
of  the  operation  of  constitutional  law,  politics,  industry,  trade,  literature, 
drama,  national  recreation,  and  above  all  of  all  types  of  human  character. 
His  biographer  Nicolai  says:  "Seine  unnachahmliche  Laune  ward  hier 
hauptsachlich,  wo  nicht  erweckt,  doch  noch  mehr  entwickelt."9  Five 
years  after  his  return,  Moser  founded  Die  Osnabriickischen  Intelligenz- 
bldtter,  patterned  after  English  weeklies  he  had  seen.  In  it  he  published 
his  Patriotische  Phantasien.  Goethe  compared  Moser  with  Franklin  "in 
Absicht  auf  Wahl  gemeinnutziger  Gegenstande,  auf  tiefe  Einsicht,  freie 
Ubersicht,  gluckliche  Behandlung,  so  griindlichen  als  frohen  Humor,"10 
while  Nicolai  called  him  Addison's  peer  as  a  statesman  and  man  of  affairs, 
and  said : 

Beiden  war  die  feine  Weltkenntnis,  die  ungesuchte  Eleganz,  der  Sinn  fur  das 
Schickliche,  die  mannigfaltige  Einkleidung  und  die  Gabe,  ganz  kleine  Gegenstande  zu 

5  "Ungedruckte  Brief e  in  Zurich";  cf.  Coffman  [243]  321. 

6  Hagedorn,  Werke,  IV  9. 

7  Hagedorn  makes  at  least  75  references  to  English  literature;  cf.  Coffman  [243] 
90-97. 

8  Hagedorn  lent  Bodmer  Turnbull's  edition  of  Shaftesbury  and  Johnson's  Plan  of  a 
Dictionary  of  the  English  Language.  He  lent  Brockes  all  his  works  on  Chaucer  and 
Hume's  Essays.  Vetter  [214]. 

9  Nicolai,  "Leben  Mosers"  in  Moser,  Werke,  ed.  Abeken,  Berlin,  1843,  X  30. 

10  Goethe,  Werke,  I  (28)  240  f. 


38        University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

wichtigen  Folgen  anzuwenden,  gemein.  Der  Zuschauer  und  die  Phantasien  stehen  in 
gleichem  Range.11 

The  Swiss  poet  Tscharner  made  a  trip  to  England  in  1751  especially 
to  visit  Young,  with  whom  he  spent  two  or  three  days.12  Lessing's  cousin, 
Mylius,  included  English  literature  in  the  scope  of  his  planned  investiga- 
tions but  died  soon  after  his  arrival  in  London  in  1754.  In  England 
Hamann  experienced  his  religious  crisis  and  gained  there  the  command 
of  the  language  necessary  to  his  later  studies.  Sturz  accompanied  Chris- 
tian VII  of  Denmark  to  England,  August  to  October,  1768,  and  found 
time  to  make  the  acquaintance  of  Garrick,  Colman,  Macpherson,  and 
Doctor  Johnson. 

The  poet  and  artist  Johann  Heinrich  Fiissli,  compelled  for  political 
reasons  to  flee  from  Zurich,  took  up  his  abode  in  London,  1763-1777. 
On  the  advice  of  Reynolds  he  devoted  himself  chiefly  to  painting,  but 
found  time  to  participate  in  English  and  German  literature  and  to  serve 
as  a  moderator  between  the  two.  He  was  acquainted  with  Smollett, 
Sterne,  and  Doctor  Johnson  and  wrote  to  Lavater  reports  on  the  state 
of  English  literature  which  were  passed  on  to  Herder,  Zimmermann, 
Goethe,  and  Merck.  Early  associated  with  Bodmer,  he  was  an  opponent 
of  Nicolai  and  the  Berlin  "Aufklarung."  Although  fifteen  years  younger 
than  Hamann  he  may  be  regarded  as  one  of  the  earliest  forerunners  of 
the  "Sturm  und  Drang"  movement. 

Toward  the  end  of  the  century  German  visitors  had  only  praise  for 
English  literature  and  life.  Lichtenberg  was  called  by  his  colleagues  at 
Gottingen  an  Anglophile.  He  made  two  trips  to  England,  1771  and  1775, 
and  was  well  received  by  court  and  theater.  The  king  accepted  him  as  a 
friend  and  Garrick  said  his  English  was  the  best  he  had  ever  heard  from 
the  lips  of  a  foreigner.13 

Karl  Philipp  Moritz  traveled  afoot  in  England  and  thus  learned  to 
know  intimately  the  simple  folk.  He  was  impressed  by  the  close  bond 
between  poet  and  people.  In  his  Reisen  eines  Deutschen  in  England  im 
Jahre  1782  he  wrote : 

Ausgemacht  ist  es,  da(3  die  englischen  klassischen  Schriftsteller,  ohne  alle  Ver- 
gleichung,  haufiger  gelesen  werden,  als  die  deutschen.  Meine  Wirtin,  die  nur  eine 
Schneiderwitwe  ist,  liest  ihren  Milton,  und  erzahlt  mir,  dafi  ihr  verstorbner  Mann  sie 
eben  wegen  der  guten  Deklamation,  womit  sie  den  Milton  las,  zuerst  liebgewonnen 
habe.  Dieser  einzelne  Fall  wurde  nichts  beweisen,  allein  ich  habe  schon  mehrere  Leute 
von  geringerem  Stande  gesprochen,  die  alle  ihre  Nationalschriftsteller  kannten  und 
teils  gelesen  hatten.  Dies  veredelt  die  niedern  Stande  und  bringt  sie  den  Hohern 

11  Moser,  Werke,  X  73. 

12  Kind  [625]  77  f. 

13  Lichtenberg,  Brief e,  ed.  Leitzmann  and  Schiiddekopf,  Leipzig,  1901,  I  240. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  39 

naher.  Es  gibt  dort  beinahe  keinen  Gegenstand  der  gewohnlichen  Unterredung  im 
hohern  Stande,  woriiber  der  niedre  nicht  auch  mitsprechen  konnte.  In  Deutschland 
ist  seit  Gellerten  noch  kein  Dichtername  eigentlich  wieder  im  Munde  des  Volks  ge- 
wesen.14 

Four  years  later  England  found  another  enthusiastic  appreciator  in 
the  author  of  Die  Geschichte  des  Frduleins  von  Sternheim.  The  high  point 
of  the  forty  days  of  Sophie  La  Roche  in  England  was  her  visit  to  Fanny 
Burney.15  Otherwise  for  her,  as  for  her  predecessors,  the  center  of  interest 
was  London  life  and  the  London  theater.16 

If  English  men  of  letters  failed  to  visit  Germany  they  were  at  least 
accessible  through  correspondence.  Haller,  Klopstock,  and  Meta  wrote 
admiring  letters  to  Richardson.  Klopstock  opened  up  a  futile  correspond- 
ence with  Macpherson  regarding  the  presumable  melodies  of  the  Ossianic 
songs,17  and  Young  replied  graciously  to  Klopstock  and  his  other  German 
admirers,  promising  to  meet  them  in  heaven. 

More  broadly  effective,  however,  was  the  mediation  of  journalism. 
The  Spectator,  Tatler,  and  Guardian  were  the  pioneers  here  and  their 
work  was  of  transcendant  importance.18  The  English  magazines,  and  the 
French  as  well,  were  plundered  of  their  content,  usually  without  acknowl- 
edgment. The  Frankfurter  gelehrte  Anzeigen  borrowed  over  a  hundred 
pages  from  the  Monthly  Review,  the  Gentleman's  Magazine,  as  well  as 
from  the  Mercure  de  France,19  and  Christian  Felix  Weisse,  as  editor  of  the 
Bibliothek  der  schonen  Wissenschaften,  borrowed  reviews  systematically 
from  such  leading  English  journals  as  the  Monthly  Review  and  the  Critical 
Review.-0  Such  practices  led  the  Neues  Hannoverisches  Magazin  to  publish 
an  indignant  article  entitled:  "Uber  die  Diebstahle  der  Gelehrten."21 

English  satires  were  frequently  drafted  for  service  in  German  literary 
feuds.  Christian  Wernigke  had  served  as  a  diplomat  in  London  and  Paris, 
but  literature  was  his  main  preoccupation.  A  deserter  from  the  so-called 
second  Silesian  school,  he  made  an  attack,  in  the  second  edition  of  his 
Uber schrif ten,  1701,  upon  his  once  admired  Lohenstein.  Christian  Postel, 
a  leading  admirer  of  the  Hamburg  opera  and  of  bombast  generally,  re- 
torted with  a  sonnet,  to  which  Wernigke  replied  with  his  Heldengedicht, 
Hans  Sachs  genannt,  aus  dem  englischen  ubersetzt,  1702.  This  was  in 
reality  an  adaptation  of  Dryden's  MacFlecknoe  or  a  Satyr  on  the  True 
Blew  Protestant  Poet  T.  S.  (Thomas  Shadwell) .  In  it  Stelpo  (Postel)  and 

14Zur  Linde  [280]  24  f. 

15  Robertson  [252]. 

16  Kelly  [144]. 

17  See  pp.  129  f.,  below. 

18  See  pp.  51  ff.,  below. 

19  See  Trieloff  [202]. 

20  Giessing  [292]  and  Wilkie  [293]. 

21  hoc.  cit.,  1800;  quoted  by  Giessing  [292]  32. 


40        University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Hans  Sachs  are  made  to  play  the  unwelcome  roles  of  Shadwell  and 
MacFlecknoe.  Bodmer  reprinted  the  work  in  1741,  associating  the  rhym- 
ing Gottsched  with  the  Hans  Sachs-Stelpo  school.  It  passed  through 
four  editions  during  the  Leipzig-Swiss  controversy. 

In  1737  Bodmer  published  a  translation  of  two  cantos  of  Hudibras 
without  any  attempt  at  adaptation.  "Ein  Hudibras  fur  uns  ware  Uber- 
flufi  und  unnotig,  wir  leben  nicht  mehr  in  den  schwarmerischen  Zeiten 
Karls  des  Ersten."22  His  rendering  was  in  prose  and  he  misquoted  Addi- 
son to  the  effect  that  the  rhyme  was  a  matter  of  minor  importance. 
Gottsched  reviewed  the  translation  and  hoped  for  a  translation  in  verse, 
"und  zwar  in  solche,  die  hubsch  altfrankisch  klingen."23  He  volunteered 
a  few  specimens  of  his  own  fabrication.  When  Bodmer's  friend  Waser 
completed  Bodmer's  translation  in  1765,  even  Haller  was  compelled  to 
agree  with  Gottsched  in  regretting  the  prose  form.24  The  earliest  complete 
verse  translation  of  Hudibras  was  that  of  Soltau  in  1787,  but  meanwhile 
fragmentary  translations  in  verse  had  appeared  in  the  Teidscher  MerkurP 

When  the  conflict  with  Gottsched  was  at  its  height,  Bodmer  made 
further  efforts  to  turn  English  satires  to  his  advantage.  In  his  Complott 
der  herrschenden  Poeten,  1742,  he  borrowed  some  motifs  from  Pope's 
Dunciad.26  Later  he  projected  a  Dunciad  of  his  own,  a  fragment  of  which 
appeared  in  1747  with  an  introduction  indicating  German  counterparts 
of  Pope's  dunces.  Certain  lines  were  consecrated  to  Mylius,  Schwabe, 
and  others,  but  Bodmer's  satire  fell  rather  flat  on  the  whole,  and  the 
Swiss  were  as  little  successful  as  Gottsched  in  claiming  Pope  as  sanction 
for  their  party.  Young's  satires  made  little  stir  in  Germany.  Written 
1725-1728,  they  were  first  commented  on  in  1745.  Both  Bodmer  and 
Gottsched  translated  fragments  of  them,  the  latter  attributing  them  to 
Glover.27 

Bodmer  fared  little  better  with  his  Geschichte  Edward  Grandisons  in 
Gorlitz,  1755.  The  idea  of  satirizing  his  literary  opponent  in  a  novel  he 
may  have  derived,  like  the  later  Musaus,  from  Fielding's  Joseph  Andrews. 
Passing  through  Gorlitz,  Edward  Grandison,  a  second  Charles  Grandi- 
son,  listens  to  the  vituperations  of  Schonaich,  Gottsched,  and  others  of 
the  camp  against  the  Swiss  writers.  The  mention  of  Milton's  name  in 
their  connection  arouses  his  curiosity.  He  reads  for  himself  some  works 
of  the  rival  groups  and  promptly  decides  in  favor  of  the  Swiss.  Bodmer 

22  Bodmer  [289]. 

23  Beytrdge  zur  critischen  Historie  .  .  .,  XVII  (1737)  71. 

24  GGA,  1766,  32. 

25  Canto  I  by  "K,"  Teutscher  Merkur,  1778,  III  222-237  and  1778,  IV  201-224. 
Also  a  part  of  Canto  I  by  S[oltau]  in  1779. 

26  Eichler  [364]  233.  Cf.  Baumgartner  [360]. 

27  Kind  [625]  120. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  41 

was  at  least  coauthor  of  this  work,  though  it  was  published  under  Wie- 
land's  name.28 

On  the  whole,  such  feeble  imitations  of  English  satire  prove  nothing 
more  than  a  desire  on  the  part  of  the  leading  German  literary  cliques  to 
measure  themselves  by  the  standards  of  English  criticism  and  find 
themselves  not  wanting.  Their  observations  led  to  no  valuable  creative 
work.  Rabener  may  have  borrowed  a  little  from  Swift  here  and  there  and 
used  it  in  his  comparatively  tame  satires.  Hagedorn  discovered  "Swifti- 
sche  Erfindung"  in  Liscow's  Briontes,  1732,29  and  Bodmer  joined  with 
others  in  calling  him  "der  deutsche  Swift,"  but  Pope,  Arbuthnot,  and 
Boileau  were  far  more  important  to  Liscow  than  Swift.30  There  were 
comparatively  few  attempts  to  adapt  Swift's  works  to  German  condi- 
tions. Schwabe  in  his  translation  of  The  Art  of  Sinking  in  Poetry  goes 
farthest  in  this  direction.  At  Gottsched's  suggestion  he  undertook  to 
provide  examples  of  bathos  from  German  poets  as  well  as  from  English.31 

As  for  Swift's  account  of  Gulliver's  Travels,  its  satiric  and  misanthropic 
intent  was  noted  and  condemned  at  least  by  Wieland.  A  French  transla- 
tion published  in  Holland  in  1727  was  sold  out  in  a  few  months.  There- 
upon the  work  was  translated  into  German  (Hamburg  and  Leipzig)  in 
the  same  year,  apparently  from  the  French.32  Three  other  translations 
were  made  during  the  course  of  the  century.33  A  reviewer  of  a  translation 
of  1804  assumed  that  every  one  was  familiar  with  the  work,34  but  the 
evidence  is  not  convincing.  It  is  certain,  however,  that  Swift's  literary 
character  and  many  of  his  works  were  known  to  German  men  of  letters. 
Gottsched,  Bodmer,  Haller,  Hagedorn,  Liscow,  Rabener,  Gellert,  Kast- 
ner,  Lessing,  Lichtenberg,  Herder,  Kant,  and  Goethe  refer  to  him  in 
some  way  and  chiefly  with  respect,35  though  specific  mention  of  Gulliver's 
Travels  is  relatively  infrequent.  Because  the  full  satiric  import  of  the 
work  was  not  generally  grasped  it  was  regarded  chiefly  as  a  book  for 
children. 

28  Re  the  authorship  see  Hordorff  in  Euphorion,  XIX  (1912)  66-91;  Budde,  "Wie- 
land and  Bodmer,"  in  Palaestra,  LXXXIX  (1910)  103-129;  Vetter  [216];  and 
Waniek  [238]  index. 

29  Litzmann,  B.  Christian  Ludwig  Liscow  .  .  .,  Hamburg,  1888,  73. 

30  Ibid.,  74. 

31  Anti  Longin  oder  die  Kunst  in  der  Poesie  zu  kriechen,  anfalnglich  von  dem  Herrn  D. 
Swift  den  Englandern  zum  besten  geschrieben,  itzo  zur  Verbesserung  des  Geschmacks  bey 
uns  Deutschen  iibersetzt  und  mit  Exemplen  aus  englischen,  vornehmlich  aber  aus  unsern 
deutschen  Dichtern  durchgehends  erldutert,  Leipzig,  1734. 

32  Wieland,  Schriften,  I  7,  pp.  384-392. 

33  Waser,  Frankfurt  and  Leipzig,  1761;  Kfroger],  Kopenhagen,  1786-1787;  Ris- 
beck,  Zurich,  1788.  Cf.  BlaBneck  [18]  94-98. 

34  Philippovic  [601]. 

35  Cf.  Index. 


42        University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Despite  the  frequency  with  which  their  names  have  been  linked, 
Lichtenberg  was  rather  apathetic  to  Swift.  A  recent  biographer  says: 

Swift  spielt  in  Lichtenbergs  Bemerkungen  so  gut  wie  keine  Rolle,  von  einer  Sympathie 
zu  dem  groBen  Hasser  ist  keine  Rede.  Lichtenberg  mochte  die  dunkle  Damonie  dieses 
Nihilismus  spuren  und  hat  sich  ihr  instinktiv  entzogen.  Eine  Nachahmung  von 
Gullivers  Reisen  ist  das  Fragment  "Lorenz  Eschenheimers  empfindsame  Reise  nach 
Laputa,"  das  bereits  nach  einigen  Satzen  abbricht.36 

In  Dichtung  und  Wahrheit  Goethe  says  that  Herder  was  known  in  his 
intimate  circle  as  "der  Dechant,"  "weil  [er]  unter  alien  Schriftstellern 
und  Menschen  Swiften  am  meisten  zu  ehren  schien."37  It  is  time  that 
we  should  dismiss  the  idea  that  Goethe  in  his  Stella  had  in  mind  the 
situation  of  Swift,  between  Stella  and  Vanessa.  It  is  not  even  certain 
that  that  episode  in  his  life  was  known  to  the  Germans  in  1775. 38 

The  social  criticism  implied  in  Daniel  Defoe's  The  Life  and  Surprising 
Adventures  of  Robi?ison  Crusoe,  1719,  was  more  readily  assimilated  in 
Germany.  This  novel  was  of  all  English  works  the  earliest  to  become  a 
part  of  world  literature.39  It  was  translated  into  German  in  1720  by 
Magister  Ludwig  Vischer,  and  passed  into  a  second  edition  the  following 
year.40  Probably  the  earliest  imitation  was  Der  teutsche  Robinson  oder 
Bernhard  Creutz,  das  ist  Eines  ubelgearteten  Jitnglings  seltsame  Lebens- 
beschreibung  .  .  .  ,  1722.  There  followed  a  "frankischer,"  "pfalzischer," 
"westfalischer,"  "brandenburgischer,"  "Leipziger,"  and  "Berliner"  Rob- 
inson. Along  with  these  there  appeared  "der  medizinische,"  "der  geist- 
liche,"  "der  buchhandlerische,"  and  even  "der  judische  Robinson."41 
Of  all  imitations  the  most  successful  was  Campe's  Robinson  der  J  linger  e, 
1779,  which  passed  into  its  150th  edition  in  1891. 4-  By  that  time  it  had 
been  translated  into  French,  Italian,  Spanish,  Latin,  English,  Dutch, 
Danish,  Swedish,  Polish,  Lithuanian,  Turkish,  and  ancient  Greek.  A 
mere  list  of  the  imitations  and  imitations  of  imitations  requires  a  stout 
volume,43  but  if  we  seek  for  influence  we  must  look  elsewhere. 

36  Grenzmann,  W.  Georg  Christoph  Lichtenberg,  Salzburg  und  Leipzig,  1939,  102. 
The  title  of  the  satire  was  Lorenz  Eschenheimers  empfindsame  Reise  nach  Lapita; 
Schreiben  des  Hrn  vx6  +  dxbddy  Tridlrub,  Aeltesten  der  Akademie  zu  Lagoda,  das 
Empfindsame  im  Reisen  zu  Wasser  und  zu  Lande  und  im  Hause  sitzend  betreffend,  aus 
dem  Hochbalnabarischen  ubersetzt  von  M.  S.  M.  S.  =  Martinus  Scriblerus.  Cf.  Lichten- 
bergs "Tagebuch"  under  date  of  October  7,  1785. 

37  Goethe,  Werke,  I  (28)  111. 

38  Castle,  In  Goethes  Geist,  Wien  und  Leipzig,  1926,  113  f. 

39  Ullrich  [344]  records  the  following  translations:  5  Dutch,  49  French,  21  German 
(chiefly  before  the  appearance  of  Campe's  Robinson  der  Jiingere  in  1778),  5  Danish, 
4  Swedish,  3  Polish,  2  Spanish,  2  Arabic,  2  Old  Grecian,  1  Finnish,  1  Turkish,  1 
Maori,  1  Bengalese,  1  Maltese,  1  Hungarian,  1  Armenian,  2  Hebrew,  1  Gaelic,  2  Por- 
tuguese, 1  Esthonian,  and  1  Persian.  Cf.  Ullrich,  Defoes  Robinson  Crusoe,  die  Ge- 
schichte  eines  Weltbuches,  Leipzig,  1924. 

40  Re  the  translator  see  Bibliography  [357] -[359]. 

41  Flindt  [143]  8.         42  Philippovic  [601]  28.  43  Ullrich  [344]  67-83. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  43 

The  first  element  in  Robinson  Crusoe  is  adventure  on  land  and  sea. 
This  connects  it  with  the  seventeenth-century  novel.  A  second  element 
is  made  up  of  the  philosophy  and  theology  Robinson  develops  in  his 
isolation.  Robinson  was  pious,  but  not  in  the  German  sense  a  pietist.  He 
preferred  to  remain  asocial.  In  1731  Schnabel  wrote  a  novel  which  was 
a  "Robinsonade"  with  a  pietistic  nuance.  In  1828  Tieck  reedited  it  and 
gave  it  the  less  cumbersome  title  Die  Insel  Felsenburg.44  Four  ship- 
wrecked travelers  resolve  to  found  a  community  in  which  each  member 
is  regardful  of  the  welfare  of  the  others.  The  one  recalcitrant  member 
meets  a  death  consonant  with  poetic  justice.  As  the  second  generation 
reaches  maturity,  husbands  and  wives  must  be  found  for  it.  When  ship- 
wrecks fail  to  make  provision,  the  unmarried  make  journeys  overseas, 
but  every  new  member  must  pass  the  test  of  selflessness.  Thus,  far 
removed  from  the  selfish  intrigues  of  an  aging  world,  a  pietistic  Utopia 
of  Christian  brotherhood  is  founded. 

The  favor  this  novel  found  revealed  the  longings  of  the  time.  It  was 
worked  over  and  continued  by  writers,  German  and  foreign,  and  trans- 
lated into  Danish  and  thence  into  Icelandic.  It  had  no  German  rival,  but 
Gellert's  Das  Leben  der  schwedischen  Grdfin  von  G.,  1749,  is  related  to  it. 
Gellert's  work  has  some  of  the  adventurous  episodes  of  the  seventeenth- 
century  novel,  but  its  central  element  is  the  ideal  of  a  community  of 
Christian  harmony.  Its  originality  lies  in  the  fact  that  it  pictures  such 
a  group  in  the  midst  of  the  intrigues  of  the  old  world.  In  its  problem 
setting  Gellert's  work  thus  deserves  a  modest  place  along  with  such 
greater  novels  as  Parzifal,  Simplicissimus,  and  Wilhelm  Meister. 

Five  geographic  foci  connected  Germany  in  different  ways  with  Eng- 
lish literature:  Holland,  Leipzig,  Hamburg,  Zurich,  and  Gottingen. 
Holland's  importance  dates  from  the  preceding  century,  as  we  have  seen. 
But  even  though  the  accession  of  William  of  Orange  to  the  English  throne 
in  1689  made  England  safer  for  dissenters,  Holland  continued  its  inter- 
mediary role.  To  mention  only  two  striking  incidents :  It  was  the  Amster- 
dam Spectateur  ou  le  Socrate  moderne,  1714-1726  which  led  to  the  found- 
ing of  the  Zurich  Discourse  der  Mahlern  in  1722,  and  it  was  chiefly  by 

44  The  original  title  was  Wunderliche  /  FATA  /  einiger  /  SEE—FAHRER,  /  abson- 
derlich  /  ALBERT  I  JULII,  eines  gebohrnen  Sachsens,  /  Welcher  in  seinem  18ten  Jahre 
zu  Schiffe  /  gegangen  durch  Schiff-Bruch  selbste  an  eine  /  grausame  Klippe  geworffen 
worden  nach  deren  Ubersteigung  /  das  schonste  Land  entdeckt,  sich  daselbst  mil  seiner 
Gefdhrtin  verheyrathet  aus  soldier  Ehe  eine  Familie  von  mehr  als  /  800  Seelen  erzeuget, 
das  Land  vortrefflich  angebauet  /  durch  besondere  Zufdlle  erstaunenswiirdige  Schdtze 
ge-  /  sammlet,  seine  in  Teutschland  ausgekundschafften  Freunde  /  glucklich  gemacht  am 
Ende  des  1 728sten  Jahres,  als  in  /  seinem  Hunderten  Jahre,  annoch  frisch  und  gesund 
gelebt  /  und  vermuthlich  noch  zu  dato  lebt,  /  entworffen  /  Von  dessen  Bruders-Sohnes- 
Sohnes-Sohne,  /  MONS.  EBERHARD  JULIO,  /  Curieusen  Lesern  aber  zum  vermuth- 
lichen  I  Gemuths-V ergnugen  ausgefertiget,  auch  par  Commission  /  dem  Drucke  uber- 
geben  /  Von  GISANDERN.  Gisander  was  Schnabel's  pseudonvm.  Cf.  Ullrich  [344] 
125  f. 


44        University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

way  of  Holland  that  Milton  became  known  to  Zurich  and  thus  to  Ger- 
many.45 

Amsterdam,  The  Hague,  and  Leyden  were  all  important  centers  for  the 
dissemination  of  new  ideas.  Francis  Hutcheson's  Inquiry  into  the  Original 
of  Beauty  and  Virtue,  1725,  was  reviewed  by  Le  Clerc  in  Amsterdam  the 
following  year  and  there  translated  into  French  in  1749.  The  first  German 
translation  dates  from  1760.  In  Amsterdam  appeared  also  the  first  con- 
tinental translations  of  the  English  Spectator  and  Guardian,  of  Pope's 
Essay  on  Criticism,  of  Richardson's  Pamela,  and  Fielding's  Joseph  An- 
drews. John  Locke's  Essay  on  Human  Understanding  was  brought  to 
completion  while  its  author  was  living  in  Amsterdam,  concealed  under 
the  name  of  Van  der  Linden.  Its  contents  were  first  made  known  to  the 
world  by  an  outline  which  appeared  in  1688  in  the  Bibliotheque  universelle 
of  his  friend  Le  Clerc,  a  fugitive  from  the  too  rigid  Calvinism  of  Geneva. 
The  first  Latin  edition  of  the  Essay  was  published  in  London  in  1701, 
the  second  in  Amsterdam  in  1729,  whence  it  passed  to  Leipzig  in  1757. 

Swift's  Gulliver's  Travels  and  The  Tale  of  the  Tub  were  first  translated 
into  French  at  The  Hague,  1727  and  1721;  the  first  German  translations 
appeared  in  1727  and  1729.  After  circulating  many  years  in  manuscript, 
Muralt's  Lettres  sur  les  Anglois  et  les  Francois  first  saw  the  light  in  Hol- 
land. At  least  in  part :  one  letter  was  published  in  Les  Nouvelles  litteraires 
de  la  Haye,  seven  years  before  their  publication  in  entirety,  1725. 

Leyden  continued  to  be  an  international  university.  Haller  reported: 
"Leyden  ins  besondere  scheint  mit  FleiiS  zum  Nutzen  der  Lernenden 
bequem  gemacht  zu  sein.  .  .  .  Einer  frischt  den  andern  mit  seinem  Bey- 
spiele  an,  und  wer  nicht  arbeiten  will,  muB  lange  Weile  und  verdruBlichen 
Miissiggang  erwarten."46  Haller,  like  many  another,  went  to  Leyden  to 
learn  from  the  famous  anatomist  Boerhave.  Haller  tells  us  that  Boerhave 
had  about  120  students.  Of  these,  he  says,  40  were  English  and  20  Ger- 
man. The  others  were  French,  Dutch,  "nordische  Volker"  and  "bisweilen 
Griechen."47  There  were  about  400  students  in  all  at  Leyden  at  the  time. 
Whether  they  conversed  among  themselves  in  French  or  in  Latin, 
variously  mispronounced,  is  not  indicated,  but  there  was  certainly  no 
language  bar  to  their  free  intercourse. 

Leipzig,  as  a  "Klein-Paris,"  welcomed  such  poetic  influence  as  had  a 
distinct  French  admixture.  The  sound  sense  of  Addison  and  Pope  and 
their  clarity  of  style  were  lauded  by  Gottsched's  literary  organs  as  en- 
thusiastically as  by  the  French  journals  which  Gottsched  read  so  assidu- 
ously. The  later  waves  of  English  influence  Gottsched  naturally  felt  com- 

45  See  p.  105,  below. 

46  Haller,  Tagebuch  seiner  Reisen  .  .  .,  ed.  Hirzel,  Leipzig,  1883,  27  f. 

47  Ibid.,  106.  Cf.  38. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  45 

pelled  to  oppose,  but  his  recalcitrant  proteges,  the  "Bremer  Beytrager," 
paid  to  Klopstock,  at  the  beginning  of  his  career,  homage  such  as  Addison 
had  once  paid  to  the  dead  Milton  in  the  Spectator. 

Hamburg  had  ancient  relations  with  England  founded  on  the  traffic 
by  sea.  Many  translations  from  the  English  came  early  and  late  from 
Hamburg,  Brockes's  translations  of  Pope  and  Thomson,  and  Bode's  of 
Tristram  Shandy  among  them;  and  Hamburg  was  first  and  foremost  in 
the  founding  of  popular  weeklies  of  the  English  type,  Leipzig  and  Zurich 
taking  second  and  third  place  in  this  respect. 

Zurich's  affiliation  with  England  was  of  a  religious  origin  dating  back 
at  least  to  the  time  when  English  Protestants  sought  shelter  there  in  the 
reign  of  "Bloody  Mary."  It  is  not  surprising,  then,  that  Milton's  first 
advocate  in  Germany  should  have  been  a  citizen  of  Zurich.  Bodmer's 
interest  in  English  literature  was  lifelong  and  extended  to  religious 
poetry,  to  satirical  poetry,  to  the  Percy  ballads,  and  even  to  Shakespeare. 
He  quoted  Addison's  glorification  of  Shakespeare  and  Milton,  fired  Klop- 
stock with  Milton's  zeal,  and  probably  first  called  Wieland's  attention 
to  Shakespeare.  Wieland's  translation  appeared  in  Zurich,  1762-1767,  as 
did  also  its  revision  and  continuation  by  Eschenburg.  Dryden  was  one 
of  Bodmer's  favorite  authors,  and  All  for  Love  or  A  World  Well  Lost,  one 
of  the  first  English  works  he  requested  of  Zellweger.48  The  Tempest  was 
an  important  source  of  his  Noah,i9  and  he  translated  some  passages  from 
it  in  his  Abhandlung  von  dem  Wunderbaren  in  der  Poesie,  1740. 

A  group  of  associates  shared  his  interest,  among  them  Waser,  deacon 
in  Winterthur,  the  translator  of  Swift's  works  and  of  Butler's  Hudibras; 
Johannes  Tobler,  pastor  at  Ermatingen,  the  translator  of  Thomson's 
Seasons,  1757-1764;  Grynaus,  the  translator  of  Dryden's  Oedipus,  1759, 
The  State  of  Innocence  or  The  Fall  of  Man,  1754,  and  Romeo  and  Juliet, 
1754;  and  Drollinger,  the  first  translator  of  Pope's  Essay  on  Criticism, 
1741.  The  sermons  of  many  English  theologians  were  translated  in 
Zurich,  among  them  those  of  Isaac  Barrow,  Samuel  Clarke,  James 
Duchal,  Richard  Hurd,  John  Taylor,  John  Tillotson,  and,  last  but  not 
least,  Laurence  Sterne.  English  philosophy  was  represented  by  Fordyce, 
Ferguson,  and  Webb.  In  a  moral  weekly,  Das  Angenehme  mit  dem  Niltz- 
lichen,  1756-1767,  Bacon,  Shaftesbury,  Hume,  Steele,  Addison,  Swift, 
Pope,  Buckingham,  Rochester,  and  John  Gay  are  represented. 

With  the  founding  of  its  university  in  the  1730's  Gottingen  prepared 

to  rival  Leipzig,  Zurich,  and  Hamburg  as  a  center  of  English  influence. 

Two  of  its  most  noted  professors  had  visited  England,  Haller  for  a  few 

weeks  and  Michaelis  for  several  months.  Later  Lichtenberg  was  to  form 

48  Vetter  [216]  322. 
49Ibershoff  [362]. 


46        University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

still  closer  ties  with  England.  Haller,  to  be  sure,  almost  ceased  during  the 
Gottingen  years  to  be  a  creative  man  of  letters,  but  his  reviews  of  Ossian's 
poems  and  Richardson's  novels50  were  in  harmony  with  the  literary  tone 
in  Gottingen.  Michaelis  and  Lichtenberg  were  both  regarded  at  the  uni- 
versity as  prejudiced  anglophiles.  Lichtenberg's  admiration  for  Shake- 
speare, Fielding,  Sterne,  and  Swift  often  took  the  form  of  belittling 
comparison  of  his  German  contemporaries  with  his  English  literary 
heroes.  His  description  in  Boie's  Deutsches  Museum  of  Garrick's  Shake- 
spearean performances  and  his  explanation  of  Hogarth's  pictures  threw 
light  on  English  literature  and  life.  Of  the  many  youths  sent  from  Eng- 
land to  Gottingen  for  their  education,  several  were  especially  commended 
to  the  good  graces  of  Lichtenberg.  One  of  his  last  visitors  was  to  have 
been  Coleridge,  but  Lichtenberg  died  shortly  before  his  arrival. 

Most  of  the  leading  poets  of  the  Gottinger  Bund,  Holty,  Voss,  and 
Miller  among  them,  gave  English  lessons  to  Germans  or  German  lessons 
to  young  Englishmen.  Burger  hoped  once  to  be  taken  to  England  as  a 
private  tutor.51  These  poets  served  as  a  link  between  the  fruitful  investi- 
gations of  academic  Gottingen  and  the  new  romantic  trend  in  German 
literature.  Although  Konigsberg,  Strassburg,  and  Frankfurt  were  the 
scenes  of  the  brilliant  achievements  of  the  "Sturm  und  Drang"  a  solid 
foundation  was  laid  by  patient  studies  in  Gottingen.  Common  to  nearly 
all  members  of  the  new  literary  group  in  Germany  was  an  admiration  for 
Homer,  Shakespeare,  Ossian,  and  popular  poetry.  Here  Gottingen  offers 
names  that  deserve  a  modest  place  beside  those  of  Hamann  and  Herder. 
In  his  Essay  on  the  Original  Genius  of  Homer,  1769,  Robert  Wood  had 
given  expression  to  some  revolutionary  ideas  in  regard  to  his  subject, 
but  the  essay  existed  in  only  seven  manuscript  copies.  One  of  these 
copies,  however,  Wood  sent  to  Michaelis  of  Gottingen,  whom  he  much 
esteemed.  Michaelis  showed  it  to  his  colleague  Heyne,  who  made  the 
work  known  all  over  Germany  through  an  enthusiastic  review  in  the 
Gottingische  gelehrte  Anzeigen,52  and  Michaelis's  son  translated  the  essay 
in  1778.  Not  until  two  years  later  was  the  work  revised  and  printed  in 
England.  Meanwhile  the  manuscript  at  Gottingen  impressed  Herder 
just  prior  to  the  Briefwechsel  itber  Ossian  und  die  Lieder  alter  Volker. 
Voss's  occupation  with  Homer  began  in  1770  with  a  translation  of  Black- 
well's  Enquiry  into  the  Life  and  Writings  of  Homer.  He  assisted  Boie 
(1776-1777)  in  his  translation  of  Chandler's  Travels  in  Asia  Minor,  and 
Travels  in  Greece,  and  then  proceeded,  1781,  to  better  Pope's  transla- 
tion of  Homer,  which  the  new  English  philological  method  had  shown 
to  be  so  inadequate. 

50  See  pp.  125  and  165-167,  below.  52  hoc.  tit.,  1770,  I  257-270. 

61  Wicke  [237]  23  ff. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  47 

In  the  cult  of  Shakespeare,  Gottingen  was  only  a  pace  behind  Strass- 
burg  and  Frankfurt.  The  university  received  with  warm  approval 
Young's  Conjectures  on  Original  Composition,  and  in  Gottingen,  as  in 
Strassburg,  the  students  imitated  the  quips,  phrases,  and  mannerisms 
of  Shakespeare.  "Shakespeares  Tag"  was  celebrated  in  all  three  cities, 
and  when  Schroder  was  playing  in  adjacent  Hannover  he  and  Burger 
planned  their  stage  edition  of  Macbeth.™  When  Herder  visited  Gottingen 
in  1772,  he  found  Haller,  Voss,  and  Burger  interested  in  Ossian,  and 
Boie,  Burger,  and  the  "Gottinger  Bund"  later  took  an  active  interest 
in  the  folk  songs. 

The  record  of  the  reception  of  English  literature  in  Germany  is  no 
obscure  bypath  but  one  of  the  main  highroads  of  literary  ascent.  Note 
the  bold  and  rapid  summary  of  the  period  in  a  well-known  history : 

Da  kommen  die  Vorklassiker.  Haller  bringt  wieder  Ernst  und  Kraft,  Hagedorn 
Leichtigkeit  und  Geschmack,  Gellert  lehrt  wieder  eine  gewisse  Naturlichkeit  der  Rede, 
Gottsched  und  die  Schweizer  gewinnen  wieder  hohere  Standpunkte  der  Kritik  und  der 
litterarischen  Padagogik.  Auf  dem  Full  folgen  ihnen  die  Klassiker.  Klopstock  giebt 
ein  grofies  Beispiel  dichterischer  Kuhnheit;  er  ergreift  schwungvoll  die  hochsten 
Interessen:  Religion,  Vaterland,  Humanitat,  und  spricht  in  seinen  Oden  personliche 
Empfindungen  frei  und  wahr  aus.  Lessing  wirft  mit  sicherer  Kritik  den  angehauften 
Dilettantismus  beiseite,  schafft  eine  Prosa,  wie  Deutschland  sie  seit  Luther  nicht 
kannte,  und  erzieht  durch  seine  stolze  Selbstandigkeit  ein  seit  Jahrkunderten  an  be- 
stellte  Arbeit  gewohntes  Publikum  zu  der  Forderung,  dafi  der  Dichter  sich  selbst  und 
seine  innere  Wahrheit  geben  musse.  Wieland  lernt  Franzosen  und  Englandern  die  bei 
uns  ganzlich  verfallene  Kunst  der  Erzahlung  ab  und  wtirzt  sie  durch  eine  freie  Ge- 
sinnung.  Herder  betont  den  Begriff  der  Originalitat,  reifit  endgiiltig  die  Scheidewand 
nieder,  die  den  "Gebildeten"  den  Blick  auf  die  volkstumliche  Dichtung  entzog,  und 
bahnt  den  groCen  Verkehr  einer  Weltliteratur  an.64 

We,  then,  shall  have  to  inquire  to  what  extent  Pope,  Prior,  Dryden, 
and  Thomson  helped  Hagedorn  toward  his  facile  manner  and  good 
taste,  how  much  of  his  grace  of  style  Gellert  owes  to  Addison ;  how  much 
Addison,  Milton,  and  Shakespeare  contributed  to  the  esthetic  and  lit- 
erary principles  developed  by  Gottsched  and  the  Swiss  scholars;  how 
much  Klopstock  was  indebted  to  Milton  and  Thomson  for  the  new  ideals 
wherewith  he  was  able  to  enrich  German  life  and  poetry;  how  much  of 
the  art  of  entertaining  narration  Wieland  learned  from  the  English ;  how 
much  support  for  his  ideas  in  regard  to  genius  Herder  found  in  Shake- 
speare and  in  Macpherson's  Ossianic  poems;  and  to  what  extent  the 
Percy  collection  of  ballads  helped  him  to  break  down  the  barrier  that 
kept  the  educated  from  appreciating  folk  poetry. 

To  such  a  theme  there  are  two  possible  methods  of  approach.  One  may 

63  Wicke  [237]  44.  Cf.  Goethe,  Werke,  I  (28)  74  and  I  (37)  130. 

54  R.  M.  Meyer,  Die  deutsche  Literatur  des  19.  Jahrhunderts,  Berlin,  1910, 1  2  f. 


48        University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

depart  from  the  poets  and  movements  in  English  literature  and  describe 
their  impact  upon  German  production,  or  one  may  take  up  the  German 
authors  and  German  literary  movements  and  connect  them  with  English 
poets  and  poetry.  The  former  method  has  been  chosen  as  more  practical. 
It  is  not  the  ambitious  intent  of  this  study  to  trace  all  such  connections. 
The  receptions  accorded  such  writers  as  Dryden  and  Defoe  are  produc- 
tive themes,  the  upshot  of  which  is  but  scantily  represented  in  the  ter- 
minal bibliography  of  this  survey.  A  choice  has  been  made  of  certain 
English  authors  whose  characteristics,  as  reflected  in  German  literature, 
best  serve  to  emphasize  the  cultural  relations  between  the  two  lands  in 
question.  During  three-quarters  of  the  eighteenth  century  Germany  was 
a  receiver  rather  than  a  giver  of  literary  impulses.  Let  it  be  said  here 
that  a  simultaneous  sketch  of  English,  French,  and  German  literature 
during  this  period  would  be  more  veracious,  but  the  fact  that  the  English 
impulses  were  on  the  increase  during  these  years  justifies  in  a  slight 
measure  the  preferential  treatment  of  "die  erwachende  Macht  der  eng- 
lischen  Literatur,"  as  Fritz  Strich  has  recently  called  it.55 

At  the  beginning  of  the  eighteenth  century  England,  like  France, 
could  look  back  upon  an  almost  continuous  literary  development.  Ger- 
man literature  had  twice  been  interrupted  for  long  periods.  The  library 
of  so  widely  read  a  man  as  Goethe's  father,  for  example,  contained  no 
German  poets  of  earlier  date  than  Opitz,  but  Germany's  sun  was  about 
to  rise.  The  sequence  Shakespeare-Milton-Addison  in  English  literature 
indicates  a  decline  of  poetic  power.  The  sequence  rationalism-sentimen- 
talism-"Sturm  und  Drang,"  in  Germany  represents  an  ascension.  Thus 
German  poets  met  English  poets  in  inverse  chronological  order,  for 
German  literature  had  to  reach  successively  higher  plateaus  before  it 
could  meet  the  English  poets  on  an  equal  footing.  Addison  and  Pope 
were  accepted  while  still  alive  by  the  rationalists.  Thomson,  Young,  and 
Milton  were  appreciated  in  the  more  sensitive  decades  that  followed; 
and  the  proper  approach  to  Shakespeare  was  delayed  until  the  1770's. 

Thus  we  come  to  the  three  waves  of  literary  impact  discerned  by 
Hohlfeld  and  long  discussed  in  his  seminars  at  Wisconsin.  It  would  be 
simple  to  say  that  Addison  and  Pope  were  appreciated  by  the  rationalists, 
Milton  and  Young  by  the  sentimentalists,  and  Shakespeare  by  the 
"Sturmer  und  Dranger" — simple,  but  by  no  means  accurate.  The  defini- 
tion of  "waves"  is  difficult,  but  it  is  certain,  in  the  first  place,  that  they 
occupy  space  and  time,  and  in  the  second  place,  that  they  overlap  and 
that  their  waters  blend.  Addison  and  Steele  are  chiefly  rationalists  in 
their  moral  weeklies,  but  Addison  eulogized  Milton  and  Shakespeare, 
and  Steele  wrote  sentimental  comedies  and  sentimental  tales.  Thomson's 

"Strich  [234]. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  49 

tragedies  were  of  the  Augustan  type,  but  his  Seasons  ushered  in  a  senti- 
mental appreciation  of  nature.  Young's  tragedies,  his  Night  Thoughts 
and  his  Conjectures  on  Original  Composition  are  akin  to  three  successive 
phases  of  German  literary  development. 

At  one  time  the  Wisconsin  formulation  of  the  wave  theory  was 
sketched  as  follows: 

1.  The  "Augustan"  wave,  1720-1750,  chiefly  represented  by  Addison, 
Swift,  Defoe,  Shaftesbury,  Pope.  Thomson  forms  the  transition  to : 

2.  The  "Miltonian"  wave,  1740-1770,  chiefly  represented  by  Milton, 
Young,  Richardson.  The  controversy  of  the  Leipzig  and  Swiss  schools 
over  the  supremacy  of  the  French  or  English  standard  and  Macpherson's 
Ossianic  poems  lead  over  to: 

3.  The  "Shakespearean"  wave,  1760-1780,  chiefly  represented  by 
Sterne  (and  the  other  novelists),  Percy's  Reliques,  and  Shakespeare. 

The  chapters  on  the  eighteenth  century  which  follow  were  written  in 
acceptance  of  the  wave  theory  but  with  a  less  rigid  chronological  pattern 
in  mind,  and  a  less  rigid  classification  of  the  factors.  To  be  more  specific: 

1 .  Thomson,  to  be  sure,  forms  a  transition  to  the  Miltonian  wave,  but 
so  do  others  of  the  Augustans.  Defoe's  Robinson  Crusoe  was  translated 
in  1720,  a  year  after  its  appearance  in  England.  Renditions,  new  trans- 
lations, and  imitations  followed,  but  it  first  became  dynamic  with  the 
publication  of  Schnabel's  Insel  Felsenburg,  1729.  This  novel,  however,  is 
an  early  monument  of  pietism  bearing  a  message  similar  to  Gellert's 
Leben  der  Schwedischen  Grdfin  von  G.,  1746.  Addison's  essay  on  Milton 
in  the  Spectator  was  a  chief  factor  in  the  acceptance  of  Milton  in  Germany 
and  led  directly  to  Bodmer's  translation  of  Paradise  Lost,  1732,  which 
was  received  with  immediate  enthusiasm.  There  are  good  reasons  for 
regarding  1732  as  the  beginning  of  the  enthusiasm  for  Milton,  and  1747, 
the  date  of  the  first  "Gesange"  of  Klopstock's  Messias,  as  the  climax. 
The  later  "Gesange"  were  received  with  ever  diminishing  interest  and 
the  completion  in  the  midst  of  the  "Sturm  und  Drang"  movement  was 
scarcely  noted. 

2.  Richardson  is  not  entirely  at  ease  in  the  group  proposed.  His  ethical 
system  is  related  to  that  of  the  moral  weeklies,  even  though  the  form  he 
chose  called  for  the  play  of  the  emotions.  In  many  respects  he  is  a  belated 
Augustan.  Herder's  second  reading  of  Clarissa  convinced  him  of  this. 
With  a  similar  disregard  of  majority  opinion  I  would  place  Lillo  in  the 
first  group.  Nor  would  I  place  Sterne  in  the  third  group  but  rather  in  the 
first  and  second.  It  will  be  shown  later  that  the  German  "Aufklarer" 
found  much  to  approve  in  Tristram  Shandy  while  reviling  the  mawkish- 
ness  of  A  Sentimental  Journey. 


50        University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

3.  In  place  of  "Sterne  and  the  other  novelists"  I  would  name  Fielding 
and  Goldsmith  alone.  Smollett  for  example  found  little  favor  with  the 
German  men  of  letters. 

Any  discrepancy  between  my  conclusions  and  those  of  the  Wisconsin 
seminar  is  easily  accounted  for.  My  classification  is  based  on  the  critical 
comments  of  the  leading  German  men  of  letters  and  on  cognizance  of 
German  works  that  seem  to  have  been  stimulated  into  existence  by  the 
example  of  English  works.  The  Wisconsin  conclusions,  on  the  other 
hand,  are  founded  in  good  measure  on  a  far-flung  survey  of  the  leading 
German  critical  journals,  a  meticulous  count  of  the  number  of  references 
to  individual  authors  and  groups  of  authors,  and  an  analysis  of  the  nature 
of  the  comments.  The  Wisconsin  study  is  based  on  evidence  that  cannot 
well  be  controverted,  but  what  it  demonstrates  and  defines  is  rather 
waves  of  general  interest.  Now,  in  a  period  of  rapid  literary  development 
the  public  is  laggard.  By  the  time  that  an  author,  particularly  a  foreign 
author,  becomes  a  person  of  interest  to  the  educated  public,  he  has  often 
ceased  to  be  a  dynamic  power  operating  on  creative  men  of  letters.  The 
extent  of  public  interest  in  any  author  is  a  matter  of  importance  to  the 
literary  historian.  Statistics  regarding  the  number  of  translations  and 
reprints,  and  how  many  thousand  copies  of  works  have  been  sold  also 
throw  light  on  this  interesting  question,  but  that  is  a  line  of  investigation 
which  I  have  felt  compelled  to  forego  for  the  most  part  in  this  study.  I 
regard  the  two  different  analyses  of  the  waves  not  as  contradictory,  but 
as  supplementary  to  each  other. 

The  German  poets  as  well  as  the  English,  particularly  those  who  were 
most  important,  were  subject  to  development,  and,  to  come  back  to  the 
wave  analogy,  the  tide  was  in  a  like  direction.  Gottsched  and  Bodmer 
began  of  equal  mind,  but  coooperation  ceased  when  Bodmer  progressed 
from  Addison  to  Milton.  Klopstock  began  on  the  crest  of  this  second 
wave  and  later  shared  in  the  enthusiasm  for  Ossian.  Wieland's  interest 
in  English  literature  spanned  rationalism  and  sentimentalism  and  arrived 
at  Shakespeare.  For  a  short  time  Herder  was  enthusiastic  over  Cla7'issa 
but  presently  the  Richardsonian  heroes  and  heroines  were  too  rationalis- 
tic for  him  and  had  to  yield  to  Sophie  La  Roche's  Geschichte  des  Frauleins 
von  Sternheim  which  was  "not  a  book  but  a  human  heart."  Simulta- 
neously Herder  admired  the  sentimental  Goldsmith  and  Sterne  and  the 
original  genius  of  Ossian  and  Shakespeare.  Into  such  patterns  may  be 
fitted  many  of  the  facts  which  will  be  recorded  in  the  following  chapters. 


Chapter  IV 

THE  MORALIZING  WEEKLIES 

The  rationalistic  age  evolved  an  optimistic  system  of  philosophy, 
which  included  God  and  a  perfect  universe,  and  man — who,  when  duly 
enlightened,  fitted  himself  into  the  harmony  of  that  universe.  God  and 
the  universe  were  at  the  outset  the  chief  subjects  of  contemplation,  but 
later  the  harmonious  man  came  into  purview,  and  a  consistent  attempt 
was  made  to  stimulate  his  zeal  in  the  work  of  his  own  perfection.  In 
Germany  the  cosmologist  Leibniz  was  followed  by  the  popularizer  Wolff, 
whose  philosophy  did  not  even  scorn  details  of  personal  etiquette.  Simi- 
larly Newton  in  England  was  accompanied  by  Locke  and  Shaftesbury, 
who  were  more  interested  in  the  sane  well-balanced  man  than  in  cos- 
mology. And  then  came  Addison,  who,  in  a  less  academic  but  more  tact- 
ful and  effective  way  than  Wolff,  spread  the  new  doctrines  regarding 
human  betterment.  Since  it  was  assumed  that  man,  as  a  reasonable 
being,  needed  only  to  be  shown  the  better  way,  a  missionary  endeavor 
was  in  order.  Addison  was  one  of  the  first  of  the  lay  reformers  in  England. 
His  vehicle  was  the  moral  essay.  The  didactic,  philosophic  poem  was 
contemporary  with  it.  The  moral  drama  was  the  next  vehicle  in  England, 
and  it  was  succeeded  by  the  moral  novel  of  the  Richardsonian  type. 
German  moral  essays,  didactic  poems,  plays,  and  novels  plodded  behind 
their  English  models,  in  like  order,  and  it  is  convenient  to  study  the 
genres  in  this  sequence. 

The  moral  philosophy  of  the  English  journals  goes  back  to  Locke  and 
Shaftesbury.  These  papers  looked  upon  nature  in  its  totality  and  spoke 
of  the  wholesome  effect  of  its  impressions  on  man.  They  attacked  the 
atheists  and  viewed  God  and  morals  rationally.  While  not  pietistically 
puritanical,  they  held  that  good  taste  and  good  sense  should  prevail. 
They  crusaded  against  carnivals,  masked  balls,  modern  dances,  popular 
superstitions,  astrology,  and  alchemy.  They  ridiculed  affected  manners 
and  false  assumptions  in  society,  dealt  with  practical  questions  of  educa- 
tion, interested  themselves  in  broadening  the  outlook  of  woman,  and 
preached  the  ideas  of  brotherhood  and  humanity.  In  short  they  popu- 
larized the  entire  creed  of  the  age  of  enlightenment,  and  by  emphasizing 
the  equality  of  men  in  their  natural  state  and  protesting  against  artificial 
distinctions  they  foreshadowed  the  age  of  the  revolution. 

Nearly  all  the  same  might  be  said  of  the  German  moral  journals, 
whose  indebtedness  to  their  English  predecessors  was  admitted  or  rather 
proclaimed.  Thomasius  realized :  "Wird  die  Gelahrtheit  als  ein  geschlossen 

[51] 


52        University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Handwerk  behandelt,  so  kann  die  Wahrheit  Hire  Zweige  nicht  weit  aus- 
treiben,"  so  he  founded,  1688-1689,  a  journal  which  anticipated  the 
Spectator  by  several  years.  It  was  unassumingly  called  Scherz-  und 
ernsthafte,  vernunftige  und  einfdltige  Gedanken  uber  allerhand  lustige  und 
nutzliche  Biicher  und  Fragen.  Its  example  was  not  followed,  however,  and 
it  remained  for  the  English  journals  to  establish  the  mode. 

Steele  and  Addison  were  not  the  first  pioneers  in  the  field  of  moral 
weeklies  in  England.  That  honor  belongs  rather  to  Defoe,  whose  Weekly 
Review  of  the  Affairs  of  France  had  a  section  called  "Mercure  Scandale  or 
Advice  from  the  Scandalous  Club."  The  Athenian  Gazette,  founded  in 
1690,  also  contained  discussions  of  moral  questions.  These  early  journals, 
however,  did  not  inspire  imitation  in  Germany. 

The  Taller,  Spectator,  and  Guardian  supplemented  by  the  Englishman 
and  the  Lover  spanned  the  period  1709-1715,  all  seeking  to  improve 
morals  by  dint  of  elevating  taste.  They  brought  up  literature  and  man- 
ners as  topics  of  conversation  in  place  of  horse-racing,  cock-fighting, 
and  other  prevailing  gentlemanly  interests,  and  introduced  into  the 
common  speech  a  simplicity  and  elegance  rivaling  that  of  the  French  of 
the  time.  Nearly  three  hundred  journals  of  this  kind  continued  to  appear 
throughout  the  century  in  England.  Johnson's  Rambler  and  Idler, 
Hawkesworth's  Adventurer,  Edward  Moore's  World,  Mackenzie's  Mirror, 
Goldsmith's  Citizen  of  the  World  and  the  Freethinker  of  Ambrose  Philips 
and  others,  stood  in  good  repute  in  England  and  all  were  translated 
into  German,1  though  none  of  them  equaled  the  Spectator  in  general 
esteem  at  home  and  abroad. 

The  movement  had  already  exhausted  its  first  force  in  England  when 
a  similar  one  began  in  Germany.  The  German  weeklies  surpassed  the 
English  in  number  though  not  in  quality.  The  total  number  will  never 
be  known,  but  the  usual  estimate  of  five  hundred  may  safely  be  doubled.2 
It  is  usually  stated  that  Hamburg  was  first  in  the  field,  closely  followed 

1  By  Herzog,  Bode,  Gellius,  Weisse,  Mylius,  and  Wetzel;  the  Taller  was  translated 
by  Tietze,  Price  [136]  entry  no.  1016;  see  also  Lessing,  Schriften,  VII,  60  f.  and  Price 
[136]  entries  no.  114,  470,  554  f.,  687,  695. 

2  Kawczynski  [306]  listed  about  500  for  the  eighteenth  century.  For  Nuremberg  he 
listed  14.  The  Nuremberg  archives,  however,  contain  at  least  8  others.  See  Price  [509  ] . 
Kawczynski's  Strassburg  list  begins  with  Der  elsdssische  Patriot,  1776,  instead  of  with 
the  Sammler,  1761.  (The  1774  publication  mentioned  is  hardly  a  moral  journal.)  His 
"Frankfurt  and  Leipzig"  list  needs  revision  since  that  indication  on  the  title  page 
often  merely  means  that  the  books  were  sold  at  the  Frankfurt  and  Leipzig  "Messen." 
For  Vienna  Kawczynski  lists  17.  Zenker's  list  in  Die  Journalistik  Wiens,  1891,  more 
than  doubles  this  number.  One  of  the  journals  here  mentioned,  Die  Meinung  der 
Babette,  lists  more  than  a  score  that  appeared  within  twelve  months.  See  Richter 
Geistesstromungen,  Berlin,  1875,  287.  For  Hamburg  Kawczynski  listed  48.  Lippert  in 
his  Giseke  .  .  .,  Greifswald  diss.,  1915,  says  Hamburg  had  99  up  to  1799.  In  his  Lessing, 
Miinchen,  1919,  I  180,  Oehlke  says  that  511  journals  were  founded  between  1713  and 
1761.  Nicolai  counts  in  his  Sebaldus  Nothanker  73  new  journals  founded  in  1773.  Any 
casual  list  such  as  that  of  Lachmanski  in  [311]  contains  many  titles  not  found  in 
Kawczynski. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  53 

by  Zurich  and  Leipzig.  This  is,  however,  inexact.  Hamburg,  to  be  sure, 
led  the  way  with  its  short-lived  Verniinfftler,  17143  and  Die  lustige  Fama 
aus  der  ndrrischen  Welt,  1718,  but  next  appeared  Nuremberg  with  Der 
Spectateur  oder  Betrachtungen  iiber  die  verdorbenen  Sitten  der  Welt,  1719. 
In  1722  the  Swiss  cities  then  took  up  the  movement:  Zurich  with  the 
Discourse  der  Mahlern,  conducted  by  Bodmer  and  Breitinger,  and  Bern 
with  the  Discourse  der  neuen  Gesellschaft.  Fifth  in  order  came  the  earliest 
Leipzig  papers,  the  Diogenes  and  the  Spectateur  of  1723,  then  the  Ham- 
burg Patriot  of  1724.4  The  next  year  Gottsched  joined  with  Die  ver- 
niinftigen  Tadlerinnen  and  Dresden  with  its  Socrates.  Gottingen  and 
Berlin  followed  in  1732,  the  former  with  Der  Burger,  and  the  latter  with 
Das  moralische  Fernglas,5  and  Vienna  not  until  three  decades  later.6 

Leipzig  probably  had  the  largest  number  of  moral  weeklies.  Then 
followed  Hamburg,  Berlin,  Frankfurt,  Nuremberg,  Halle,  Gottingen  in 
approximately  that  order.  Vienna,  to  be  sure,  would  stand  near  the  top 
if  all  the  mediocre  and  worthless  journals  were  counted.  Certain  other 
cities  such  as  Munich,  Stuttgart,  Ulm,  and  Weimar  barely  appeared  in 
the  catalogue  of  titles.  In  general  it  may  be  said  that  North  Germany 
rather  than  South  Germany,  Vienna  excepted,  and  Protestant  rather 
than  Catholic  Germany  was  the  realm  of  the  moral  weekly. 

A  tendency  toward  specialization  complicates  the  picture  of  German 
journalism  during  the  period  of  enlightenment.  Gottsched's  first  and 
most  successful  journal,  Die  vernilnftigen  Tadlerinnnen,  1725-1727,  was 
addressed  chiefly  to  women,  his  Biedermann,  1728-1735,  chiefly  to  men. 
On  the  contrary,  Sonnenfels,  in  Vienna,  first  directed  his  attention  to  men 
in  Der  Vertraute,  1764,  and  Der  Mann  ohne  Vorteil,  then  to  women  in 
Theresie  und  Eleonore  and  Das  weibliche  Orakel,  both  of  1767.  Between 
then  and  1799  there  were  at  least  thirty-seven  journals  especially  for 
women.7 

Journals  with  a  pedagogical  tendency  set  in  strongly  in  the  1770's.  We 
find  such  titles  as  Wochenblatt  fur  rechtschaffene  Eltern,  Nuremberg,  1777, 
Wochenschrift  zum  besten  der  Erziehung  der  Jugend,  Stuttgart,  1771,  and 
Pddagogisches  Museum,  Leipzig,  1777.  In  this  same  decade  begin  the 
journals  for  children,  Adelung's  Leipziger  Wochenblatt  fur  Kinder,  1772, 
among  the  first,  followed  by  Weisse's  Kinderfreund,  1775,  which  acknowl- 
edged  a  model  in  the  Journal  des  Adolescents  of  Madame  le  Prince  de 

3  Its  editor  Johann  Mattheson  described  it  as  "ein  teutscher  Auszug  aus  den 
Engelandischen  Moral-Schrifften  des  Tatler  und  Spectator  mit  etlichen  Zugaben  ver- 
sehen  und  auf  Ort  und  Zeit  gerichtet."  Copy  formerly  in  the  Hamburg  Staats-  und 
Universitats-Bibliothek. 

4 Jacoby  [309]. 

5  Geiger  [308].  Milberg  and  Kawczynski,  following  Beck,  give  1730. 

6  H.  Richter,  Geistesstromungen,  Berlin,  1875,  264-284. 

7  Lachmanski  [311]. 


54        University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Beaumont.  There  was  a  flood  of  such  journals  in  Austria,  and  in  Germany 
there  were  at  least  thirteen  between  1775  and  1789. 

With  such  competition  it  was  natural  that  moral  weeklies  of  general 
appeal  should  suffer,  and  the  most  wretched  journals  appear  toward  the 
end  of  the  period,  often  faintly  concealing  their  ignominy  beneath 
jaunty  or  self-ironical  titles  such  as  Die  Ldrmkanone  abgefeuert  von  Hans 
Konstabel  and  Die  Berliner  Peitsche  geschwungen  von  Hans  von  Strippe- 
knall,  both  fin  de  siecle  journals  of  Berlin.  Hamburg  produced  in  1799 
Literarischer  Schnupftabak  fur  allerley  Nasen  von  Fabricius  Nasenfreund, 
sechs  Dosen  voll,  while  Vienna  exhibits  such  titles  as  Der  hungrige  Ge- 
lehrte,  Der  Arme,  Der  SpaBvogel,  Lies  mich  oder  ich  fresse  dich,  and  Leben 
und  Taten  Klas  Tastenfinks  genannt  des  Schlenderers.  On  the  flyleaves  of 
some  of  these  journals  are  advertisements  of  others  of  which  no  trace 
exists.  No  census  can  ever  be  undertaken  for  there  is  no  common  denomi- 
nator. Not  all  the  journals  were  weeklies.  Some  appeared  biweekly, 
monthly,  or  occasionally.  Not  all  journals  were  satirical  and  not  all  were 
moral  but  in  general  the  satirical-moral  tone  was  preserved. 

This  unwieldy  mass  of  material  cannot  be  disregarded.  True,  little  of 
literary  value  ever  appeared  in  it,  though  here  and  there  one  may  find 
an  original  poem  by  a  true  poet  such  as  Lenz.  Yet  the  moral  journals, 
supplementing  the  contemporary  literary  organs,  provide  an  abundant 
untapped  source  of  literary  history,  and  the  gradual  acceptance  of  this 
or  that  foreign  author  by  the  masses  may  be  traced  in  their  pages.  Several 
systematic  digests  of  the  moral  weeklies  city  by  city  should  pave  the  way 
for  a  more  comprehensive  study  and  prevent  misleading  generalities. 
Only  the  better  and  more  influential  journals  require  our  attention  here. 

As  might  be  expected,  the  earliest  German  journals  were  most  depend- 
ent upon  the  Spectator  for  their  regular  material.  This  is  particularly 
true  of  Der  Verniinfftler,  Die  Discourse  der  Mahlern,  and  Die  vernunftigen 
Tadlerinnen,  though  not  of  Der  Patriot.  The  translation  of  the  Spectator, 
1739-1743,  and  of  the  Guardian,  1749,  by  Frau  Gottsched  made  neces- 
sary a  more  active  quest  for  original  material.  The  early  moral  weeklies 
had  depended  rather  on  the  French  Spectateur  of  1714,  in  which  214  num- 
bers of  the  original  were  lacking  or  incomplete.  Even  down  to  the  latest 
period  the  German  journals  drew  upon  the  successors  of  the  Spectateur 
unstintingly.  Nonsectarian  religious  discussions  together  with  disquisi- 
tions on  moral  problems  and  proper  upbringing  of  the  young  made  up 
the  major  part  of  the  borrowings.8  Items  of  natural  science  were  some- 
times included  but  these  were  exceptional. 

The  journals  were  convinced  that  the  proper  study  of  mankind  is  man. 

8Umbach  [313]  38  ff. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  55 

Their  pages  were  filled  with  anthropological  and  historical  lore,  with 
anecdotes  of  well-known  men,  discussions  of  human  merits  and  foibles, 
and  advice  regarding  the  conduct  of  life.  Many  contemporaries  were 
quoted  in  the  texts  or  in  couplets  at  the  beginning  of  the  essays.  Among 
the  most  frequently  quoted  authors  are  Voltaire,  Pope,  Addison,  Young, 
Haller,  and  Gellert.  The  early  numbers  of  Gottsched's  Die  verniinftigen 
Tadlerinnen,  1725-1729,  were  made  up  in  large  part  of  borrowings  from 
contemporaries  and  predecessors.  Thomasius  was  drawn  upon  for  ideas 
regarding  manners,  imitation  of  the  French,  and  the  misuse  of  the  word 
"galant,"  the  French  Spectateur  for  "pensees  lib  res  sur  la  religion,"  and 
there  are  many  long  passages  that  parallel  the  English  Spectator,  which 
is  no  doubt  the  source  of  Gottsched's  information  regarding  Locke's  life. 
Other  passages  coincide  at  once  with  pages  from  the  Discourse  der  Mah- 
lern  and  the  Hamburg  Patriot.  The  borrowings  were  noted  by  editors  in 
other  cities  and  were  admitted  by  Gottsched  in  an  early  number  of  the 
Tadlerinnen  with  a  humor  that  was  rare  for  him.  Certain  stylistic  ma- 
noeuvers  of  the  English  journals  were  also  adopted  by  Gottsched,  such 
as  the  formulation  of  statutes  for  mythical  societies  and  the  reproduction 
of  letters  real  or  fabricated. 

Ever  welcome  and  useful  items  were  the  "characters"  in  which  the 
Tatler  and  the  Spectator  rivaled  La  Rochefoucauld,  La  Bruyere,  and  all 
other  French  and  English  predecessors.  Sometimes  these  character  de- 
scriptions were  merely  translated  into  German,  sometimes  they  were 
adapted,  and  again  new  characters  were  invented  and  described  accord- 
ing to  a  similar  moralizing  plan.  In  one  of  the  early  numbers  of  his  first 
journal,  Der  Vertraute,  1764,  Sonnenfels  borrowed  from  the  Spectator  the 
tale  of  an  elderly  dandy  who  came  to  grief  in  his  amours  with  a  young 
beauty.  A  townsman  protested  in  court  against  the  journal,  declaring 
that  the  story  was  directed  against  none  other  than  himself,  and  although 
Sonnenfels  was  able  to  cite  volume  and  page  of  the  Spectator  as  his  sole 
model  the  brief  existence  of  the  journal  was  ended  by  the  censor.9  Sonnen- 
fels would  have  been  interested  to  know  that  a  similar  misfortune  had 
befallen  the  Hamburg  Vernunfftler  of  1714,  the  first  German  attempt  to 
translate  the  Spectator. ,10 

Often  the  English  journals  made  their  characters  the  participants  in 
complications  of  human  life  and  thus  produced  novels  in  miniature.  For 
the  most  part  the  characters  and  scenes  of  everyday  life  were  depicted. 
The  Spectator  drew  to  some  extent  upon  the  Arabian  Nights  for  its  tales. 
Later  journalists,  notably  Hawkesworth  in  his  Adventurer,  added  to  the 
stock.  These  tales  were  circulated  through  the  German  weeklies,  some  of 

9  Sonnenfels,  Gesammelte  Schriften,  Wien,  1783-1787,  I  vi  ff. 

10  See  fn.  3,  above. 


56        University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

them  even  as  separate  publications,  and  they  served  as  a  storehouse  for 
the  poets. 

Goethe  called  Gellert's  Schriften  "das  Fundament  der  deutschen  sitt- 
lichen  Kultur,"11  and  when  Umbach  called  Gellert  "die  Summe  der 
moralischen  Wochenschriften,"12  he  said  little  else,  for  behind  both  was 
the  ethical  system  of  Shaftesbury  and  Hutcheson. 

At  this  point  it  is  in  order  to  distinguish,  as  the  eighteenth  century 
could  not,  between  the  contributions  of  Addison  and  Steele.  The  Dis- 
course der  Mahlern  gave  more  credit  to  Steele  but  relied  more  heavily 
upon  the  serious  essays  of  Addison  than  upon  the  lighter  essays,  anec- 
dotes, and  tales  of  Steele.  In  all,  sixty-five  essays  from  the  journals  of 
Addison  and  Steele  are  involved,13  but  Steele's  contributions  were  drawn 
upon  only  nine  times.  Gellert  on  the  other  hand  frequently  praised 
Addison,  but  drew  upon  Steele  more  heavily  for  his  "Erzahlungen." 
Gellert  listed  as  his  source  simply  the  Spectator.  In  terms  of  authorship 
the  indebtedness  was  as  follows:  to  Addison  he  owed  the  subject  matter 
for  "Das  Schicksal,"  "Kynholt  und  Lucia,"  and  "Die  beiden  Schwar- 
zen;"  he  was  indebted  to  Steele  for  "Inkle  und  Yariko,"  "Das  neue 
Ehepaar,"  "Der  Hochzeitstag,"  "Calliste,"  and  in  part  "Der  Liigner." 
Hagedorn  owed  his  "Der  Sultan  und  sein  Vizier  Azem"  in  part  to  the 
Spectator  and  "Apollo  und  Minerva"  to  Common  Sense  or  the  English- 
man's Journals  Wieland  acknowledged  Steele  and  Addison  as  the  source 
for  his  Erzahlungen  "Serena"  and  "Balsora."13 

Steele  made  an  impression  on  Germany  only  through  his  journals.  His 
comedies,  to  be  sure,  were  translated  into  German  by  Christian  Heinrich 
Schmid  in  1767  but  for  the  library  rather  than  for  the  stage.  The  Con- 
scious Lovers  was  translated  by  "Geandern  von  der  Oberelbe"  (Mul- 
dener)  in  1752,  and  under  the  title  Indiane  adapted  for  the  stage  by  W. 
Thomson.16  Kies  has  tried  to  establish  a  connection  between  The  Con- 
scious Lovers  and  Lessing's  Der  Freygeist,17  and  Sonnenfels  tentatively 
suggested  a  connection  between  The  Tender  Husband  and  Brandes'  play 
Der  Schein  betriigt.18  The  important  fact,  however,  is  that  the  sentimental 
comedy  came  into  Germany  by  way  of  France  rather  than  England. 

11  Goethe,  Werke,  I  (27)  128. 

12  Umbach  [313]  80. 

13  Albert  Richards.  An  unpublished  essay  on  Steele  in  German  literature. 

14  Hagedorn,  Werke  II  viii. 

15  "Ich  habe  gar  wenig  Erfindungskraft;  Balsora  gehort  Hn.  Addison  .  .  .  Serena 
groBtenteils  dem  Verfasser  des  Tattler."  Wieland  to  Bodmer,  July  14,  1745.  Wieland, 
Brief e,  I  95.  Cf.  Fresenius  [617]  521  f.  "Balsora  is  from  the  Guardian,  no.  176,  how- 
ever, not,  as  Wieland  incorrectly  indicates  in  his  edition  of  1762,  from  the  Spectator. 
Cf.  p.  82,  below. 

16  Price  [168]. 
"Kies  [264]. 

18  Sonnenfels,  Briefe  vber  die  wienerische  Schaubuhne  in  Wiener  Neudruck  VII 
(1882)  263. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  57 

Of  all  the  tales  in  the  Spectator  none  received  a  wider  circulation 
throughout  England,  France,  Switzerland,  and  Germany  than  Steele's 
account  of  Inkle  and  Yarico  {Spectator,  No.  11),  the  story  of  the  Indian 
princess  who  protected  the  shipwrecked  Englishman  from  her  tribe, 
cared  for  him  and  fed  him,  and  believed  in  his  promises  to  her,  only  to  be 
cruelly  undeceived  when  a  rescue  ship  carried  the  pair  to  Barbados, 
where  Inkle  sold  Yarico  and  her  unborn  son  into  slavery.  Gellert  wrote 
a  concise,  Bodmer  a  long-winded  poem  on  the  subject,  and  Gessner  a 
narrative  with  a  happy  ending.  Four  German  dramatists  made  the  tale 
the  theme  of  a  tragedy,  four  of  a  "Singspiel,"  and  several  others  of  a 
ballet.19  Had  Goethe  carried  out  his  plan  to  dramatize  the  subject,20  it 
would  no  doubt  be  today  as  well  known  an  incident  as  that  of  Werther 
and  Lotte. 

The  most  salutary  effect  of  the  Spectator  in  Germany  was  on  the  prose 
style.  Addison  had  acquired  his  easy  and  unaffected  elegance  from  the 
ancients  and  the  French.  He  rarely  preached  good  style  in  his  journals 
but  trusted  to  the  power  of  example.  The  German  imitators  declare  their 
intent  in  advance  and  claim  the  sanction  of  the  Spectator.  In  the  intro- 
duction to  the  second  volume  of  her  translation  of  the  Spectator  Frau 
Gottsched  wrote: 

Unser  Wunsch  ist  allerhand  Arten  von  Leuten  zu  gefallen  und  ihnen  durch  keine 
seltsame  und  eigensinnige  Schreibart  anstoCig  zu  werden,  sondern  sie  vielmehr  durch 
einen  zwar  reinen  aber  auch  gewohnlichen  und  bekannten  Ausdruck  anzureizen. 
Addison  und  Steele  haben  sich  als  Meister  in  alien  Schreibarten  gezeigt,  so  dafi  man 
seine  eigene  wohl  nach  ihnen  einrichten  konne. 

The  Hamburg  Patriot  also  lauds  the  Addisonian  style.  The  editor  pro- 
fesses to  have  once  visited  the  Spectator  in  England  and  asserts  "dafi  seine 
Schriften  vornehmlich  die  Ursache  der  Vollkommenheit  sind,  die  die 
englische  Sprache  erlangt  hat."21 

When  Gellert  was  asked  to  what  he  attributed  his  good  taste  he  men- 
tioned especially  Cicero  and  Addison  and  the  association  with  his  friends 
of  the  Bremer  Beytrdge22  Lessing  says  that  his  cousin  Mylius  never  sat 
down  to  write  a  page  of  his  journal,  Der  Freygeist,  1745,  without  first 
reading  a  few  essays  from  the  Spectator.23 

The  German  weeklies  joined  with  the  English  predecessors  in  the  cru- 
sade against  unnatural  forms  of  poetry  and  writing,  against  acrostics, 

19  Price  [5731. 

20  Goethe,  Werke,  IV  (1)  79. 

21  hoc.  tit.,  Stuck  20. 

22  J.  A.  Cramer,  "Christian  Ftirchtegott  Gellerts  Leben"  in  Gellert's  Sdmmtliche 
Schriften,  Leipzig,  1784,  X  34. 

23  Lessing,  Schriften,  VI  400. 


58        University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

puns,  and  plays  on  words.  They  were  confronted  with  one  task  unknown 
to  the  English  editors,  the  purification  of  the  language  from  foreign 
words.  The  Patriot  of  Hamburg  led  the  reform  saying : 

Ich  habe  einen  anderen  Nutzen  gesuchet,  nemlich  den  Geschmack  meiner  Landsleute 
in  der  Sprache  und  Schreib-Art  zu  verbessern.  .  .  .  Ein  Teutscher  mufi  ietzund  Fran- 
zosisch,  Lateinisch  und  Italianisch  verstehon,  um  ein  Buch  in  seiner  Mutter-Sprache 
lesen  zu  konnen.  Ich  habe  mich  aber  auf  alle  Weise  bestrebt,  durch  eine  sorgfaltige 
Reinlichkeit  und  edle,  ungekiinstelte  Einformigkeit  diesen  verwehnten  Geschmack 
zu  bessern.24 

In  his  Discourse  der  Mahlern  Bodmer  had  criticized  the  diction  of  the 
Leipzig  Spectateur  but  the  Discourse  was  itself  one  of  the  worst  offenders 
in  respect  to  the  use  of  foreign  words.  Nor  is  this  remarkable  when  we 
remember  that,  of  Bodmer's  intimate  circle  of  friends,  Heinrich  Meister 
and  Zellweger  both  wrote  French  only,  and  their  contributions  to  the 
Discourse  der  Mahlern  had  to  be  translated  into  German.  Bodmer's 
journal  was  attacked  for  its  impure  German  by  the  Patriot  and  other 
weeklies.  In  its  twenty-third  number  it  criticized  its  own  previous  style, 
suggested  betterments,  and  improved  from  that  time  on.  The  average 
number  of  foreign  words  per  page  in  the  first  twenty-two  numbers  was 
fifteen,  thereafter  four.25 

It  has  been  said,  and  not  without  cause,  that  the  success  of  the  German 
literary  journals  tended  to  relegate  the  moral  weeklies  to  a  place  of 
secondary  importance  after  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century.  There 
was  a  transitional  period  during  which  the  best-known  journals  were 
partly  literary  and  partly  moralizing.  This  can  be  well  illustrated  in 
connection  with  the  development  of  journalism  in  Leipzig.  Gottsched's 
second  journal  Der  Biedermann  was  rather  more  serious  than  its  prede- 
cessor. In  it  works  of  literature  were  often  discussed  directly.  Swift  comes 
into  some  prominence,  his  Gulliver's  Travels  being  explicitly  commended. 
A  German  translation  is  offered  of  an  extract  from  the  French  version 
which  was  just  appearing,  and  there  is  also  in  it  a  specimen  of  Georg 
Christian  Wolf's  translation  of  The  Tale  of  a  Tub.  Die  Belustigungen  des 
Verstandes  und  des  Witzes  was  inspired  by  Gottsched  but  directed  by 
Schwabe.  It  owed  its  name  to  a  French  predecessor,  the  Nouveaux 
amusements  de  V  esprit  et  du  coeur,  1737.  Its  introduction  claims  French 
and  English  models,  but  of  the  latter  only  the  Intelligencer  has  been 
identified.26  A  certain  English  flavor  in  this  journal  is  acquired  in  part 
by  the  use  of  English  place  names.  There  are  not  a  few  translations  and 

24  hoc.  tit.,  Stuck  156. 
"Umbach  [313]  31  f. 

26  Karl  Kl'ihne,  Studien  ilber  den  Moral-Satiriker  G.  W.  Rabener,  Berlin,  diss.  1914, 
20. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  59 

imitations  of  English  authors,  and  the  anti-Swiss  satire,  Der  deutsche 
Dichterkrieg,  is  based  on  Pope's  Dunciad. 

Because  of  Schwabe's  persistence  in  such  polemics  his  younger  con- 
federates left  him  and  founded  the  Neue  Beytrage  zum  Vergniigen  des 
Verstandes  und  des  Witzes,  1745-1748,  usually  called  the  Bremer  Bey- 
trage. The  contributors  were  chiefly  Gellert  and  certain  young  Leipzig 
students,  Klopstock,  Ebert,  Rabener,  Zacharia,  K.  A.  Schmidt,  Johann 
Elias  Schlegel  and  his  brother  Johann  Adolf,  Mylius,  Giseke,  and  Gart- 
ner. The  editors  showed  a  marked  interest  in  English  literature.  New 
authors,  Prior,  Glover,  and  Thomson  were  introduced  by  the  Beytrage 
and  its  successor,  the  Sammlung  vermischter  Schriften.  Rabener,  in  his 
contributions,  owes  much  to  the  Spectator  and  to  Swift.  As  he  knew  no 
English  at  all,  he  was  limited  to  those  authors  whose  works  had  appeared 
in  French  or  German  translation,  that  is  to  say,  chiefly  Addison,  Pope, 
Swift,  Milton  and  Young.  The  "Bremer  Beytrager"  introduced  one  in- 
novation into  German  journalism.  Basing  their  organization  on  the 
Scriblerus  club,  of  which  Pope  and  Swift  were  members,  they  met  in  a 
coffee  house  in  Leipzig  and  discussed  and  amended  deliberately  the 
contributions  offered,  which,  if  finally  accepted,  were  unsigned  and 
given  out  as  the  joint  product  of  the  group.  In  Switzerland  the  Gesell- 
schaft  der  Mahlern  had  already  organized  itself  similarly. 

The  extent  of  the  influence  of  the  English  weeklies  can  best  be  esti- 
mated by  a  broad  view  of  the  whole  literary  history  of  the  first  half  of 
the  eighteenth  century  in  Germany.  Before  the  classic  literature  could 
develop  the  German  language  had  to  be  bettered  in  many  respects.  The 
necessary  trend  toward  a  pure,  clear,  and  simple  style  began  under  the 
banner  of  French  pseudoclassicism,  but  was  strengthened  by  the  example 
of  the  English  weeklies.  A  particularly  serious  misfortune  in  Germany  at 
the  beginning  of  the  eighteenth  century  was  the  lack  of  a  common  cul- 
ture. The  Renaissance  had  caused  a  rift  between  the  classically  trained 
scholar  and  the  uneducated  mass.  Opitz  had  tried  in  vain  to  bridge  the 
gulf.  The  Thirty  Years'  War  had  remedied  the  disparity  only  in  so  far 
as  it  leveled  downwards.  When  Gottsched,  at  the  beginning  of  the 
eighteenth  century,  renewed  the  effort,  his  task  was  a  difficult  one.  The 
people  read  little,  and  satisfied  their  literary  cravings  by  marvelling  at 
the  rude  plays  of  wandering  players.  Men  of  culture  could  find  pleasure 
only  in  the  French  or  Latin  literature  and  drama.  It  was  then  that  the 
moral  weeklies  provided  a  common  meeting  ground.  They  were  substan- 
tial enough  for  the  enlightened,  not  too  deep  for  the  uneducated,  and 
therefore  enjoyed  by  both.  Most  of  the  thousand  journals  reached  only  a 
small  local  public,  but  the  Hamburg  Patriot  had  over  four  thousand  sub- 


60        University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

scribers  in  Hamburg  and  elsewhere.  Of  Gottsched's  Die  verniinftigen 
Tadlerinnen  two  thousand  copies  were  printed  weekly  at  six  pfennig  each. 
One  correspondent  wrote  to  say  that  every  copy  was  read  by  at  least  six 
persons.  For  Gottsched  in  Leipzig  and  for  his  confederates  in  Hamburg 
and  Zurich,  Addison  was  the  man  of  the  hour,  even  though  none  of  them 
acquired  the  easy  manner  of  the  master,  but  wrote  stiffly,  pedagogically, 
and  condescendingly  to  an  unresenting  public. 

Again  the  moral  journals  gave  young  men,  and  for  the  first  time 
women,  their  best  opportunity  to  win  their  literary  spurs.  Frau  Gott- 
sched, of  course,  was  in  a  favored  position  from  the  first,  and  used  it  to 
good  advantage.  While  at  work  on  her  translation  of  the  Spectator,  she 
received  a  letter  from  a  stranger  asking  advice  regarding  marriage  with 
a  man  below  her  rank.  She  gave  the  answer  in  the  form  of  a  play,  Die 
ungleiche  Heirat,  1742.  Other  moral  plays  by  Frau  Gottsched  were  Die 
Hausfranzosinn,  1744,  and  Das  Testament,  1745.  Thus,  like  Addison,  she 
supported  moral  essays  by  moral  plays.  Women  were  from  the  first  en- 
couraged by  editors  to  send  their  ideas  and  even  their  poems  to  the 
journals,  and  a  rather  complete  chain  of  development  may  be  traced 
from  these  timid  beginnings  to  the  moral  novels  of,  let  us  say,  Sophie 
La  Roche  at  the  end  of  the  century. 

In  view  of  the  great  esteem  in  which  he  was  held  in  Germany  it  was 
fortunate  that  Addison  was  so  liberal  a  critic  and  that  he  had  taken  occa- 
sion to  express  so  emphatically  his  admiration  for  Milton  and  Shake- 
speare and  even  for  popular  poetry.  Addison,  with  Pope  and  other  men 
of  wise  restraint,  common  sense,  and  good  taste  make  up  the  first  wave 
of  English  influence  in  Germany  in  the  eighteenth  century.  The  lauda- 
tory essay  on  Milton  opened  the  way  to  the  second  wave,  in  which  the 
marvellous  secured  its  recognition.  The  frequent  references  to  Shake- 
speare aroused  first  curiosity,  then  enthusiasm,  while  Herder  was  able 
to  claim  Addison's  sanction  in  his  campaign  in  behalf  of  the  poetry  of 
the  uneducated.  Thus  the  arrival  of  the  third  wave  was  signalized.  In 
short,  the  English  weeklies  played  a  pioneer  role  in  the  advance  of  Eng- 
lish literature  into  Germany  in  the  eighteenth  century. 


Chapter  V 

POPE  AND  PHILOSOPHIC  POETRY 

While  Addison  was  trying  to  interpret  Shaftesbury  and  the  moralists 
for  the  nonlearned,  Pope  was  expressing  their  ideas  in  neatly  rhymed 
couplets  that  failed  to  win  the  praise  of  the  philosophers  of  the  time.  His 
Essay  on  Man  has  early  and  late  been  adjudged  by  the  stricter  critics  a 
hodge-podge  of  incompatible  philosophies.  After  the  Essay  on  Criticism, 
1711,  The  Rape  of  the  Lock,  1712,  and  Windsor  Forest,  1713,  Pope  reluc- 
tantly devoted  twelve  years  to  translating  Homer  and  editing  Shake- 
speare. Then  followed  the  satirical  Dunciad,  1728,  and  the  Essay  on  Man, 

1733,  with  which  his  reputation  in  Germany  seems  to  have  begun.  Vol- 
taire, who  during  his  visits  to  London,  1726-1729,  had  conversed  with 
Pope,  spoke  highly  of  him  in  the  Lettres  philosophiques  sur  les  Anglais, 

1734,  which  were  much  read  in  Germany  as  well  as  in  France.  Before  this 
date  there  is  no  certain  sign  that  Pope  had  made  his  impress  upon  any 
author  in  Germany. 

There  is  no  evidence  even  that  Pope  appealed  strongly  either  to  Hage- 
dorn  or  to  Haller  during  their  sojourns  in  London.  In  his  Tagebucher 
seiner  Reisen  nach  Deutschland,  Holland  und  England  1723-1727  Haller 
mentions  Addison,  Butler,  Rochester,  and  Swift,1  but  not  Pope.  In  a 
later  "Tagebuch"  entry,  to  be  sure,  he  commends  Pope  as  "der  meist 
harmonische  aller  heutigen  Dichter"  and  the  one  who  has  "die  ange- 
nehmste  und  feinste  Empfindung,"2  and  in  the  introduction  to  the  French 
translation  of  his  own  poems,  1750,  he  said:  "Pope  hat  in  seinen  Gaben, 
auch  sogar  in  seinem  Grundrisse,  Schonheiten,  die  ohne  Rucksicht  auf 
die  Harmonie,  in  der  er  alle  englischen  Dichter  tibertroffen,  Schonheiten 
fur  alle  Volker  und  Zeiten  sind." 

Haller,  however,  nowhere  specifically  mentions  Pope  or  any  other 
English  poet  as  his  model.  In  the  preface  to  the  fourth  edition  of  his 
poems,  1748,  he  wrote: 

Ich  hatte  indessen  die  englischen  Dichter  mir  bekannter  gemacht  und  von  denselben 
die  Liebe  zum  Denken,  und  den  Vorzug  der  schweren  Dichtkunst  angenommen.  Die 
philosophischen  Dichter,  deren  Grofie  ich  bewunderte,  verdrangen  bald  bey  mir  das 
geblahte  und  aufgedunsene  Wesen  des  Lohensteins,  der  auf  Metaphoren  wie  auf 
leichten  Blasen  schwimmt. 

It  was  formerly  asserted  that  Pope  influenced  Hatter's  Die  Alpen  and 


1  Op.  cit.,  ed.  Hirzel,  Leipzig,  1883,  133. 

2  Haller,  Tagebuch,  II  75,  under  date  of  1777. 

[61] 


62        University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Uber  den  Ursprung  des  Ubels,z  but  the  Essay  on  Man  is  the  sole  work  of 
Pope  comparable  to  Haller's  poems,  and  Die  Alpen  was  published  in 
1729,  four  years  before  Pope's  Essay  was  finished,  while  Uber  den  Ur- 
sprung des  Ubels  was  well  begun  before  Pope's  Essay  was  completed.  In 
his  apology  for  Die  Alpen  Haller  says  that  it  still  betrays  the  influence  of 
Lohenstein.  The  philosophical  poems  which  followed  it,  Gedanken  uber 
Vernunft,  Aberglauben  und  Unglauben,  1729,  and  Die  Falschheit  mensch- 
licher  Tugenden,  1730,  were  written  specifically  to  demonstrate  to  his 
friends  in  Basel  "dafi  die  deutsche  Sprache  keinen  Antheil  an  dem  Mangel 
philosophischer  Dichter  hatte."4  But  even  in  connection  with  these 
poems  Haller  makes  no  specific  reference  to  Pope.  His  earliest  reference 
is  in  a  letter  to  Stahelin  in  1734,  written  at  a  time  when  his  Uber  den 
Ursprung  des  Ubels  was  nearly  completed.  This  poem  characterized  man 
(II,  107),  to  be  sure,  as  "zweideutig  Mittelding  von  Engeln  und  von 
Vieh,"  reminding  of  Pope's  ironic  couplet: 

What  would  this  man?  now  upward  will  he  soar 
And  little  less  than  angels  would  be  more. 

But  obviously  this  is  a  "Selbstanleihe"  from  his  earlier  Gedanken  uber 
Vernunft,  Aberglauben  und  Unglauben,  wherein  he  had  characterized  man 
(verse  17)  as  "unselig  Mittelding  von  Engeln  und  von  Vieh,"  and  this 
was  finished  before  Pope's  Essay  on  Man  had  appeared.  Haller  himself 
expressly  denied  that  in  the  composition  of  Uber  den  Ursprung  des  Ubels 
he  had  profited  by  Pope's  Essay  on  Alan.5  Perhaps  both  poets  derived 
the  lines  just  quoted  directly  from  Augustine  who  says:  "Vita  hominum 
media  est  inter  angelorum  et  pecorum"6  and  parallel  passages  prove  little 
when  we  have  to  do  with  two  poets  both  trying  to  formulate  in  verse  the 
prevailing  philosophies  of  their  time.  Or  to  choose  another  example, 
Shaftesbury  in  his  Inquiry  Concerning  Virtue  or  Merit,  1699,  had  com- 
mended the  man  in  whom  the  selfish  and  altruistic  motives  were  duly 
paired  and  harmonized  like  strings  in  a  well-made  violin.  Haller  merely 
condoned  the  selfish  motive,  saying  (II,  113  f.  and  137  f.): 

Die  eine  niedriger,  doch  damals  ohne  Schuld 
1st  der  fruchtbare  Quell,  von  Arbeit  und  Geduld; 


Viel  edler  ist  der  Trieb,  der  uns  fur  andre  riihret 

Von  Himmel  kommt  sein  Brand,  der  keinen  Rauch  gebieret, 


3  Koch  [141  ],  Flindt  [143],  Maack  [494] ;  F.  J.  Schneider  in  Die  deutsche  Dichtung 
vom  Ausgang  des  Barocks  .  .  .,  Stuttgart,  1924,  36  still  calls  Haller  "der  deutsche 
Pope." 

4  Haller,  Gedichte,  43,  61. 

6  Ibid.,  44;  cf.  43,  61,  and  118  f. 

6  Augustine,  Tractat  in  Johanneum  XVIII  c.  7.  Cf.  Ischer,  Albrecht  von  Haller  und 
das  klassische  Altertum,  Sprache  und  Dichtung,  Bern,  1928,  XLI  115. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  63 

while  the  satirical  Pope  took  the  third  course  and  regarded  the  selfish 
string  as  the  important  one  that  made  for  human  progress.  Haller  later 
condemned  this  tenet,  saying:  "Pope  in  seinem  Versuche  iiber  den  Men- 
schen  verdeckt  unter  angenehmen  Blumen  ein  gefahrliches  Gift."7 

A  further  probable  direct  or  indirect  source  of  Haller's  poem  on  the 
origin  of  evil  was  William  King's  similarly  named  work,  De  Origine  Mali, 
1702.  Leibniz  had  referred  to  this  treatise  in  his  Essais  de  Theodicee  sur  la 
bonte  de  Dieu,  la  liberie  de  I'homme  et  V origine  du  mal,  specifically  agreeing 
with  King  that  physical  evil  in  the  universe  was  only  a  human  illusion. 
Lessing  and  Mendelssohn  in  their  essay  Pope  ein  Metaphysiker!,  pointed 
out  that  several  of  Pope's  best  passages  are  poetic  paraphrases  of  Leibniz, 
Shaftesbury,  and  King.8  Thus  many  apparent  parallels  between  Haller 
and  Pope  may  readily  be  accounted  for  by  a  common  source. 

King,  Leibniz,  Newton,  Shaftesbury,  Pope,  and  Haller  were  all  agreed 
on  the  subject  of  the  essential  harmony  of  the  universe,  but  Newton 
disagreed  with  Leibniz  in  one  respect.  Leibniz  regarded  the  universe  as 
a  mechanism  that,  once  completed,  continued  to  run  perfectly  without 
the  interposition  of  the  creator's  hand,  while  Newton  believed  in  God's 
merciful  interposition  or  special  providence.  John  Clarke  supported 
Newton  with  an  Enquiry  into  the  Cause  of  the  Origin  of  Evil,  1720.  A 
correspondence  ensued  between  Clarke  and  Leibniz  which  was  published 
and  edited  by  Desmaizeaux,  who  seems  to  have  been  Haller's  adviser 
during  his  stay  in  England.  Haller  (II,  65  ff.)  agreed  with  Newton  and 
Clarke  rather  than  with  Leibniz. 

Drum  uberliefi  auch  Gott  die  Geister  ihrem  Willen 
Und  dem  Zusammenhang,  woraus  die  Thaten  quillen, 
Doch  so,  daO  seine  Hand  der  Welten  Steuer  behielt, 
Und  der  Natur  ihr  Rad  muB  stehen,  wann  er  befieb.lt. 

More  important  was  Shaftesbury.  It  was  he  who  brought  into  prominence 
the  concept  of  man's  moral  sense  or  conscience,  and  we  know  that  Stahe- 
lin,  in  1732,  lent  Haller  a  copy  of  Shaftesbury.  This  may  help  to  account 
for  certain  lines  in  JJber  den  Ur sprung  des  Ubels  such  as  II,  179  ff. : 

Weit  notiger  liegt  noch,  im  Innersten  von  uns, 
Der  Werke  Ricbterin,  der  Probstein  unser  Tbuns : 
Vom  Himmel  stammt  ihr  Recht;  er  hat  in  dem  Gewissen 
Die  Pflicbten  der  Natur  den  Menscben  vorgerissen. 

and  again,  II,  209  ff . : 

Die  Kraft  von  Blut  und  Recht  erkennen  die  Huronen, 
Die  dort  an  Mitschigans  beschneiten  Ufern  wohnen, 


7  GGA,  1746,  551.  Cf.  Haller,  Tagebuch  II  191. 

8  Lessing,  Schriften,  VI  438-445.  Cf.  Jones  [246]  and  Price  [247]. 


64        University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Und  unterm  braunen  Slid'  ftihlt  auch  der  Hottentott 
Die  allgemeine  Pflicht  und  der  Natur  Gebot. 

Certainly  this  conviction  suggests  Shaftesbury  rather  than  Pope, 
though  in  most  respects  the  pietistic,  often  melancholy,  Haller  was  far 
removed  from  both.  The  form  of  the  poem,  to  be  sure,  is  suggestive  of 
Pope.  So  it  is  difficult  to  find  in  the  works  of  any  single  author  the  model 
for  this  poem  and  its  immediate  predecessors  and  we  may  well  be  content 
with  Haller 's  vague  statement  that  he  was  emulating  "die  englischen 
philosophischen  Dichter,"  but  in  this  endeavor  he  conceded  the  priority 
to  Hagedorn.  In  his  well-known  letter  to  Gemmingen  he  wrote: 

Der  Hr.  von  Hagedorn  besuchte  Engelland,  ich  auch,  und  noch  etwas  fruher.  Die 
Reise  hatte  auf  beyde  einen  wichtigen  Einflufi:  Wir  fuhlten,  dafi  man  in  wenigen 
Wortern  weit  mehr  sagen  konnte,  als  man  in  Deutschland  bis  hieher  gesagt  hatte ;  wir 
sahen,  dafi  philosophische  Begriffe  und  Anmerkungen  sich  reimen  liefien,  und  strebten 
beyde  nach  einer  Starke,  dazu  wir  noch  keine  Urbilder  gehabt  hatten.  Sehr  jung 
machte  sich  Hr.  von  Hagedorn  mit  seinen  Poesien  bekannt,  ich  um  etwas  spater.9 

Hagedorn's  relation  to  Pope  is  less  problematical  than  Haller's.  Like 
Haller  and  Brockes  he  fell  in  his  youth  under  the  spell  of  the  ornate 
Silesian  poets.  In  a  letter  to  Bodmer,  1753,  he  states  that  Hofmanns- 
waldau  was  one  of  his  favorite  poets,10  and  his  Schreiben  der  Kleopatra 
an  den  Caesar  remains  to  confirm  this  admission,  for,  to  his  later  regret, 
Hagedorn,  unlike  Haller,  was  led  to  publish  instead  of  burn  his  youthful 
poems.  During  his  two  London  years,  1729-1731,  he  must  surely  have 
known  of  Pope,  and  after  his  return  he  retained  his  interest  in  English 
literary  affairs.  It  seems  probable  then  that  he  would  have  known  of  Du 
Resnel's  purported  translation  of  the  Essay  on  Man  into  French,  1737, 
as  well  as  of  the  attack  of  the  Swiss  critic  Crousaz,  upon  the  Leibnizian 
ideas  contained  therein  (Commentaire  sur  la  traduction  en  vers  de  M. 
Vabbe  du  Resnel  de  VEssai  de  M.  Pope,  1738)  and  of  the  ensuing  contro- 
versy, in  the  course  of  which  it  first  developed  that  many  of  the  ideas 
attacked  were  Du  Resnel's  own  rather  than  Pope's.  Still  Pope  was  placed 
to  some  extent  on  the  defensive  and  to  prove  his  orthodoxy  he  wrote  in 
1738  his  "Universal  Prayer." 

In  Hamburg  Pope  found  two  allies.  One  of  them  was  Brockes,  who 

published  in  1740  his  translation  of  the  Essay  on  Man.  In  a  letter  to 

Bodmer,  December  1,  1739,  Hagedorn  makes  two  favorable  comments 

on  this  forthcoming  work.  First  he  says:  "Hr.  Brockes  hat  sich  viele 

Miihe  gegeben,  seine  tlbersetzung  dogmatisch  zu  machen,"11  which 

means  apparently  to  render  it  acceptable  to  the  defenders  of  orthodoxy. 

9  Cf.  Haller,  Gedichte,  398. 

io  "Ungedruckte  Briefe,"  Zurich  Univ.  Bibl.  Hagedorn  to  Bodmer,  May  19,  1753. 

11  Hagedorn,  Werke,  V  16  f. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  65 

To  this  end,  he  adds,  Brockes  allowed  himself  more  freedom  in  versifica- 
tion than  in  his  translation  of  Marino's  Strage  degli  innocenti.  A  harsher 
critic  would  have  said  "more  licence."  The  second  defender  was  Hage- 
dorn  himself,  who  published  in  1742  a  translation  of  Pope's  "Universal 
Prayer,"  changing  the  dangerously  liberal  "Jehovah,  Jove  or  Lord,"  to 
the  more  dogmatic  "Gott,  dem  alle  Gotter  weichen."12 

Hagedorn  candidly  admitted  that  he  made  this  change  to  avoid 
"einiger  Gottesgelehrten  gewissen  Widerspruch."13  Two  chief  poems  of 
the  preceding  years,  "Der  Gelehrte,"  1740,  and  "Der  Weise,"  1741,14  are 
somewhat  reminiscent  of  Pope,  but  the  conscientious  Hagedorn  mentions 
only  classic  and  French  authors  in  his  footnotes,  and  furthermore  the 
distinction  he  makes  between  "Der  Weise"  and  "Der  Gelehrte"  suggests 
of  all  English  authors,  most  readily  Shaftesbury.  The  greater  part  of  the 
poem  "Die  Gluckseligkeit,"  1743, 15  seems  to  be  based  upon  Pope,  espe- 
cially upon  the  fourth  letter  of  the  Essay  on  Man  and  upon  the  third  and 
fourth  letters  of  the  Moral  Essays,16  but  thereafter  Hagedorn  becomes 
more  and  more  independent  of  Pope.  When,  in  his  versified  "Schreiben 
an  einen  Freund,"  1747,  he  wishes  not  to  be  learned  but  only  to  possess 
"den  glucklichen  Geschmack,  die  Tugend  schon  zu  finden,"17  he  seems 
to  be  harking  back  to  Shaftesbury.  For  other  concisely  expressed  senti- 
ments he  no  doubt  owes  a  certain  debt  to  Thomson.  Hagedorn's  poem 
"Die  Freundschaft,"  1748,  seems  to  owe  its  origin  to  Pope  whose  letter 
to  H.  Cromwell  is  mentioned  in  the  first  footnote.18  Letter  and  poem 
begin  with  a  reference  to  Ulysses's  faithful  dog.19  Hagedorn's  reference  to 
self-love  is  also  reminiscent  of  Pope  but,  to  be  sure,  of  Shaftesbury  as 

we^  •  Die  Liebe  zu  uns  selbst,  allein  die  weise  nur, 

1st  freylich  unsere  Pflicht,  die  Stimme  der  Natur.20 

for  Pope  had  said : 

Two  principles  in  human  nature  reign; 
Self  love,  to  urge,  and  reason,  to  restrain.21 

Hagedorn's  own  footnotes  serve  to  remind  us  that  Horace  and  the  classi- 
cal poets  are  ever-probable  sources  of  his  inspiration. 

Hagedorn's  "Schreiben  an  einen  Freund,"  1752,  defines  his  ultimate 
adjustment  to  Pope.  Hagedorn  commends  Pope  as  an  authority  on  good 

12  Ibid.,  I  3.  17  Hagedorn,  Werke  1  41. 

13  Ibid.,  V  116.  18  Coffman  [243]  90.  Cf.  Meinhold  [242]  163. 

14  Ibid.,  I  79  ff.  and  15  ff.  19  Hagedorn,  Werke  I  57. 

15  Ibid.,  I  19  ff.  20  Ibid.,  I  62. 

16  Cf.  Frick  [500]  7-12.  21  Pope,  Essay  on  Man  Ep.  II,  53  f. 


66        University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

style  in  letter  writing22  and  also  as  one  who  knows  how  to  borrow  from 
other  authors  to  best  advantage.23  He  quotes  two  such  instances  in 
Pope's  Essay  on  Criticism  and  provides  one  of  his  own.  Hagedorn  quotes 
from  Pope's  Observations  on  Homer:  "It  is  generally  the  fate  of  such 
people  who  will  never  say  what  was  said  before,  to  say  what  never  will 
be  said  after  them,"  which  cumbersome  remark  he  immediately  turns 
into  a  compact  Popelike  couplet. 

Wer  nimmer  sagen  will,  was  man  zuvorgesagt, 

Der  wagt,  dies  ist  sein  Loos,  was  niemand  nach  ihm  wagt.24 

He  quotes  Pope  in  defense  of  the  imitation  of  the  ancients:  "They  who 
say  our  thoughts  are  not  our  own  because  they  resemble  the  ancients', 
may  as  well  say  our  faces  are  not  our  own  because  they  are  like  our 
fathers'!"25  From  all  of  this  it  may  be  inferred  that  Hagedorn  found  to 
his  liking  Pope's  poetry  and  his  theory  and  method  of  imitation:  "Man 
sollte  nachahmen  wie  Boileau  und  Lafontaine  nachgeahmt  haben.  Jener 
pflegte  davon  zu  sagen:  'Cela  ne  s'appelle  pas  imiter;  c'est  jouter  contre 
son  original,'  "26  and  Pope,  said  Hagedorn,  was  an  excellent  tilter,  "so  gar 
seine  Nachahmungen  aus  dem  Horaz  sind  meisterhafte,  freie  Originale. 
Er  ist  ein  Muster  der  besten  Nacheiferung."27  In  short,  Hagedorn  and 
Pope  were  two  poets  of  rather  similar  literary  tastes  with  similar  ideas 
on  the  art  of  writing.  Sometimes  Hagedorn  indulged  in  poetic  jousts  with 
Pope  and  sometimes  he  joined  with  him  and  other  classicists  in  sportive 
jousts  with  Latin  and  other  poets,  but  remained  withal  his  superficial 
self.  In  the  poem  beginning,  "Horaz,  mein  Freund  und  mein  Begleiter," 
he  admitted  the  only  deep  indebtedness  of  which  he  was  aware.28 

It  should  be  added  that  Hagedorn  was  not  only  the  first  German 
imitator  of  Pope's  sharply  pointed  style  but  also  the  most  consistent 
observer  of  his  verse  technique.  As  Haller  wrote  in  1772:  "Mit  dem  Pope 
hat  er  eine  grolte  Ahnlichkeit  in  der  feinen  Auspolirung  der  Verse,  worinn 
wenige  auch  seit  unsern  Zeiten  es  Hagedorn  nachgethan  haben."29  In 
"Der  Gelehrte,"  1740,  and  "Der  Weise,"  1741,  Hagedorn  introduced  the 
heroic  couplet  at  the  end  of  each  stanza.  His  "Allgemeines  Gebet"  of 
two  years  later  registers,  oddly  enough,  a  falling  away  from  Pope  in 
respect  to  form.  The  unfortunate  example  of  Brockes  may  account  for 
this.30  His  "Gluckseligkeit,"  1743,  follows  Pope  closely  in  its  argument, 
and  approaches  him  in  form  as  well.  Here  iambic  hexameter  is  used 
throughout  and  the  poem  is  full  of  antitheses,  epigrammatic  lines,  and 

22  Hagedorn,  Werke,  I  xxvi.  27  Ibid.,  I  97. 

23  Ibid.,  I  xxx.  2«  Coffman  [243]  506  and  [244]. 

24  Ibid.,  I  xxxii.  29  Haller,  Gedichte,  p.  401. 

25  Ibid.,  I  xxxi.  so  Qfg  p  q^,  above. 

26  Ibid.,  I  xviii. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  67 

line  pairs.31  "Der  Schwatzer,"  1744,  "Schreiben  an  einen  Freund,"  1747, 
and  "Die  Freundschaft,"  1748,  are  also  written  in  hexameters  and  in  cou- 
plets. With  the  heroic  couplet  and  with  the  iambic  pentameter  in  general 
Hagedorn  experimented,  though  rather  sparingly,  in  his  Epigram?natische 
Gedichte.  The  "SchriftmaBige  Betrachtungen  liber  einige  Eigenschaften 
Gottes,"  1744,  is  written  in  iambic  tetrameters  with  chiefly  end-stopped 
lines,  producing  a  result  resembling  closely  Pope's  "Universal  Prayer." 
Finally,  in  1751,  Hagedorn  wrote  his  "Horaz"  in  the  heroic  couplet  ex- 
clusively. Or  to  put  it  otherwise,  during  the  years  of  his  partial  appren- 
ticeship to  Pope  he  became  less  and  less  dependent  on  his  master  for 
themes,  ideas,  and  arguments,  but  approached  him  constantly  in  respect 
to  polish  and  technique. 

Brockes's  relation  to  English  poetry  is  much  like  Haller's.  It  is  evident 
that  English  poets  influenced  him,  but  uncertain  just  which  ones.  Until 
the  time  of  his  return  from  Italy  he  had  written  after  the  manner  of  the 
later  Silesians,  and  of  all  works  of  Italian  literature  he  had  chosen  pre- 
cisely Marino's  Strage  degli  innocenti  for  translation,  1715;  but  after  his 
return  to  Hamburg  he  associated  with  members  of  the  local  "teutsch- 
iibende  Gesellschaft,"  who  were  opposed  to  all  affectation,  and  one  of 
the  members,  Richey,  parodied  Brockes's  bombastic  style.  The  society 
was  consciously  turning  to  England  for  models.32  Brockes's  friend  Trie- 
wald  was  an  admirer  of  Cowley.  Milton  was  likewise  in  the  foreground 
at  the  time.  The  Spectator  and  the  Guardian  were  also  read,  and  no  doubt 
the  early  works  of  Pope  as  well.  Pastorals  were  in  especial  favor,  and 
Brockes's  "Das  Wasser  im  Fruhling"  toward  the  beginning  of  his 
Irdisches  Vergniigen  in  Gott  is  a  little  like  Pope's  "Spring"  (v.  17  ff.), 
but  not  strikingly  so.33  Since  Brockes  published  his  translation  of  the 
Essay  on  Man  in  1740,  one  may  look  for  resemblances  of  that  poem  in 
his  Neujahrsgedichte,  1739.  In  it  he  takes  up  the  question  of  the  justifica- 
tion of  apparent  evil  and  answers  it  with  Pope  in  the  light  of  reason,  but 
with  Brockes,  as  with  Haller,  Shaftesbury  may  have  played  a  role,  and 
other  deists  as  well.34  An  influence  of  Derham's  Physicotheologie,  1713, 
and  Astrotheologie,  1714,  is  to  be  suspected.  These  works  were  translated 
into  German  by  Fabricius  and  published  in  Hamburg,  1728,  under  the 
titles  Physico-Theologie  oder  Naturleitung  zu  Gott  and  Astro-Theologie  oder 
Himmlisches  Vergniigen  in  Gott.35 

As  for  Brockes's  translation  of  the  Essay  on  Man  it  was  neither  poetic 

31  Coffman  [243]  504. 

32  Brandl,  A.  B.  H.  Brockes  .  .  .,  Innsbruck,  1878,  34  f. 

33  Despite  Maack  [494]  3.  His  best  parallel  is  Brockes,  Irdisches  Vergniigen  in  Gott, 
Hamburg,  1744,  289  and  Pope,  Essay  on  Man,  Ep.  Ill  7-8  and  25. 

34  Cf.  p.  63 1.,  above. 

35  Brandl,  A.  B.  H.  Brockes  .  .  .,  p.  x  and  Behn-Cierpa  [198]. 


68        University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

nor  close.  His  eight-foot  line  gave  not  only  room  enough  but  too  much, 
and  necessitated  flabby  padding.  The  result  distorted  both  the  sense  and 
the  form  of  the  original.  The  production  was  accompanied  by  Zinck's 
translation  of  Warburton's  defense  of  Pope  against  the  attacks  of 
Crousaz. 

After  the  failure  of  Brockes  it  was  thought  impossible  to  render  the 
"essay"  into  German  verse.  In  1741,  an  anonymous  prose  translation 
appeared  in  Frankfurt.  In  1745  Mylius  began  a  serial  translation  for  his 
Hallische  Bemiihungen,36  and  in  1761  Dusch  included  a  similar  one  in  his 
complete  translation  of  Pope's  works.37  It  was  this  which  evoked  the 
sharp  criticism  of  Lessing. 

Einen  Dichter,  dessen  grofles,  ich  will  nicht  sagen  grofites,  Verdienst  in  dem  war,  was 
wir  das  Mechanische  der  Poesie  nennen;  dessen  ganze  Muhe  dahin  ging,  den  reichsten 
triftigsten  Sinn  in  die  wenigsten,  wohlklingendsten  Worte  zu  legen;  dem  der  Reim 
keine  Kleinigkeit  war — einen  solchen  Dichter  in  Prosa  zu  iibersetzen,  heifit  ihn  arger 
entstellen,  als  man  den  Euklides  entstellen  wurde,  wenn  man  ihn  in  Verse  iibersetzte.38 

Yet  the  very  next  year  J.  G.  Schlosser,  later  the  brother-in-law  of 
Goethe,  began  an  Anti-Pope,  to  which  he  appended  a  prose  translation 
of  the  Essay  on  Man.  But  in  general  after  1750  verse  translation  pre- 
vailed. All  manner  of  experiments  were  carried  out  in  hexameters,  blank 
verse,  alexandrines,  free  iambics,  and  lines  of  varied  length.  The  blank- 
verse  translation  of  Broxtermann,  1798,  has  been  variously  estimated, 
while  the  rhymed  version  of  Bothe  in  verses  of  varied  length  has  been 
commended  by  more  than  one  critic  as  the  best  of  the  century.39 

The  "Originalgenies"  paid  little  heed  to  Pope,  though  to  be  sure  Lenz 
in  his  youth  sought  in  vain  a  publisher  for  his  translation  of  the  Essay  on 
Man.  Herder,  Goethe,  and  Schiller  penetrated  back  of  Pope  to  Shaftes- 
bury. In  a  letter  of  May  1,  1797,  Schiller  linked  Wieland  with  Voltaire 
and  Pope,  calling  them  "bereit  und  witzig,"  but  not  really  poets.  "Er 
[Pope]  gehort  in  die  lobliche  Zeit,  wo  man  die  Werke  des  Witzes  und  des 
poetischen  Genies  fur  Synonima  hielt."40  Nevertheless  "Die  Hoffnung," 
written  at  about  the  same  time,  contains  several  passages  strongly 
reminiscent  of  the  Essay  on  Ma,nil 

The  critical  writings  of  Pope  naturally  commanded  a  large  measure 
of  attention.  Both  the  "Leipziger"  and  the  "Schweizer"  desired  to  claim 
the  acknowledged  authority  on  good  taste  as  their  own.  Drollinger  was 
first  in  the  field  with  a  prose  translation  of  the  Essay  on  Criticism,  1741, 

36  hoc.  cit.,  ed.  Cramer  and  Mylius,  1745-1747,  Sti'icke  13-16,  passim. 

37  Pope,  Sdmmtliche  Werke,  I-V,  Altona,  1758-1764. 

38  Lessing,  Schriften,  VII  5. 

39  Heinzelmann  [497]  and  Schweinsteiger  [498]. 

40  Schiller,  Brief e,  V  185. 

41  Cf.  Krumpelmann  [501]. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  69 

to  which  the  Leipzig  group  responded  with  an  unsuccessful  hexametric 
version  by  Mtiller,  1745.  Even  Gottsched  was  at  a  loss  to  defend  it  but 
he  commended  it  as  superior  to  the  lazy  prose  of  Drollinger  and  the  cum- 
bersome verse  of  Brockes.42  A  prose  translation  of  the  Essay  on  Criticism 
was  included  in  Dusch's  work  of  1 758-1 76443  and  three  decades  later  a 
disappointing  effort  came  from  the  study  of  Eschenburg.44  Not  content 
with  the  Essay  on  Criticism,  Bodmer  translated  in  1745,  in  the  space  of 
ten  days,  Pope's  Dunciad,  and  published  it  in  1747. 

The  temporary  popularity  of  The  Rape  of  the  Lock  was  to  be  expected 
in  its  period.  The  first  German  translator  obviously  used  the  French 
prose  version  of  Ferard  (Paris,  1728)  as  a  basis  for  his  prose  translation, 
1739. 45  The  second,  Frau  Gottsched,  worked  for  six  or  seven  years  from 
the  same  version  and  had  completed  four  cantos  before  she  saw  the 
original  English  version46  and  recognized  the  futility  of  her  labor.  She 
laid  aside  her  previous  work  as  useless  until  at  length,  in  1744,  she  sum- 
moned the  energy  to  retranslate  from  the  beginning. 

Pope's  mock  epic  owed  much  to  Boileau's  Le  Lutrin,  1674,  and  it  again 
to  Tassoni's  La  Secchia  Rapita  (Paris,  1622).  A  large  number  of  comic 
epics  of  a  similar  kind  were  written  in  Germany.  The  earliest  satires  of 
society  were  Pyra's  "Bibliotartarus,"  a  fragment  of  1741,  and  Rost's 
"Die  Tanzerin"  of  the  same  year.  Zacharia's  Der  Renommist,  1744,  is  too 
heavily  burdened  with  a  moral  lesson  to  remind  one  greatly  of  Pope's 
work.  Of  his  poems,  Das  Schnupftuch  affords  the  closest  parallel  to  Pope. 
He  wrote  other  such  poems  during  1744-1757,  some  in  pentameters  and 
some  less  successfully  in  hexameters.  Dusch's  Der  SchoBhund,  1756,  is 
one  of  the  most  slavish  imitations  of  the  period,  Uz's  Der  Sieg  des  Liebes- 
gottes,  1753,  one  of  the  freest.  Uz  announced  that  he  was  not  endeavoring 
to  write  a  comic  epic  after  the  manner  of  Pope,  but  a  satire  upon  some 
of  the  tendencies  of  the  time,  among  them  the  imitation  of  things  French 
and  English,  but  it  still  remains  true  that  the  poem  borrowed  many  de- 
tails from  Pope,  and  its  skillful  rhymed  couplets,  of  six  feet  though 
they  are,  remind  one  of  Pope's.  The  Rape  of  the  Lock  brought  no  new 
impulse  to  German  literature.  To  the  versifiers  of  the  rococo  school  The 
Rape  of  the  Lock  was  just  another  poem  to  be  admired  and  imitated,  and 
in  general  it  may  be  said  that  it  came  upon  the  scene  in  its  proper  form 
too  late  to  influence  greatly  German  style. 

The  style  of  Pope  could  not  fail  to  affect  other  poets  of  the  time.  In 
Switzerland  Karl  Friedrich  Drollinger  underwent  a  development  not 

42  Neuer  Buchersaal  der  schonen  Wissenschaften  und  freyen  Kiinste,  I  (1745)  252  ff. 
Cf.  Waniek  [238]  536. 

43  Cf.  fn.  35,  above. 

44  Archiv  der  Zeit  und  ihres  Geschmackes,  (1796)  Jahrgang  17,  Bd.  II. 

45  Heinzelmann  [497]  320  and  332;  cf.  BlaCneck  [18]  113. 

46  Cf.  Petzet  [493]. 


70        University  of  California  Pub  lications  in  Modern  Philology 

unlike  that  of  Haller  and  Brockes.  Originally  an  adherent  of  the  "second 
Silesian  school"  he  burned  his  youthful  productions  like  his  friend  Haller 
and  began  anew  under  the  guidance  of  Pope.  In  his  "Lob  der  Gottheit," 
"Die  Unsterblichkeit  der  Seele,"  and  "Uber  die  gottliche  Fursehung"  he 
treated  philosophic  themes  after  the  manner  of  Pope  and  approached  his 
clarity  of  style  and  pregnancy  of  phrase.  Ewald  Christian  von  Kleist 
professed  a  great  admiration  for  Pope,  knew  his  works  thoroughly,  and 
began  at  one  time  a  translation  of  the  Essay  on  Man.  It  is  not  remarkable 
that  in  his  shorter  poems  and  in  "Der  Friihling"  there  should  be  faint 
echoes  of  Pope's  lines,  but  Kleist's  own  voice  predominates.47  Pyra's  Der 
Tempel  der  wahren  Dichtkunst,  1737,  owes  much  to  Pope's  The  Temple 
of  Fame.  The  architecture  and  the  terrain  of  the  two  sanctuaries  are 
comparable,  and  Pyra,  especially  in  the  fourth  "Gesang,"  parallels  Pope 
with  several  passages.48  In  title  and  argument  Uz's  Theodicee,  1755, 
follows  Leibniz's  Theodicee  rather  than  the  Essay  on  Man.49  Attributable 
to  Pope  is  the  idea  of  expounding  his  philosophy  in  verse.  The  less  signifi- 
cant didactic  and  idyllic  poets  of  Germany  were  naturally  dependent  on 
Pope  in  a  more  slavish  fashion.  In  his  poems  "Der  Mensch  in  Absicht 
auf  die  Selbsterkenntnis"  and  "Gedanken  von  den  Endzwecken  der 
Welt"  Zernitz  leans  rather  heavily  on  the  Essay  on  Man.  The  first  book 
of  Dusch's  didactic  poem  Die  Wissenschaft  may  be  regarded  as  an  expan- 
sion of  a  few  lines  of  the  same  poem.  Despite  his  footnote  reference  to 
Ovid,  his  idyll  "Tolk  Schoby"  is  taken  almost  literally  from  Pope's 
"Windsor  Forest."50  But  even  with  these  poets  reminiscences  of  the 
philosophy  of  Leibniz  or  Shaftesbury  may  be  present,  and  it  is  unwise 
to  designate  a  single  antecedent  even  for  a  specific  passage. 

In  the  second  half  of  the  century  other  poems  of  Pope,  hitherto  over- 
looked, leaped  into  favor.  Of  these,  January  and  May,  The  Temple  of 
Fame,  and  Windsor  Forest  were  now  translated  for  the  first  time.  Particu- 
larly notable  was  the  popularity  of  Elo'ise  to  Abelard.  During  the  period 
1780-1805  there  were  no  less  than  ten  renderings  of  this  poem,  one  of 
them  by  Eschenburg  and  one  even  by  Burger  although  Burger  had  no 
use  for  Pope,  the  rationalist,  or  for  his  verse  forms.  Herder,  Lenz,  and 
Sophie  Brentano  were  also  among  the  translators  of  Pope61  but  he  had 
ceased  to  be  a  vital  force  in  German  poetry. 

47  Maack  [494]  parallels  Menalk,  49-53  and  Pope,  Autumn,  97-100;  the  outline  of 
Wilhelmine  with  that  of  Autumn  and  Winter;  Sehnsucht  nach  Ruhe,  19-84,  with 
Windsor  Forest,  68  ff.;  Friihling,  334-362,  with  Essay  on  Man,  267-294. 

48  Freundschaftliche  Lieder  von  J.  J.  Pyra  und  S.  G.  Lange,  ed.  A.  Sauer,  DLD, 
XXII  (1885)  xxxiii-xxxv  and  xliii  f. 

49  Maack  [494]  compares  Theodicee,  61-66  with  Essaij  on  Man,  I  88-91  and  Theo- 
dicee, 73-78  with  Essay  on  Alan,  I  289-294. 

60  Maack  [494]. 

61  Heinzelmann  [494]  36. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  71 

Pope's  "Ode  on  St.  Cecilia's  Day"  received  attention  in  Germany 
chiefly  as  a  companion  piece  to  Dryden's  "Alexander's  Feast."  In  Eng- 
land and  in  Germany  this  poem  was  long  acclaimed  as  the  greatest 
achievement  in  English  lyric  poetry.52  Handel's  composition,  1736,  did 
much  to  raise  it  to  the  sky.  Christian  Felix  Weisse  published  a  translation 
of  "Alexander's  Feast,"  Congreve's  "Ode  to  Harmony,"  and  Pope's  "Ode 
on  St.  Cecilia's  Day"  in  the  "Anhang"  to  his  Scherzhafte  Gedichte,  in  1752. 
Ramler  translated  Pope's  "Ode"  and  Dryden's  "Alexander's  Feast"  in 
1766.53  Both  Noldeke  and  "T  .  .  .  r"  (possibly  Teuber)  translated 
Dryden's  poem  in  1800.  Kosegarten  competed  with  an  excellent  trans- 
lation in  Schiller's  Musenalmanach  auf  1800,  which  he  reprinted  in  his 
Rhapsodien,  1801.  There  was  a  general  agreement  that  Pope  must  yield 
the  crown  to  Dry  den. 

Pope  no  doubt  did  much  to  popularize  the  deistic  philosophy  in  Ger- 
many where  the  points  at  issue  between  him  and  his  friend  Voltaire  were 
understood  in  a  general  way.  Pope  seemed  to  represent  the  idea,  "What- 
ever is,  is  right,"  Voltaire  the  idea  that  much  that  is,  is  wrong.  At  the 
time  of  its  publication  the  Essay  on  Man  seemed  to  need  explanations 
and  defenses,  as  we  have  seen,  but  it  soon  came  to  represent  orthodoxy 
both  in  philosophy  and  in  theology.  Maupertuis,  the  director  of  the  Ber- 
lin academy  and  an  opponent  of  Voltaire,  proposed  as  the  subject  of  a 
prize  essay  "The  Metaphysics  of  Pope"  which  led  Lessing  and  Men- 
delssohn in  their  essay,  Pope  ein  Metaphysiker!,  1755,  to  demonstrate 
that  Pope  should  be  judged  as  a  poet  rather  than  a  philosopher.  Later 
critics  have  sometimes  erred  in  calling  the  essay  an  atrempt  to  prove 
that  he  was  no  philosopher  at  all.  Moreover  the  essay  was  probably  less 
read  at  the  time  than  is  generally  supposed.54  Nevertheless  it  probably 
tended  to  undermine  Pope's  standing  as  an  original  thinker.  As  far  as 
ideas  are  concerned,  Pope  is  important  chiefly  as  an  intermediary  of  the 
views  of  Shaftesbury,  which  were  soon  to  prove  of  such  great  importance 
to  German  literature. 

On  the  whole  it  may  be  said  that  after  1750  or  thereabouts  Pope's 
Essay  inspired  translations  at  the  hands  of  minor  verse  artisans  rather 
than  imitation  by  the  major  poets.  The  earlier  efforts  to  translate  his 
poetry  redounded  to  the  benefit  of  the  German  language,  still  more  so 
the  attempts  of  Haller,  Brockes,  and  Hagedorn  to  express  philosophical 
thought  in  terse  metric  form.  English  poets  who  later  came  into  vogue 
in  Germany,  notably  Milton,  Young,  and  Shakespeare,  used  a  language 

52  Baumgartner  [360]  64. 

53  Heinzelmann  [497]. 
"TenHoor  [279]  1142  ff. 


72        University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

less  pellucid  than  Pope's  but  more  acceptable  to  the  later  German 
schools.  It  was  well  for  German  poetry  that  for  a  while  at  least  English 
authority  seemed  to  sanction  clarity  and  simplicity,  but  also  well  that 
the  vogue  of  this  school  was  of  short  duration. 


Chapter  VI 

THOMSON  AND  DESCRIPTIVE  POETRY 

During  his  short  life,  James  Thomson  wrote  tragedies,  didactic  verse, 
and  descriptive  poems  of  the  four  seasons,  but  The  Seasons  alone  marked 
a  new  departure  in  poetry.  His  tragedies,  written  chiefly  after  the  com- 
pletion of  The  Seasons,  found  scant  favor  in  England  and  made  little  stir 
abroad.  Lessing  did  most  to  make  them  known  in  Germany.  For  the 
Theatralische  Bibliothek  he  translated  the  life  of  Thomson,  from  Cibber's 
Lives  of  the  Poets  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,1  and  when  a  society  in 
Stralsund  published  a  collection  of  translations  of  Thomson's  tragedies 
in  1750  he  wrote  for  it  an  introduction,  in  which  he  called  the  tragic 
Thomson  one  of  the  greatest  of  geniuses  "durch  die  Kenntnifi  des  mensch- 
lichen  Herzens  und  durch  die  magische  Kunst,  jede  Leidenschaft  vor 
unsern  Augen  entstehen,  wachsen  und  ausbrechen  zu  lassen."2  Other- 
wise what  he  says  of  interest  in  the  preface  is  aside  from  the  subject  for  it 
concerns  the  "irregular  tragedy,"  and,  as  Lessing  admits,  Thomson's 
tragedies  are  "nicht  allein  franzosisch  sondern  griechisch  regelmaBig."3 

Thomson's  tragedies,  though  rarely  played  in  Germany,4  were  impor- 
tant to  German  literature  chiefly  because  of  the  impulse  they  gave  to 
the  drama  in  blank  verse.  Several  translations  had  been  published  be- 
tween 1749  and  1758,  but  all  of  them  had  been  in  prose  with  the  excep- 
tion of  Michaelis's  Agamemnon  "in  reimlosen  Alexandrinern."5  Then 
Johann  Heinrich  Schlegel  began  translating  them  into  blank  verse: 
Sophonisbe,  1758;  Agamemnon  and  Coriolanus,  1760;  Tancred,  1764; 
Eduard  und  Eleonore,  1764.  Previous  to  this  time  blank  verse  had  been 
employed  in  Germany  for  other  forms  of  poetry,  but  had  not  been  re- 
garded as  sufficiently  noble  for  tragedy.  The  chief  exception  here  is 
Wieland's  Johanna  Gray,  1738.  Johann  Elias  Schlegel's  blank-verse  trans- 
lation of  Congreve's  The  Mourning  Bride  had  also  been  written  but  had 
not  been  published  as  yet.  In  the  prefaces  to  his  translations  Johann 
Heinrich  Schlegel  advocated  the  use  of  the  English  blank  verse.  That  he 
was  sometimes  vague  and  erroneous  as  to  its  exact  nature  is  of  no  con- 
sequence in  this  connection.  Between  1760  and  the  appearance  of  Nathan 

1  Lessing,  Schriften,  VI  53-70. 

2  Ibid.,  VI  54  ff. 

3  Ibid.,  VII  67. 

4  Ackermann  played  in  Eduard  und  Eleonora  and  Tancred;  see  F.  L.  W.  Meyer, 
Friedrich  Ludwig  Schroder,  neue  Ausgabe,  Hamburg,  1823,  II  2,  p.  116. 

5  Discussed  by  Lessing  in  the  Theatralische  Bibliothek.  A  passage  of  the  translation 
is  included.  Lessing,  Schriften,  VI  64  f.  Lessing' s  prose  translation  of  a  fragment  of 
Agamemnon  and  of  Tancred  and  Sigismunde  is  included  in  the  "Nachlafi."  Lessing, 
Schriften,  XXII 47-69. 

[73] 


74        University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

der  Weise  and  Don  Carlos  there  were  several  attempts  to  write  original 
German  tragedies  in  blank  verse. 

The  philosophic,  didactic,  and  lyric  poems  of  Thomson  made  an  im- 
pression upon  certain  leading  German  poets,  first  of  all  on  Hagedorn.  If 
Pope  was  his  best  teacher  in  form,  Thomson  was  most  congenial  to  him 
in  social  ideals.  Hagedorn  especially  commended  to  his  friends  the  spirit 
of  Thomson's  poem,  "Liberty." 

Unless  corruption  first  deject  the  pride 
And  guardian  vigor  of  the  free-born  soul 
All  crude  attempts  of  violence  are  gone. 

Similarly  Hagedorn  says  in  "Der  Weise" : 

Die  Schmeicheley  legt  ihre  sanften  Bande, 
Ihr  glattes  Joch,  nur  eitlen  Seelen  an. 
Unedler  Ruhm  und  unverdiente  Schande, 
O  waget  euch  an  keinen  Biedermann!0 

Like  Thomson,  Hagedorn  lays  emphasis  upon  innocence,  cheerfulness, 
health,  avoidance  of  self-delusion;  and  both  extol  the  joy  of  true  friend- 
ship of  man  for  man,  and  the  pleasures  of  country  life.  Hagedorn  caught 
the  political  spirit  of  Thomson's  poetry  and  put  it  in  German  terms  more 
accurately  than  did  his  contemporaries. 

Milton,  Young,  and  Elizabeth  Rowe  have  generally  been  thought  suffi- 
cient to  account  for  any  English  tone  in  Klopstock's  Oden.  In  his  poems 
and  correspondence  he  praises  these  and  other  English  authors  but  makes 
no  mention  of  Thomson,  yet  Schmidt  and  Gleim,  his  most  intimate 
friends,  corresponded  regarding  Thomson,  and  Ebert  read  Kleist's  Friih- 
ling  aloud  to  a  circle  of  friends,  of  whom  Klopstock  was  one.  Thomson's 
poetry,  already  much  discussed  elsewhere,  must  certainly  have  been 
spoken  of  in  such  a  gathering.  Klopstock,  at  the  time,  knew  no  English, 
but  the  translations  of  Brockes  were  at  his  disposal.  It  is  not  Thomson's 
nature  poetry  that  comes  into  consideration  in  this  connection,  but  his 
ethical  system.  Aside  from  descriptions  of  nature,  the  prevailing  themes 
in  Thomson's  poetry  are  religion,  friendship,  love,  and  patriotism.  Klop- 
stock's odes  are  usually  grouped  under  just  these  rubrics,  and  in  a  number 
of  passages  Klopstock  uses  pictures,  comparisons,  and  words  similar  to 
Thomson's. 

In  1789  Ludwig  Schubart,  the  son  of  the  Swabian  poet,  presented 
Schiller  with  his  translation  of  Thomson's  The  Seasons.  Schiller  acknowl- 
edged the  gift  in  a  letter  which  showed  that  the  work  was  new  to  him. 

6  Hagedorn,  Werke,  I  18;  "Liberty"  490  ff.  Cf.  Coffman  [243]. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  75 

Succeeding  letters  of  the  period  indicate  that  Thomson  made  a  deep 
impression  on  Schiller.  The  second  part  of  the  Spaziergang,  lines  50-172, 
contains  a  vision  of  the  rise  of  civilization  and  its  decay,  and  here  are 
passages  resembling  verses  in  The  Seasons.  Thomson  begins  with  the 
mechanical  aspect  of  civilization,  passes  on  to  the  development  of  social 
life  and  virtues,  as  shown  in  the  commonwealth  with  its  legal  order,  pa- 
triotism, and  devotion,  and  ends  with  the  city  as  the  highest  form  of 
social  order.  Schiller  expresses  the  same  thoughts  though  in  a  different 
order.  He  begins  with  "die  thurmende  Stadt,"  which  echoes  phrases  of 
Schubart,  Klopstock,  and  Thomson,7  and  then  proceeds  to  the  two  other 
phases. 

During  the  eighteenth  century  a  gradual  change  took  place  in  the 
treatment  of  nature  in  English  literature.  The  earlier  English  poets  of 
the  century,  of  whom  Pope  is  typical,  praised  the  benign  aspects  of  na- 
ture, the  blue  skies,  the  green  fields,  and  gently  sloping  hills,  in  somewhat 
traditional  phrases.  A  little  later  the  phrases  became  less  stereotyped  and 
the  descriptions  more  realistic.  At  the  same  time  the  ruder  phases  of 
nature — storms,  vast  seas,  and  frozen  mountain  peaks — began  to  receive 
attention,  and  were  defended  as  useful  after  all.  In  the  end  nature  came 
to  be  glorified,  even  in  her  most  forbidding  aspects  and  sternest  moods, 
as  one  inseparable  whole  so  fashioned  as  to  exalt  the  soul  of  man. 

The  transition  was  formerly  called  the  romantic  revolt,  as  if  it  were  a 
conscious  reaction  against  rationalism,  but  it  is  now  generally  recognized 
that  the  change  was  a  natural  evolution,  and  that  the  seeds  of  develop- 
ment were  contained  in  the  writings  and  thought  of  the  preceding 
decades.  The  church  regarded  as  strictly  orthodox  the  defense  of  nature 
on  the  ground  that  some  of  its  seemingly  malevolent  features  were  after 
all  benignant.  (William  King's  De  Origine  Mali,  1702,  English  transla- 
tion, 1729.)  From  the  theologian  the  idea  passed  to  the  poet  and  was 
expressed  by  Richard  Blackmore  in  Creation  as  early  as  1712.  This  de- 
fensive interpretation  of  stern  nature  continued  throughout  the  first 
half  of  the  century,  but  to  it  was  soon  added  an  esthetic  appreciation  of 
nature  as  a  whole.  Even  the  unsentimental  Pope  declared  in  the  Essay 
on  Man,  I,  167: 

All  are  but  parts  of  one  stupendous  whole, 
Whose  body  Nature  is  and  God  the  soul ; 

but  he  dwelt  in  detail  only  upon  nature's  milder  aspects.  Shaftesbury, 

however,  in  his  Moralists,  1709,  had  found  nature  in  its  totality  to  be  the 

chief  and  most  wonderful  revelation  of  God  and  heretically  regarded 

7  Schubart,  "thurmbekranztes  Haupt";  Klopstock,  "thurmende  Stadt";  Thomson, 
"tower-circled  head."  Cf.  Walz  [616]. 


76        University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

other  proofs  as  superfluous.  He  not  only  defended  but  glorified  the 
harsher  aspects  of  nature  and  thus  was  a  prose  predecessor  of  Thomson 
and  the  winter  poets  and  not  an  opponent  as  has  sometimes  been  implied. 

Thomson's  The  Seasons,  which  appeared  in  London  during  1726-1730, 
were  felt  to  constitute  an  entirely  new  kind  of  poetry,  not  only  in  form 
but  also  in  content.  It  had  long  been  considered  proper  to  praise  nature 
with  the  choice,  noble,  and  agreeable  poetic  epithets  of  the  ancients,  but 
Thomson's  verses  were  free  from  restrictions  not  only  of  rhyme,  but,  to 
a  large  extent,  of  diction  as  well.  The  peacock's  feathers  had  long  consti- 
tuted a  part  of  the  stock  in  trade  of  the  poet,  but  Thomson  saw  beauty 
also  in  the  feathers  of  the  turkey,  the  cock,  and  the  duck.  In  place  of 
the  customary  epithets  he  used  adjectives  more  precise.  He  described 
the  common  wild  flowers  and  the  birds,  and  appreciated  the  beauty  of 
the  uncultivated  fields  and  distant  hills  as  well  as  of  the  convenient,  well- 
cared-for  parks.  These  innovations  found  much  favor  in  England  and  the 
new  type  of  poetry  soon  made  its  way  into  Germany  as  well. 

The  earliest  translator  of  Thomson  was  Brockes,  who  in  1740  published 
"Die  wilden  und  unordentlichen  Eigenschaften  der  Liebe  aus  Mr.  Thom- 
sons Seasons"  as  an  appendix  to  his  translation  of  Pope's  Essay  on  Man. 
Brockes  used  several  different  meters,  as  if  by  way  of  experiment  and 
translated  freely.  As  an  introduction  to  his  "Harmonische  Himmelslust 
im  Irdischen"  he  used  Thomson's  "Hymn  to  the  Seasons"  in  1741.  At 
about  the  same  time  Brockes  incorporated  lines  535-827  of  Spring  in  his 
"Fruhlingsgedicht."  In  1743  he  paraphrased  Summer,  lines  46-95,  and 
embodied  the  passage  in  "Morgengedanken"  in  Irdisches  Vergniigen  in 
Gott  (VII,  18).  Finally,  in  1745,  he  published  a  translation  of  the  entire 
work.  Ebert  wrote  to  Hagedorn,  January  15,  1748:  "Ich  habe  neulich  den 
gottlichen  Thomson  recht  durchstudiert.  Ich  kann  es  dem  seligen  Brockes 
kaum  vergeben,  dafi  er  ihn  tibersetzt  hat."8  Brockes's  "wohlgemeinte 
Ubersetzung,"  as  Lessing  called  it,9  was  generally  regarded  as  unsatis- 
factory, even  in  the  earlier  years  when  it  stood  alone,  but  the  private 
correspondence  of  such  poets  and  critics  as  Ebert,  Bodmer,  Sulzer,  Gleim, 
Uz,  Kleist,  Giseke,  Gessner,  Lessing,  Eschenburg,  and  Wieland  testify 
to  the  popularity  of  the  original.10 

Brockes's  translation  was  followed  by  Tobler's,  1757,  and  von  Pal- 
then's,  1758,  and  then  by  Schubart's,  1789,  "im  Versmaftedes  Originals," 
and  by  Harries's  also  in  verse,  1796. u  At  least  six  further  translations 
were  made  between  1815  and  1827.  These  later  versions,  to  be  sure,  indi- 

8  Hagedorn,  Werke,  V  256. 

9  Lessing,  Schriften,  VII  67. 

10  Gjerset  [608],  Stewart  [611]  386. 

11  Based  chiefly  on  the  English  edition  of  1746.  Stewart  [611]  385. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  77 

cate  in  a  rough  fashion  the  improvement  of  the  German  poetic  language, 
but  they  did  not  accelerate  it,  as  did  the  translations  of  Pope,  for  the 
"critical"  period  of  the  development  had  already  passed. 

The  influence  of  Thomson's  The  Seasons  on  German  literature  and 
particularly  on  Brockes  and  Haller,  was  formerly  overestimated.12 
Brockes  was  fifty  years  of  age  when  The  Seasons  began  to  appear  and  he 
had  begun  his  Irdisches  Vergniigen  in  Gott,  1721-1748,  at  least  fifteen 
years  before  he  first  studied  them.  He  had  already  formed  his  method, 
which  was  not  totally  unlike  Thomson's.  He  too  had  taught  his  country- 
men to  go  out  of  doors  and  study  nature  at  first  hand.  He  observed  the 
minute  phenomena  of  nature  more  intently  than  Thomson.  He  noted  the 
colors  of  an  insect  and  the  structure  of  the  nightingale's  throat  with 
accuracy.  He  laid  stress  upon  the  things  perceived  by  the  senses,  on  sights 
and  sounds  and  odors,  but  because  he  lacked  the  imagination  of  Thom- 
son and  because  the  German  poetic  language  was  poorer  than  the  Eng- 
lish, he  could  not  describe  as  well  as  Thomson.  The  grass  was  for  him  as 
green  as  the  traditional  emerald,  and  the  dew  was  like  diamonds.  More- 
over he  lacked  Thomson's  panoramic  vision  and  his  admiration  for 
irregular  landscapes  and  uncultivated  expanses.  Thomson  sought  the 
distant  beckoning  hilltops,  Brockes  the  shady  river  banks  and  level 
meadows.  Thomson  loved  nature  for  its  mysterious  influence,  Brockes 
used  nature  to  show  how  astonishingly  well  the  creator  had  ministered 
to  the  needs  and  comfort  of  man.  It  was  this  which  rendered  him  so  soon 
antiquated.  The  first  volume  of  his  Irdisches  Vergniigen  in  Gott  passed 
through  seven  editions,  the  last  through  but  one.  Weisse,  1767,  Gessner, 
1772,  and  Wieland,  1782,  spoke  of  the  "so  bewunderten  und  so  bald 
wieder  vergessenen  Brockes."13 

Brockes  was  ungrudging  in  his  praise  of  Thomson.  In  his  Irdisches 
Vergniigen  in  Gott  Brockes  speaks  of  The  Seasons, 

In  welcher  Schrifft  der  grofie  Thomson  so  sinnreich,  so  begluckt  gewesen, 
Dafi  wir  bei  keiner  Nation  dergleichen  Meister-Stiick  gelesen.14 

The  admiring  Zink  wrote  an  introduction  to  Brockes 's  translation  of 
The  Seasons,  in  which  he  said : 

Die  Furcht,  durch  diese  erhabene  Schreibart  sich  iibertroffen  zu  sehen,  hat  ihn  so 
wenig  abhalten  konnen,  selbige  bekannt  zu  machen,  dafi  er  sich  vielmehr  verbunden 
erachtet,  wenn  er  auch  iibertroffen  ware,  den  groBen  Endzweck  auch  hierin  desto 
mehr  befordern  zu  helfen,  welcher  bei  ihm  einzig  und  allein  darin  besteht,  das  wahre 
Vergniigen  der  Menschen  in  vernunftigem  GenuC  nach  Moglichkeit  zu  befordern. 

12  E.  g.  by  Koch  [141]  13  and  16.  Flindt  [143]. 

13  NBSWFK,  V  (1767)  23;  "Briefe  iiber  die  Landschaftsmalerei"  DNL,  XLI1, 
p.  289;  Teutscher  Merkur,  1782,  IV  67. 

14  Op.  tit.,  VII  427. 


78        University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Any  influence  of  The  Seasons  on  the  chief  work  of  Brockes  was  clearly 
belated.  His  earliest  study  of  Thomson  was  begun  in  Ritzebuttel  in  1733, 
his  translations  in  1740.  Either  that  or  the  new  quiet  environment  seems 
to  have  given  a  new  impulse  to  his  poetry  and  he  made  a  conscious  effort 
to  appropriate  something  of  Thomson's  art.  He  began  Herbst,  1743,  with 
the  words: 

Auf  denn,  mein  Geist!  Tritt  eine  neue  Bahn 

In  dieser  Zeitentheilung  an! 

The  new  arrangement,  which  is  according  to  seasons,  is  carried  over  also 
to  the  next  volume,  1746.  The  last  three  parts  of  the  Irdisches  Vergnilgen 
in  Gott  display  many  verbal  parallels  to  The  Seasons,  but  a  common 
classic  heritage  may  account  for  some  of  these.  Brockes  shows  a  slight 
but  unmistakable  tendency,  however,  in  the  concluding  parts  of  his  work, 
to  forego  microscopic  descriptions  of  leaves,  flowers,  and  small  objects 
and  cast  his  eyes  over  greater  distances  in  the  manner  of  Thomson. 

Certain  of  the  similarities  between  Thomson  and  Brockes  are  due  to 
the  acquiescence  of  both  in  the  philosophic  trend  of  the  time  represented 
by  Shaftesbury  in  England  and  by  Leibniz  in  Germany,  but  Brockes 
sometimes  leaned  toward  Shaftesbury  rather  than  Leibniz.  Brockes 
agreed  with  both  in  regarding  God  as  the  "souverain  ouvrier,"  "souver- 
eign  artist,  or  universal  plastic  nature,"  "a  just  Prometheus  under  Jove," 
as  Shaftesbury  would  say,  but  he  specifically  rejected  Leibniz's  monad 
theory,15  and,  like  Shaftesbury,  whose  works  he  read  zealously,16  he  re- 
garded the  world  as  essentially  a  unified  organism,  while  Leibniz  saw  in 
it  a  group  of  objects,  each  one  in  tune  and  harmony  with  all  the  others. 
Shaftesbury  and  Leibniz  both  conceived  a  world  in  which  every  being 
bore  within  itself  the  reason  for  its  existence.  Here  Brockes  disagreed 
with  both,  for  he  assumed  all  objects  and  all  lower  creatures  in  the  worlds 
as  existing  for  the  physical  well-being  of  man.  Thus  he  was  not  qualified 
to  initiate  a  "romantic  revolt"  in  Germany,  but  his  ethical  system  was 
quite  in  accord  with  Shaftesbury's.  The  subordination,  but  not  the  re- 
pression, of  the  natural  instincts  of  man,  the  love  of  nature,  of  the  good, 
the  beautiful,  and  the  true  constituted  for  both  the  highest  virtue. 

As  for  Haller,  any  influence  of  Thomson  on  his  poetry  is  questionable. 
Max  Koch  wrote  in  1881:  "Das  Bestreben  Thomson  und  Pope  zu  ver- 
binden  hat  Albrecht  von  Haller  in  seinen  Alpen  geleitet,"17  but  this  is 
chronologically  unplausible,  if  not  quite  impossible.  When  Haller  visited 
England  in  1727,  of  The  Seasons  only  "Winter"  had  appeared.  The  plan 

15  Ibid.,  VI  679  f. 

16  Ibid.,  IX  476  ff.  Cf.  Manikowsky  [540]  83. 

17  Koch  [141]  14;  similarly  Flindt  [143]  12. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  79 

of  Die  Alpen  was  conceived  during  a  mountain  trip  which  Haller  made 
in  1729.  Had  Koch  applied  his  observation  rather  to  Uber  den  Ur sprung 
des  Ubels,  1734,  it  might  have  passed  unchallenged.  As  an  introduction 
to  this  poem  Haller  begins  with  a  panoramic  view  of  a  wide  actual  land- 
scape as  viewed  from  the  peak  of  Gurten.  Before  him  lie  fertile  meadows 
on  which  are  grazing  sheep,  cows,  and  horses.  The  view  is  bounded  by 
distant  mountains. 

Ein  allgemeines  Wohl  beseelet  die  Natur 
Und  alles  tragt  des  hochsten  Gutes  Spur! 

The  poem  is  not  written  in  blank  verse  but  here  for  the  first  time  Haller 
breaks  away  from  regular  rhymes  and  verse  length.  There  is,  to  be  sure, 
no  reference  to  Thomson  in  Haller's  correspondence  with  Stahelin  to 
substantiate  Haller's  knowledge  of  Thomson  before  1734. 

The  relation  of  Christian  Ewald  von  Kleist  to  Thomson  is  not  cloaked 
in  uncertainties.  Kleist  had  long  been  a  friend  and  admirer  of  Brockes. 
He  could  read  Brockes's  translation  of  The  Seasons  in  the  "Anhang"  to 
the  Irdisches  Vergnilgen  in  Gott,  1744-1749,  on  the  opposite  pages  of 
which  the  Seasons  were  reprinted.  Brockes  translated  The  Seasons  into 
rhymed  octameters.  Kleist's  Frilhling  is  written  in  chiefly  dactylic  hexam- 
eters. The  original  title  of  his  poem  was  "Landlust."  In  the  introduction 
Kleist  said: 

Gegenwartiges  Gedicht  ist  nicht  sowol  eine  ausfuhrliche  Beschreibung  des  Friihlings, 
seiner  Abwechselungen  und  Wirkungen  auf  die  Thiere,  Gewachse  u.dgl.  als  Adelmehr 
eine  Abbildung  der  Gestalt  und  der  Bewohner  der  Erde,  wie  sie  sich  an  einem  Friih- 
lingstage  des  Verfassers  Augen  dargeboten.  Er  hat  diesen  Weg  zu  erwahlen  nothig 
gehalten,  um  was  Neues  zu  sagen;  denn  auf  erstere  Weise  haben  schon  Viele,  und  zwar 
Thomson  unnachahmbar,  diese  Jahreszeit  besungen. 

On  the  advice  of  Gleim,  Kleist  changed  the  title  from  "Landlust"  to 
Der  Fruhling,  thus  challenging  the  comparison  he  particularly  wished 
to  avoid.  Kleist  made  several  other  changes  on  Gleim's  advice,  then, 
after  he  had  sought  in  vain  for  a  publisher,  150  copies  were  printed  at  the 
end  of  the  year  1749  "auf  Kosten  mehrerer  angesehener  Manner."  The 
poem  became  popular  and  several  new  editions  appeared  in  Zurich,  Berlin, 
and  Frankfurt  between  1750  and  1754. 

Both  Thomson  and  Kleist  were  familiar  with  classic  descriptive  poetry. 
Thomson's  poem  parallels  Vergil's  Georgics  in  more  than  one  passage, 
but  it  has  been  noted  that  sometimes  Kleist  follows  Thomson  closely  in 
his  deviation  from  Vergil.18  Nevertheless  it  is  clear  that  Der  Fruhling  is 
not  a  slavish  imitation  of  a  model,  although  it  has  caught  much  of  the 

18  Gjerset  [608]  24-26. 


80        University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

spirit  of  its  predecessor.  The  two  poems  have  different  merits,  which 
Sauer  has  well  characterized : 

Thomson  hat  mehr  epische  Anlagen  als  sein  mehr  lyrisch  gestimmter  Nachahmer; 
er  ist  einheitlicher  und  planvoller,  Kleist  sprunghafter  und  zerfahrener.  Thomsons 
Gedicht  schlieBt  sich  zu  einer  fest  verbundenen  Kette  von  einzelnen  in  einander  iiber- 
gehenden  Landschaftsbilder;  Kleists  Fruhling  zerstiebt  in  eine  ausspruhende  Feuer- 
garbe  lose  geknlipfter  Coloritstudien.  Thomsons  Werk  steht  als  Ganzes  hoher; 
Kleists  Gedicht  birgt  im  Einzelnen  wertvollere  Schonheiten.19 

Kleist  soon  desisted  from  the  plan  of  continuing  his  work  through  the 
cycle  of  the  year.  Christian  Felix  Weisse  relates : 

Der  sel.  Kleist  zeigte  uns  einstmals  ein  30-40  Verse  vom  Anfange  zum  Sommer;  und 
als  wir  ihn  baten  darin  fortzufahren,  versicherte  er  uns  heilig,  da!3  solches  nimmer 
mehr  geschehen  wurde.  Seit  er  den  Thomson  recht  gelesen  habe,  sey  er  vollig  davon 
abgeschreckt  worden  und  er  rechne  sich  seinen  Fruhling  als  eine  Ubereilung  an.20 

Kleist's  poem  stirred  several  German  poets  to  emulation.  Blum  and 
Slevogt21  might  be  called  primarily  imitators  of  Kleist  rather  than  Thom- 
son. Von  Palthen,  Hirschfeld,22  Dusch,23  Zacharia,  and  Giseke  were  all 
confessed  imitators  of  Thomson.  Lessing  called  von  Palthen's  "Lenz," 
"eine  Sammlung  von  alle  dem  .  .  .  was  er  bey  tlbersetzung  des  Thomson- 
schen  Frilhlings  schlechteres  gedacht  hat;  eine  Sammlung  von  Ziigen 
und  Bildern,  die  Thomson  und  Kleist  und  selbst  Zacharia  verschmahet 
haben."24 

Zacharia  wrote  to  Gleim  on  December  10,  1754:  "Thomson  seine 
Jahreszeiten  haben  mich  so  begeistert,  dafi  ich  versucht  habe,  ob  ich  ihm 
und  Kleisten  von  feme  nachfliegen  konnte,"  but  he  was  compelled  to 
admit  in  his  Tageszeiten,  1755: 

Nur  Thomsonsche  Hymnen  erfiillen  die  Seele  mit  Feuer 
Und  besingen  den  erhabensten  Gegenstand  wiirdig.25 

Giseke  began  the  study  of  English  under  Ebert's  tutelage.  In  a  letter 
to  Hagedorn  of  April  8,  1748  Ebert  regretted  that  he  had  not  been  able 
to  teach  him  more,  "ihn,  der  so  wiirdig  ist,  Pope  und  Thomson  zu  stu- 
dieren,"26  but  in  1757  Giseke  translated  Thomson's  "Hymn  to  the  Sea- 
sons," and  perhaps  about  the  same  time  also  two  scenes  of  Edward  and 

19  Sauer  [614]  I  156. 

20  NBSWFK,  I  (1765)  132. 

21  J.  Chr.  Blum,  "Die  Hiigel  bei  Rathenau,"  1777;  C.  S.  Slevogt,  "Versuch  eines 
poetischen  Gemaldes  des  Herbsts,"  1771. 

22  J.  F.  von  Palthen,  "Lenz,"  1758;  C.  C.  L.  Hirschfeld,  "Landleben,"  1767, 
"Herbst,"  1769. 

23  J.  J.  Dusch,  Schilderungen  aus  dem  Reiche  der  Natur  und  Sittenlehre  durch  alle 
Monate  des  Jahres,  1757-1760;  "Tolk-Schuby,"  1756. 

24  Lessing,  Schriften,  VIII  12. 

25  Crosland  [303]  292  ff.  Cf.  Gjerset  [608]  41  ff. 

26  Hagedorn,  Werke,  V  266. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  81 

Eleonora,  which  were  never  published.  The  plan  of  his  odes  to  "Friih- 
ling,"  "Herbst,"  and  "Winter,"  is  based  on  The  Seasons,  and  the  phrase- 
ology is  also  reminiscent  of  Thomson.  The  first  two  of  these  were  written 
in  1747,  before  Kleist's  Friihling  appeared.  Herder  said  of  Giseke:  "[Er 
scheint]  in  keiner  Dichtungsart  eigenen  Ton,  Originalmanier  zu  haben; 
er  [  hat  ]  sich  tiberall  in  den  Ton  eines  Anderen  aber  sehr  gliicklich  hinein- 
gedichtet."27  It  remains  true,  however,  that  Giseke  did  not  imitate 
Thomson's  metrical  form,  but  wrote  only  shorter  well-rhymed  lyric 
poems. 

After  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century  descriptive  poetry  fell  into 
disfavor.  The  change  seems  to  have  begun  in  England  but  it  soon  crossed 
over  to  the  continent.  Pope  apologized  for  his  earlier  poetic  efforts  in 
"Windsor  Forest"  and  other  poems,  asking  ironically  in  his  "Prologue" 
to  the  Satires,  verse  147  f . : 

Who  could  take  offense 
While  pure  description  held  the  place  of  sense? 

Warton,  in  his  Essay  on  the  Genius  and  Writing  of  Pope,  1757,  how- 
ever, took  up  the  challenge  in  behalf  of  descriptive  poetry,  claiming 
Lucretius  and  Vergil's  Georgics  as  sanction,  but  Mendelssohn  in  turn, 
1759,  replied  to  Warton,  that  with  the  Romans  the  didactic  aim  was 
predominant  and  description  was  introduced  only  by  way  of  variety, 
whereas  in  Thomson's  work  description  was  an  aim  in  itself.28  Lessing 
agreed  with  Mendelssohn  regarding  the  necessary  separation  of  the  two 
arts,  and  in  Laokoon  XVII,  he  quoted  Pope's  disparaging  words  about 
his  own  early  descriptive  poetry,  adding  a  similar  confession  of  Kleist's 
regarding  his  Friihling,29  but  without  making  mention  of  Thomson  in 
that  connection.  The  growing  opposition  to  descriptive  poetry — espe- 
cially after  Lessing  had  entered  the  lists  against  it — proved  effective, 
and  indications  of  continued  interest  in  Thomson's  descriptions  after 
1770  are  rare.  At  the  turn  of  the  century,  however,  The  Seasons  were  able 
to  celebrate  a  final  triumph.  Haydn's  oratorio  Die  J ahreszeiten  was  first 
produced  on  April  24,  1801,  with  a  text  which  Haydn's  friend,  Gottfried 
von  Swieten,  had  written  the  previous  year,  basing  it  on  Thomson's  The 
Seasons.  In  this  form  Thomson  is  best  appreciated  today  in  Germany 
and  elsewhere. 

Since  the  descriptive  poetry  of  Thomson  was  an  exemplification  of  one 
of  his  chief  theories,  Bodmer  promptly  became  interested  in  The  Seasons, 

27  Herder,  Werke,  IV  278. 

28  BSWFK,  IV  (1758)  512.  Cf.  Goldstein  [176]  198,  Gjerset  [608]  73  and  ten  Hoor 
[279]. 

29  See,  however,  Laokoon  chap,  xi  and  "Leben  des  Herrn  Jacob  Thomson,"  Lessing, 
Schriften,  IX  78,  VI  53,  55,  XXIII  240. 


82        University  of  California  Pub  lications  in  Modern  Philology 

but  he  first  chose  certain  narrative  passages  for  translation.  To  his  edition 
of  Thirsts  und  Damons  freundschaftliche  Lieder,  1747,  he  appended  a 
German  version  of  three  episodes  out  of  Thomson's  The  Seasons.  In  his 
letters  to  Wieland,  Bodmer  later  made  it  clear  that  he  was  dissatisfied 
with  the  poetic  narratives  of  his  German  predecessors.  On  February  5, 
1752,  the  eighteen-year-old  Wieland  confided  to  Bodmer  that  he  was 
planning  to  write  some  "Erzahlungen"  and  thought  well  at  least  of 
Hagedorn's  and  Gellert's  attempts  in  this  genre. 

AuBer  Hagedorns  und  Gellerts  hab'  ich  wenige  gesehen,  die  mir  gefallen  hatten. 
Aber  die  Art,  wie  diese  erzahlen,  ist  nach  meinem  Geschmack.  Herr  Gellert  ist  mein 
Mignon.  Diese  naiven  Annehmlichkeiten,  dieser  naturliche  Witz,  diese  anmuthige, 
einfaltige  Sprache  der  Erzahlung,  die  die  Seele  seiner  Fabeln  und  Erzahlungen  sind, 
gefallen  mir  unendlich.  Mich  daucht  fast,  wie  er  erzahlt,  wiirde  jeder  geistreiche  Kopf 
unter  seinen  Freunden  mtindlich  erzahlen.  Je  mehr  ich  also  von  Gellert  halte,  desto 
begieriger  bin  ich,  von  Ihnen  zu  erfahren,  was  Sie  an  ihm  aussetzen.30 

Apparently  Bodmer  did  not  agree,  for,  in  a  letter  of  March  6,  Wieland 
resumed  the  defense  of  Gellert.  At  that  time  Wieland  was  unable  to  read 
English.  He  wrote  to  Schinz: 

Ich  werde  nachstens  das  Englische  zu  lernen  anfangen.  Ich  brenne  vor  Begierde, 
Milton,  Pope,  Addison,  Young,  Thomson  in  ihrer  Sprache  zu  lesen.  Diesen  Thomson, 
der  mir  nur  aus  den  verdeutschten  Seasons  bekannt  ist,  schatze  ich  unendlich  hoch. 
Lebt  er  noch?  Sein  Herz  ist  ungemein  zartlich  und  edel  und  sein  Pinsel  hat  vieles  von 
Miltons  Starke  und  eine  gewisse  Virgilianische  Anmuth  iiber  diese.31 

The  Erzahlungen  were  completed  by  May,  1752.  For  the  inspiration 
to  write  them,  Wieland  acknowledged  indebtedness  to  Bodmer,  hence 
to  Thomson,  but  to  other  English  authors  as  well : 

Die  Erzahlungen  zu  schreiben,  fafite  ich  den  EntschluB,  als  ich  Ihre  aus  Thomson 
iibersetzte  Erzahlungen  las;  doch  hatte  mir  schon  vorher  Pygmalion  und  Elisa  etwas 
dergleichen  eingegeben.  Die  Briefe  der  allerliebsten  Rowe  belebten  diesen  Vorsatz 
noch  mehr.  Ihr  gehoren  die  schonsten  Gedanken  und  Bilder  der  Erzahlungen.  Ich  habe 
gar  wenig  Erfindungskraft:  Balsora  gehort  Hr.  Addison  .  .  .  Serena  groCenteils  dem 
Verfasser  des  Tattler,  den  ich  im  Franzosischen  gelesen  habe,  denn  zu  meinem  Un- 
glvick  habe  ich  noch  nie  Gelegenheit  gehabt  Englisch  zu  lernen.32 

This  may  have  been  a  turning  point  in  the  history  of  the  "Verserzahlung" 
in  Germany.  Specifically  Wieland's  desertion  of  Gellert  in  favor  of 
Thomson  meant  many  things  for  the  development  of  the  genre.  It  meant 
a  change  from  the  small-town  atmosphere  to  a  free,  out-of-doors  and 
natural  world,  from  a  satirical  to  an  idyllic  and  elegiac  tone,  from  bare 
narration  to  narration  mixed  with  description,  from  rhymed  verse  to 
unrhymed  pentameter  and  from  plainness  and  meagerness  of  style  to 

30  Wieland,  Briefe,  I  32.  32  Ibid.,  I  95.  Cf.  p.  56,  above. 

31  Ibid.,  I  55. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  83 

pleasant  ornamentation.  It  gave  greater  room  for  the  play  of  fancy  and 
the  entry  of  sentiment.33 

It  has  not  escaped  notice  that  a  passage  in  Gessner's  early  idyll 
Daphnis,  1754,  parallels  closely  the  Palemon-Lavinia  episode  in  Thom- 
son's Autumn  and  that  the  passage  in  the  fifth  "Gesang"  of  Der  Tod  Abels, 
1758,  beginning,  "So  wie  wenn  drei  liebenswtirdige  Gespielen"  has  its 
close  counterpart  in  the  tragic  fate  of  Celadon's  Amelia,  stricken  by  a 
thunderbolt,  in  Thomson's  Summer.3*  As  a  disciple  of  Bodmer  and  as  a 
painter  Gefiner  was  conditioned  to  be  an  admirer  of  Thomson.  In  his 
"Brief  tiber  die  Landschaftsmalerei,"  1772,  he  wrote:  "Der  Landschafts- 
maler  mulS  sehr  zu  beklagen  sein,  den  z.  B.  die  Gemalde  eines  Thomson 
nicht  begeistern  konnen."35  In  Gefiner's  idylls  we  find  the  grace  of  Thom- 
son rather  than  the  analytic  pedantry  of  Brockes  or  the  melancholy 
reflectivity  of  Kleist,  and  perhaps  the  same  might  be  said  of  his  pictorial 
art. 

Goethe,  in  one  of  his  last  conversations  in  1832,  chanced  to  refer  to 
Thomson.  Goethe  was  talking  to  Eckermann  about  the  Greek  idea  of 
fate.  For  the  modern  poet  to  make  use  of  it,  he  said,  would  be  an  affec- 
tation. 

Wir  Neueren  sagen  jetzt  besser  mit  Napoleon:  "Die  Politik  ist  das  Schicksal."  Hiiten 
wir  uns  aber  mit  unseren  neuesten  Literatoren  zu  sagen,  die  Politik  sei  die  Poesie, 
oder  sei  fur  den  Poeten  ein  passender  Gegenstand.  Der  englische  Dichter  Thomson 
schrieb  ein  sehr  gutes  Gedicht  uber  die  Jahreszeiten,  allein  ein  sehr  schlechtes  tiber 
die  Freiheit,  und  zwar  nicht  aus  Mangel  an  Poesie  im  Poeten,  sondern  aus  Mangel  an 
Poesie  im  Gegenstand.36 

Goethe's  interest  in  Thomson  has  received  only  passing  attention. 
Kutscher  is  convinced  that  Goethe  knew  his  chief  works  at  least  before 
1767  when  he  wrote  his  "Ode  an  Behrisch."  In  the  period  after  that  time 
and  before  1789  he  finds  parallels — none  of  them  exclusive  parallels — be- 
tween verses  in  nearly  twenty  poems  of  Goethe  and  verses  in  Thomson's 
The  Seasons.37  Commentators  have  agreed  with  Loeper  that  there  is  a 
connection  between  the  first  stanza  of  "Mignon's  Lied"  and  a  passage  in 
Thomson's  "Summer,"  v.  663  ff.38 

Bear  me,  Pomona!,  to  thy  citron  groves; 
To  where  the  lemon  and  piercing  lime, 
With  the  deep  orange,  glowing  thro'  the  green, 


33Fresenius  [617]  526. 

34  Ritter  [612]. 

35  DNL,  XLI  1,  p.  288. 

36  Eckermann,  Gesprdche,  646. 

37  A.  Kutscher,  Das  Naturgefuhl  in  Goethes  Lyrik  .  .  .,  BBL,  VIII  (1906)  40  and 
passim. 

38  Loeper,  Kutscher,  Wolff,  Boucke,  Boyd  [231]  211,  all  quoted  by  Williams  [613]. 


84        University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Their  lighter  glories  blend.  Lay  me  reclin'd 
Beneath  the  spreading  tamarind  that  shakes, 
Fann'd  by  the  breeze,  its  fever  cooling  fruit.39 

In  Thomson's  "Liberty,"  II,  354  f.,  occur  also  the  lines: 

the  precipice  frowned  dire; 
White,  down  the  rock,  the  rushing  torrent  dashed, 

recalling,  "es  stiirzt  der  Fels  und  iiber  ihn  die  Fluth."  Closer  parallels  to 
Thomson's  "Summer"  have  recently  been  discovered  in  "Gesang,"  as 
it  was  first  called  in  1774,  later  "Mahomets  Gesang,"  and  "Gesang  der 
lieblichen  Geister  in  der  Wuste,"  1779,  later  "Gesang  der  Geister  iiber 
den  Wassern."40  These  passages  taken  together  indicate  that  Goethe  was 
much  impressed  by  Thomson's  poetry  during  1767-1779  and  that  pas- 
sages echoed  in  his  mind,  even  to  the  time  when  he  wrote  Wilhelm 
Meisters  Lehrjahre. 

39  The  words  are  italicized  as  in  Williams  [613]  11. 

40  Summer,  verses  802-822,  and  "Gesang"  1773;  Summer,  582-606,  and  887-894. 
The  passages  are  quoted  by  Williams  [613]. 


Chapter  VII 

LOCKE  AND  SHAFTESBURY 

The  German  public  at  large  first  became  aware  of  contemporary  Eng- 
lish literature  through  translations  of  the  Spectator  and  through  the 
German  moral  weeklies,  but  English  ideas  on  philosophy  and  religion 
had  begun  to  stimulate  German  scholars  long  before  that  time.  It  may 
suffice  here  to  refer  only  to  Locke  and  Shaftesbury  many  of  whose  ideas 
took  literary  form  in  the  works  of  Addison,  Pope,  and  other  Augustans, 
and  by  such  channels  were  disseminated  later  in  German  literature. 

In  his  Essay  Concerning  Human  Understanding,  1690,  Locke  came  to 
the  conclusion  that  revelation  should  be  submitted  to  the  test  of  reason — 
not  only  the  substance  of  the  revelation,  but  the  validity  of  the  revelation 
itself.  Leibniz  and  Wolff  were  in  general  agreement  with  Locke  in  this 
contention.  Thomasius  too  accepted  it  at  first,  wavered  for  a  time  at 
Halle  under  the  influence  of  the  pietists,  but  returned  to  his  original  view 
after  reading  the  chapter  on  enthusiasm,  which  Locke  added  to  the  fourth 
edition  of  his  Essay  in  1700. 

In  the  Reasonableness  of  Christianity  as  Deliver' d  in  the  Scriptures,  1695, 
Locke  declared  himself  against  the  theory  of  original  sin,  deprecated  the 
quarrels  between  the  Anglicans,  the  Puritans,  and  other  sectarians,  and 
proposed  that  all  should  be  regarded  as  Christians  who  believed  that 
Christ  was  the  Messiah.  Among  his  followers  in  England  were  the  Plati- 
tudinarians," Chillingworth,  Jeremy  Taylor,  and  Ralph  Cud  worth.  The 
counterpart  of  this  group  in  Holland  went  under  the  name  of  the 
"Remonstrants,"  a  leader  among  whom  was  Locke's  friend  Philip  van 
Limbroch.  The  Reasonableness  of  Christianity  was  not  translated  into 
German  until  1733  but  was  earlier  well  known  through  a  French  trans- 
lation which  appeared  in  Amsterdam  in  1696.  This  work  was  more 
orthodox  than  its  predecessor  in  that  it  maintained  that  revelation  was 
necessary  since  the  human  mind  unassisted  is  unable  to  attain  to  ulti- 
mate truth.  At  this  second  stage  Locke  maintained  that  reason  should 
decide  as  to  the  origin  of  a  revelation  but  when  that  was  validated,  the 
content  should  be  accepted  and  the  truth  seeker  should  find  it  possible 
to  reconcile  the  content  with  the  conclusions  of  reason. 

Next  it  was  necessary  to  determine  just  what  was  the  content  of  the 
revelation.  Such  attempts  had  been  made  before  but  Locke  offered  his 
contribution  under  the  title  Paraphrases  of  St.  Paul,  1705-1707.  German 
scholars  who  followed  this  line  of  research  were  called  "Neologians."  The 
group  included  men  notable  in  their  day,  among  them  S.  J.  Baumgarten, 

[85] 


86        University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Jerusalem,  Ernesti,  Michaelis,  and  Sack.  Herder  also  supported  the 
group  by  his  historical  approach  to  Biblical  interpretation.  He  ranked 
Locke,  Benson,  Clarke,  Taylor,  and  Whitby  as  the  best  English  inter- 
preters1 and  asked : 

Hats  Deutschland  genutzt  oder  geschadet  dafi  Spalding,  Felix  HeC,  Sack,  Bamberger 
u.a.  uns  mit  Foster  und  Shaftesbury,  Buttler  und  Law,  Benson  und  Locke  bekannt 
gemacht  haben?  Zuerst  schrie  alles:  Naturalismus !  Deismus!  Arianer!  Socianer!  Das 
Christenthum  geht  unter,  wenn  den  Ubersetzern  nicht  mit  Gewalt  gesteuert  wird! 
Der  Erfolg  hat  anders  gewiesen.2 

Later  in  the  century  the  German  "Aufklarer"  took  their  stand  with 
Locke's  most  rationalistic  pronouncements,  those  in  the  Essay.  Mendels- 
sohn was  a  student  of  Locke's  work  early  in  life.  He  learned  Latin  pain- 
fully with  the  aid  of  the  Latin  version  of  the  Essay  and  a  Latin  dictionary. 
In  the  religion  of  his  fathers,  he  said,  there  was  no  conflict  between  reason 
and  faith.3  He  once  wrote  to  Lessing:  "Nur  Locke,  Klarke  und  etwa 
Shaftesbury  sind  in  meinen  Augen  wahre  Weltweisen."4 

In  England  there  was  a  trend  toward  ever  greater  skepticism.  Not  all 
of  the  more  daring  works  were  translated  into  German  but  their  content 
became  known  through  the  rebuttals  of  the  English  and  German  de- 
fenders of  orthodoxy.  Tindal's  Christianity  as  old  as  the  Creation  was 
translated.  Mosheim  wrote  about  Toland,  Griindig  about  Herbert  of 
Cherbury.  Thorschmidt's  Freidenker  Bibliothek,  1755-1756,  gave  a  fairly 
complete  view  of  the  history  of  deism.  Samuel  Reimarus's  Abhandlung 
von  den  vornehmsten  Wahrheiten  der  christlichen  Religion  appeared  during 
his  lifetime,  but  its  continuation,  Apologie  oder  Schutzschrift  fur  die  ver- 
nilnftigen  Verehrer  Gottes,  could  only  appear  with  Lessing's  connivance 
after  the  author's  death  under  the  title  Frag?nente  .  .  .  aus  den  Papier  en 
eines  Ungenannten,  1774.  Lessing's  own  views  regarding  the  function  of 
revelation  are  clearly  set  forth  in  Die  Erziehung  des  Menschengeschlechtes. 
Here  Lessing  added  a  poetic  thought  which  made  the  theory  more  accept- 
able to  the  orthodox.  Revelation  was  an  aid  to  the  human  race  in  its 
childhood  but  was  superfluous  when  it  reached  its  maturity. 

According  to  Locke's  original  plan,  one  chapter  of  his  Essay  was  to 
deal  with  The  Conduct  of  the  Understanding.  This  chapter  soon  developed 
into  a  separate  treatise  which  was  first  published  in  his  Posthumous 
Works,  1714.  Here  Locke  expanded  upon  an  idea  which,  to  be  sure,  he 
did  not  originate,  that  the  mind  of  a  new-born  child  was  as  a  blank 

1  Herder,  Werke,  X  260. 

2  Ibid.,  XI  205. 

3  Mendelssohns  Gesammelte  Schriften,  ed.  G.  B.  Mendelssohn,  1843-1845,  III  164; 
cf.  Brown  [410]  150. 

4  Lessing,  Schriften,  XIX  123. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  87 

sensitive  piece  of  paper,  tabula  rasa,  filled  little  by  little  by  impressions 
from  without,  which  the  mind  then  assorted  and  ordered  by  dint  of 
meditation.5  Christian  Wolff  discussed  the  problem  in  a  special  treatise, 
Verniinfftige  Gedanken  von  den  Krafften  des  menschlichen  Verstandes  und 
ihrem  richtigen  Gebrauche  in  ErkenntniB  der  Wahrheit,  1712.  Wolff  dis- 
agreed with  Locke  and  adhered  to  a  generally  accepted  view  of  innate 
ideas,  ideas  which  "vielmehr  schon  vor  sich  in  dem  Wesen  der  Seele  be- 
graben  liegen  und  blofi  durch  ihre  eigene  Kraft  auf  Veranlassung  der 
Veranderungen,  die  auswartige  Dinge  in  unserem  Korper  verursachen, 
hervorgebracht  werden."6  In  this,  Wolff  followed  Leibniz,  who  in  his 
Nouveaux  essais  sur  V entendement  humain,  1704,  had  compared  the  soul  at 
birth  to  a  block  of  marble,  bearing  within  itself  a  form  ready  to  be  freed 
by  the  sculptor.  Leibniz's  Nouveaux  essais  discussed  point  by  point  the 
theories  of  Locke  in  his  Essay  on  the  Conduct  of  the  Understanding.  Gott- 
sched,  who  had  begun  reading  Locke  as  a  student  in  Konigsberg  as  early 
as  1724,  disagreed  with  Leibniz  and  Wolff,  and  in  Die  verniinftigen  Tad- 
lerinnen,  1729,  he  wrote  at  some  length  in  support  of  Locke's  view.7 

Breitinger  was  also  an  early  adherent  of  Locke's  view,  but  he  gained 
Bodmer's  assent  to  it  only  after  some  correspondence.8  Locke's  theory 
even  contributed  to  the  name  of  Bodmer  and  Breitinger 's  journal  Die 
Discourse  der  Mahlern,  for  the  "painters"  of  the  society  planned  to 
transfer  their  ideas  to  the  canvas  of  their  readers'  minds.  The  editors 
adapted  to  their  journal  many  ideas  of  the  Spectator,  but  frequently 
looked  beyond  it  to  its  source  in  Locke.  In  general  it  may  be  said  that 
the  philosophical  Breitinger  was  more  interested  in  the  nature  of  ideas, 
while  Bodmer  was  interested  in  the  resultant  pictures.  Among  Brei- 
tinger's  contributions  were  "Die  Kunst  des  Denkens"  and  "Vom  Medi- 
tiren,"  both  of  which  contain  obvious  parallels  to  Locke. 

In  Book  III,  chapters  x  and  xi,  of  The  Conduct  of  the  Understanding  are 
entitled  "Of  the  abuse  of  words,"  and  "Of  the  remedies  of  the  foregoing 
imperfections  and  abuses."  Locke  rejected  the  idea  that  language  was  a 
divine  gift  of  God  to  man  in  the  Garden  of  Eden,  as  well  as  the  idea  that 
it  was  developed  from  irrational  vocal  responses  to  pain  or  pleasure.  He 
maintained  that  language  was  based  on  conventions  among  the  gre- 
garious members  of  the  human  race.  The  remedy  for  the  faults  of  the 
intercommunicating  system  lay  then  in  the  more  precise  definition  of 
words.  In  his  Critische  Betrachtungen  uber  die  poetischen  Gemdlde  der 

5  Rev.  in  Acta  Eruditorum,  1691,  501-505. 

6  Op.  cit.,  6th  ed.,  Halle,  1731,  I  vi  and  135. 

7  hoc.  cit.,  ed.  of  1738,  Frankfurt  and  Leipzig,  II  xlviii.  Cf.  Brown  [412]  6. 

8  Hans  Bodmer,  Die  Gesellschaft  der  Maler  in  Zurich  und  ihre  Disburse,  Frauenfeld, 
1895,  102  ff.  Cf.  Brown  [411]  17. 


88        University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Dichter,  1744,  Bodmer  accepted  Locke's  conventional  theory  and  its 
practical  application.  Gottsched  accepted  it  as  well.  Locke  pointed  out, 
however,  that  there  were  certain  feelings  or  thoughts  difficult  to  convey 
by  words  agreed  upon  in  advance.  This  impasse  is  sometimes  solvable 
by  the  use  of  metaphors.  It  is  obvious  that  Bodmer  could  make  good  use 
of  this  support  in  his  Critische  Betrachtungen  iiber  die  poetischen  Gemdlde 
der  Dichter,  1741,  and  for  his  thesis,  "ut  pictura  poesis,"  "Die  Poesie  ist 
nicht  anders  denn  eine  bestandige  und  weitlaufige  Mahlerei."  Bodmer 
could  also  quote  Locke  in  support  of  his  theory  that  poetry  was  a  more 
effective  means  of  summoning  pictures  up  in  the  human  mind  than  were 
sculpture  or  painting.9 

Whatever  differences  of  opinion  there  may  have  been  in  regard  to 
Locke's  theory  of  innate  ideas,  there  was  general  assent  to  his  practical 
suggestions  in  regard  to  education — chiefly  that  the  example  of  parents 
was  more  effective  than  precept  and  punishment,  that  interest  was  more 
effective  than  compulsion  on  the  part  of  teachers,  and  that  children 
should  be  treated  with  respect.  Locke's  Some  Thoughts  on  Education  ap- 
peared in  1693.  Pierre  Coste  translated  it  into  French  (Amsterdam, 
1695).  A  Dutch  version  came  out  in  Rotterdam  two  years  later,  and 
Herrn  Johann  Locks  Unterricht  von  Erziehung  der  Kinder  was  published 
in  Leipzig  1710.  Wolff  supported  Locke's  ideas  in  several  of  his  Ver- 
nunfftige  Gedanken.  These  ideas  fell  into  the  sphere  of  the  "Erziehungs- 
bestrebungen"  of  the  moral  weeklies.  Bodmer  and  Gottsched  in  their 
journals  both  recommended  the  reading  of  Locke's  On  Education,  as  did 
also  the  Hamburg  Patriot.  These  journals  as  well  as  others  frequently  dis- 
cussed Locke's  suggestions.  Justus  Moser  and  Basedow  and  still  more 
consistently  Pestalozzi  put  them  into  practice.10 


A  chief  source  of  many  ideas  of  Addison,  Pope,  and  Thomson  was 
Shaftesbury's  Characteristics  of  Men,  Manners,  Opinions,  Times,  for  so 
he  styled  his  collected  philosophical  essays,  which,  though  addressed  to 
the  polite  rather  than  to  the  learned,  still  needed  intermediaries  before 
their  message  reached  even  the  gentry.  In  Germany  too  his  ideas  became 
known  to  the  general  public  only  indirectly  through  Addison,  Pope,  and 
others;  and  so,  although  the  earliest  of  his  works,  his  Inquiry  Concerning 
Virtue,  was  published  in  1699,  his  name  began  to  carry  authority  later 
than  those  of  his  English  followers. 

Anthony  Ashley  Cooper,  third  Earl  of  Shaftesbury,  was  born  in  Lon- 

9  Op.  cit.,  98.  Cf.  Brown  [411  ]  29.  Ibid.,  33  f.  Cf.  Discourse  der  Mahlern  I  xx.  Cf. 
Brown   [411]  31. 

10  Brown  [414]. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  89 

don  in  1760.  It  was  once  rumored  that  the  marriage  between  his  father 
and  mother  was  arranged  by  John  Locke.  Certain  it  is  that  Locke  was 
the  director  of  the  early  education  of  the  son.  Following  Locke's  advice 
in  Thoughts  concerning  Education,  Shaftesbury  learned  languages  by 
the  direct  method  and  at  the  age  of  eleven  could  converse  in  Latin  and 
Greek  with  ease.  Shaftesbury's  philosophy  however  has  bases  quite 
different  from  Locke's.  It  is  rather  in  harmony  with  that  of  Ralph  Cud- 
worth  and  the  school  of  Cambridge  Platonists.  Shaftesbury  spent  the 
year  1618-1619  in  Holland  where  he  became  acquainted  with  Le  Clerc, 
Bayle,  Benjamin  Furly,  a  leading  English  Quaker,  and  several  learned 
men  with  whom  John  Locke  had  associated  nine  years  before. 

Shaftesbury's  Characteristics  became  known  to  French  and  German 
philosophers  soon  after  its  publication.  In  1712  Leibniz  received  from 
his  friend  Pierre  Coste  a  copy  of  the  work.  Leibniz  was  agreeably  sur- 
prised and  wrote  to  Coste: 

Je  n'avois  cru  trouver  qu'une  Philosophie  semblable  a  celle  de  Mr.  Lock:  mais  j'ay 
este  mene  au  dela  de  Platon  et  de  Descartes.  Si  j'avois  vu  cet  ouvrage  avant  la  publi- 
cation de  ma  Theodicee  j  'en  aurois  profite  comme  il  faut,  et  m'en  emprunte  des  grands 
passages.11 

It  is  true  the  ultimate  source  of  many  of  Shaftesbury's  ideas  is  to  be 
found  in  the  works  of  the  Greek  philosophers,  but  his  graceful  and  accept- 
able reformulations  of  Plato  and  Plotinus  gave  them  new  currency  and 
his  works  were  rather  widely  read  by  the  German  representatives  of  the 
age  of  humanity.  Walzel  says:  "Die  deutschen  Denker  vor  Friedrich 
Schlegel  und  Schleiermacher  haben  Shaftesbury  unvergleichlich  besser 
gekannt  als  die  beiden  antiken  Philosophen."12 

Despite  the  favor  of  Leibniz,  Shaftesbury's  ideas  failed  to  become 
assimilated  into  the  body  of  the  German  philosophical  system.  The 
explainer,  popularizer,  disseminator,  and  systematizer  of  Leibniz's  phi- 
losophy was  Christian  Wolff,  but  Shaftesbury's  philosophy  defied  sys- 
tematization.  In  the  Soliloquy  or  Advice  to  an  Author  Shaftesbury  ob- 
served in  passing,  "the  most  ingenious  way  to  become  foolish  is  by  a 
system."  Of  the  important  philosophers  of  his  generation  only  Men- 
delssohn seems  to  have  accepted  Shaftesbury's  ideas  and  developed  them 
further.  Herder  said  the  beautiful  tone  of  Mendelssohn's  Briefe  ilber  die 
Empfindungen  was  "ein  jugendlich  glucklicher  Nachhall  des  englischen 
Philosophen."13  According  to  a  generally  accepted  report  it  was  Lessing 
who  first  put  a  copy  of  Shaftesbury's  work  into  Mendelssohn's  hands, 

11  G.  W.  Leibniz.  Philosophische  Schriften,  ed.  C.  J.  Gerhardt,  Berlin,  1887;  III  429. 
Cf.  Lessing,  Schriften,  VI  442. 

12  Walzel  [543]  xxx. 

13  Herder,  Werke,  X  306. 


90        University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

the  reading  of  which  led  him  to  vie  with  Shaftesbury  by  writing  his 
Philosophische  Gesprdche,  1755.  Pope  ein  Metaphysiker!  of  the  same  year, 
written  in  collaboration  with  Lessing,  and  Phddon,  1767,  testify  to 
Mendelssohn's  continued  interest  in  Shaftesburian  concepts. 

Of  the  "Kunstrichter"  Johann  Ulrich  Konig,  author  of  the  "Unter- 
suchung  von  dem  guten  Geschmack  in  der  Dicht-  und  Redekunst" 
(preface  to  his  edition  of  the  poems  of  Canitz  1727)  was  one  of  the  first 
to  study  Shaftesbury's  esthetics  with  profit,  but  among  the  followers  of 
Wolff  they  found  little  favor.  Baumgarten's  Aesthetica,  1750,  for  example, 
pursues  a  course  that  brings  it  into  no  harmony  with  Shaftesbury's  ideas. 

With  the  theologians  Shaftesbury  fared  still  worse.  The  Abt  Mosheim 
listed  Shaftesbury  along  with  St.  Evremont  as  a  wolf  in  sheep's  clothing 
and  therefore  more  dangerous  to  true  Christianity  than  its  outspoken 
enemies  Spinoza,  Toland,  Passerani,  and  Tindal.14 

It  was  with  the  German  poets  of  the  eighteenth  century  that  Shaftes- 
bury's ideas  found  appreciation.  His  conception  of  harmony  in  its  cosmic 
aspects  has  already  been  discussed  in  connection  with  Haller  and  Brockes. 
During  the  1740's  Shaftesbury's  ethical  system  became  better  known. 
Gellert's  "Antrittsvorlesung,"  Von  dem  EinBuB  der  schonen  Wissen- 
schaften  auf  das  Herz  und  die  Sitten,  1741,  opened  the  decade,  and 
Spalding  translated  Shaftesbury's  Moralists  in  1745  and  his  Inquiry  Con- 
cerning Virtue  or  Merit  in  1747.  Spalding's  Bestimmung  des  Menschen, 
1748,  which  also  bore  Shaftesbury's  message,  passed  through  many 
editions. 

It  has  been  observed  that  Shaftesbury's  ideas  received  a  warmer  wel- 
come in  Germany  than  in  England.  In  both  countries,  to  be  sure,  he 
found  opponents,  for  his  philosophy  had  many  facets  which  might  easily 
offend  the  devout.  A  chief  stumbling  block  was  Shaftesbury's  "test  by 
ridicule."  Even  religion,  he  said,  should  be  able  to  stand  this  test  and 
he  directed  it  toward  the  excesses  of  certain  emotional  sects.  This  led 
many  pious  souls  to  relegate  Shaftesbury  immediately  to  the  seat  of  the 
scornful.  One  would  hesitate  to  include  Gellert  among  the  scoffers,  yet  in 
his  comedy,  Die  Betschwester,  1745,  he  ridicules  religious  ostentation  in 
the  manner  suggested  by  Shaftesbury.  It  should  be  added  that  his  work 
later  caused  its  sensitive  author  some  twinges  of  conscience,  which  led 
him  to  forswear  all  comedy  thereafter. 

It  is  possible  that  other  influences  played  a  role  here.  Shaftesbury  was 
systematically  expounded  by  Hutcheson,  a  pupil  of  Shaftesbury,  and  by 
Fordyce,  a  pupil  of  Hutcheson,  but  the  latter  two  were  at  once  more 
utilitarian  and  pious  than  their  master.  Hutcheson's  System  of  Moral 

14  J.  L.  Mosheim,  Vorreden,  1750,  412. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  91 

Philosophy,  1755,  was  translated  by  Lessing  the  following  year  as  Sitten- 
lehre  der  Vernunft.  Fordyce's  Moral  Philosophy,  1754,  was  translated  into 
French  in  1756,  and  into  German  in  1757.  Gellert's  biographer,  Cramer, 
wrote  : 

Auch  hatte  er  schon  einigemal  Fordycens  Moral  erklart,  die  ihm  vorziiglich  gefiel, 
weil  dieser  Schriftsteller  die  Sittenlehre  nach  Hutchesons  Grundsatzen  aus  der 
Empfindung  des  Guten  und  Schonen  herleitete.  DieJ3  aber  that  seinem  Verlangen  .  .  . 
noch  keine  Geniige.  Er  entschloB  sich  deswegen  selbst  besondere  Vorlesungen  liber 
die  Sittenlehre  auszuarbeiten.15 

The  philosophies  of  Shaftesbury,  Hutcheson,  Fordyce,  and  of  Gellert 
in  his  Moralische  Vorlesungen  are  all  expounded  on  similar  plans,  hence 
it  is  easy  to  find  parallels.  But  Hutcheson  and  Fordyce  depart  from  their 
master  in  many  practical  applications,  and,  where  they  diverge  from  him, 
Gellert  is  more  frequently  in  harmony  with  them.  Unlike  Shaftesbury, 
all  three  of  them  concede  to  the  moral  sense  a  higher  value  than  to  the 
esthetic  sense. 


A  chief  theory  of  Shaftesbury  was  that  a  proper  admixture  of  the  two 
sets  of  affections  and  passions — "the  natural  Affections,  which  lead  to 
the  Good  of  the  Publick  [  and  the  ]  Self-affections,  which  lead  only  to  the 
Good  of  the  Private" — determine  whether  a  creature  will  be  "virtuous 
or  vicious,  good  or  ill."16  Both  of  these  ideas  are  prominent  in  Lessing's 
Minna  von  Barnhelm.  Minna  applies  the  test  of  ridicule  to  Tellheim's 
offended  honor  and  to  his  "crippled"  condition,  and  ends  by  saying: 
"Und  ist  es  meine  Einrichtung,  dalS  alle  Ubertreibungen  des  Lacherlichen 
so  fahig  sind?"  Tellheim  serves  at  the  same  time  as  an  example  of  the 
overly  unselfish  individual. 

Shaftesbury,  Lessing,  and  the  age  in  which  they  lived  viewed  literature 
teleologically.  A  common  aim  of  the  German  publicists  of  the  time  was, 
"das  Nutzliche  mit  dem  Angenehmen  zu  verbinden."  Shaftesbury 
counted  it  as  a  prime  merit  of  early  Greek  comedy  that  it  ridiculed  the 
"false  sublime  of  the  early  poets."17  Comedy  was  for  him  the  most 
effectual  and  entertaining  method  of  exposing  "folly,  pedantry,  false 
reason,  and  ill  writing."18  Lessing  seems  to  waver  in  regard  to  the  ques- 
tion which  was  the  primary  aim  of  the  comedy — to  please  or  to  improve. 
In  his  early  letters  to  his  parents  he  naturally  stressed  the  moral  values.19 
In  his  observations  regarding  the  theories  of  Johann  Elias  Schlegel,  he 

15  J.  A.  Cramer,  Christian  Fdrchtegott  Gellerts  Leben,  Leipzig,  1774,  109. 

16  Shaftesbury,  Characteristicks  .  .  .,  London,  1727,  II  86. 

17  Ibid.,  I  246. 

18  Ibid.   I  259. 

19  Lessing,  Schriften,  XVII  16. 


92        University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

seems  to  make  agreeableness  primary,  and  improvement  secondary. 
Contradictions  might  be  pointed  out  within  the  limits  of  the  Hambur- 
gische  Dramaturgic  Lessing  was  by  this  time  swayed  by  the  didactic 
theory  of  Diderot.  He  was  perhaps  unaware  of  any  self-contradiction. 
"Bessern  sollen  uns  alle  Gattungen  der  Poesie,"  Lessing  wrote,  but 
earlier  he  had  declared  that  the  dramatic  poet  has  the  advantage,  "dajG 
er  weder  nutzlich  noch  angenehm,  eines  ohne  das  andere  seyn  kann."20 
In  the  Dramaturgie  he  does  not  cite  Shaftesbury  directly,  but  many 
parallelisms  of  phrase  can  be  pointed  out,  and  Lessing  seems  to  have 
adopted  or  adapted  essential  and  characteristic  technical  terms  from 
Shaftesbury.21 

Lessing  was  also  indebted  to  Shaftesbury  as  a  theorist  in  the  field  of 
pictorial  art.  In  the  course  of  his  essay  A  Notion  of  the  Historical  Draught 
or  Tabulature  of  the  Judgement  of  Hercules,  1713,  Shaftesbury  recognized 
that  pictorial  art  is  limited  to  a  moment  of  time  and  hence  that  the  artist 
must  choose  the  most  fruitful  moment.  Thus  he  anticipated  the  chief 
practical  tenet  of  Laokoon  by  many  years.22 

After  Lessing's  death  Fritz  Jacobi  accused  him  of  being  a  follower  of 
Spinoza  and  the  dialogue  he  published  in  evidence  of  the  fact,  if  authen- 
tic, would  prove  his  assertion.  There  is  passing  reference  to  Leibniz 
too  in  the  dialogue  but  none  whatever  to  Shaftesbury.  Mendelssohn  felt 
called  upon  to  defend  Lessing  against  Jacobi's  charge  and  did  so  without, 
however,  placing  him  in  the  camp  of  Shaftesbury.23 

Lessing  shared  with  Shaftesbury  his  optimistic  view  of  the  universe 
and  the  belief  in  the  trend  of  mankind  toward  betterment.  He  believed 
with  him  that  religion  should  not  be  accepted  on  authority,  that  a  proper 
skepticism  was  the  first  step  toward  the  approach  to  truth,  and  that 
religion  and  virtue  were  independent  of  each  other.  Adrast  in  Der  Frey- 
geist  is  described  as  without  religion  but  "voller  tugendhafter  Gesin- 
nungen."  The  tolerance  of  both  Shaftesbury  and  Lessing  had  a  similar 
rational  basis. 

In  his  Advice  to  an  Author  Shaftesbury  had  called  the  true  poet  "A 
second  Maker,  a  just  Prometheus  under  Jove,"  and  had  granted  him  the 
right  to  form  a  whole,  "coherent  and  proportion'd  in  it-self  with  due 
Subjection  and  Subordinacy  of  constituent  Parts."  In  the  thirty-fourth 
number  of  the  Hamburgische  Dramaturgie,  Lessing  grants  the  same  privi- 
lege to  a  genius  ("es  sei  mir  erlaubt,  den  Schopfer  ohne  Namen  durch 
sein  edelstes  Geschopf  zu  bezeichnen").  To  such  a  genius,  he  says,  it  is 

20  Ibid.,  X  114  and  XVII  16. 

21  Brewer  [557]. 
22Rehorn  [556]. 

23  Biedermann,  Lessing  Gesprache  .  .  .,  Berlin,  1924,  222  ff. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  93 

permitted  to  create  a  world  of  his  own  differing  from  the  natural  world 
but  with  laws  of  its  own,  "deren  Zufalligkeiten  in  einer  anderen  Ordnung 
verbunden  [sind]  als  in  dieser." 


He  in  whom  the  egoistic  cravings  and  altruistic  social  impulses  were 
well  balanced  was  not  only  good  but  happy,  and  happiness,  according  to 
Shaftesbury,  was  the  triumph  of  goodness.  To  attain  such  a  state  the 
individual  must  put  forth  a  conscious  effort,  and  to  succeed  was  to  be- 
come a  virtuoso  in  the  art  of  life  and  to  become  aware  of  a  joy  that  was 
of  the  visible  and  invisible  world ;  and  thus  the  two  worlds  were  brought 
into  a  harmony  that  the  previous  centuries  had  distrusted,  and  joy  came 
again  into  good  repute. 

Presently  lyric  poetry  in  Germany  became  rich  in  odes  and  verses 
addressed  to  "Freude,"  even  to  "Gottin  Freude,"  most  of  which  repro- 
duced with  nuances  Shaftesbury's  conception  of  happiness.24  First  among 
German  poets  to  express  this  new  conception  was  apparently  Hagedorn. 
During  his  pleasant  stay  in  London,  1729-1731,  he  sought  to  master  the 
terminology  of  Shaftesbury  and  render  it  properly  into  German.  In  a 
letter  to  Gottsched,  November,  1730,  he  disputed  Dryden's  definition 
of  "humour"  and  favored  Shaftesbury's  as  given  in  his  essay  on  The 
Freedom  of  Wit  and  Humour.25  To  make  the  matter  clearer  he  referred 
to  the  genealogy  of  humor  as  described  in  the  thirty-fifth  number  of 
the  Spectator.  Truth  was  the  founder  of  the  family  and  the  father  of  good 
sense.  Good  sense  was  the  father  of  wit,  who  married  a  lady  of  collateral 
line  called  mirth  by  whom  he  had  issue,  humor.  While  Hagedorn's 
"Freude"  corresponds  rather  closely  to  Shaftesbury's  "enthusiasm,"  it 
also  approaches  in  meaning,  Hagedorn  says,  the  Middle  High  German 
"vreude."  Hagedorn's  poem  "An  die  Freude,"  1744,  begins: 

Freude,  Gottin  edler  Herzen! 
Lass  die  Lieder,  die  hier  schallen, 
Dich  vergroflern,  dir  gefallen: 
Was  hier  tonet,  tont  durch  dich.26 

"Freude"  then  was  the  source  of  his  poetic  inspiration.  Similarly  Shaftes- 
bury, at  the  conclusion  of  his  Letter  concerning  Enthusiasm,  says:  "Inspi- 
ration may  justly  be  call'd  divine  enthusiasm." 

Klopstock  paid  tribute  to  Hagedorn  as  the  one  who  had  given  to 
"Freude"  the  new  and  nobler  significance.  "Wir  Junglinge  sangen  und 

24Schultz  [534]. 

25  Th.  W.  Danzel,  Gottsched  und  seine  ZeiP,  Leipzig,  1855,  116. 

26  Hagedorn,  Werke,  III  33. 


94        University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

empfanden  wie  Hagedorn"  ("Ziircher  See,"  1750)  and  Haller  regretted: 
"Die  lachelnde  Freude  aber  habe  ich  nie  gefiihlt,  die  Hagedorn  so  lebhaft 
empfand  und  so  angenehm  abzumahlen  wul5te."27  Herder  wrote  in 
Adrastea,  1803,  that  the  spirit  of  Horace  lived  on  in  Shaftesbury,  Hage- 
dorn, and  Uz."8 

The  esthetic  and  moral  system  of  Shaftesbury  is  first  clearly  recog- 
nizable in  Uz's  poems,  "Der  standhafte  Weise"  and  "Die  Gliickseligkeit," 
1755.  With  modifications  we  find  these  ideas  again  in  his  Theodicee  of 
1755  and  also  in  his  didactic  poem,  Versuch  uber  die  Kunst,  stets  frohlich 
zu  sein,  1760,  the  motto  to  the  first  part  of  which  was  taken  from  Shaftes- 
bury: "To  enjoy  is  our  Wisdom  and  our  Duty!  It  is  the  great  lesson  of 
human  life."  Uz  returned  to  the  subject  in  his  poem  "Die  Weisheit"  and 
as  late  as  1768  in  his  poem  "An  die  Freude." 

The  tendency  of  Ewald  von  Kleist  was  to  personify  "die  Freude"  of 
Klopstock  and  his  school  and  to  elevate  her  to  the  position  of  an  inspir- 
ing muse.29  Much  that  the  youthful  Schiller  owed  to  Shaftesbury  came 
through  his  lyric  predecessors  especially  through  Uz,  whose  "Dicht- 
kunst"  is  closely  related  to  Schiller's  "Die  Kiinstler,"  "Das  eleusinische 
Fest,"  and  "Die  Macht  des  Gesangs";  and  Schiller's  "An  die  Freude"  is 
similarly  related  to  Uz's  poem  of  like  name.  But  of  Schiller  later. 

Meanwhile  we  should  mention  the  Graces,  favored  spirits  of  Anacreon 
and  his  seventeenth-century  imitators.  To  them  Shaftesbury  gave  a  new 
significance.  Since  inward  harmony  with  the  universe  was  goodness,  this 
harmony  should  express  itself  in  countenance  and  bearing.  The  poets  of 
Germany  in  the  early  eighteenth  century  have  frequently  been  divided 
into  two  groups,  the  one  worldly,  the  other  spiritual.  The  classification 
is  convenient  here.  Hagedorn  is  a  good  representative  of  the  former  group 
and  his  Graces  appeal  only  by  their  physical  charms.  His  models  are  to 
be  found  in  the  classic  poets  and  their  French  imitators.  The  Graces  of 
inward  beauty  can  be  first  distinctly  recognized  in  the  Freundschaftliche 
Lieder  of  Pyra  and  Lange,  which  Bodmer  edited  in  1746,  and  to  which  he 
added  a  translation  of  three  episodes  from  Thomson's  Seasons.  Bodmer, 
Pyra,  and  Lange,  either  directly  or  through  Thomson,  had  obviously 
become  impressed  with  Shaftesbury's  spiritualized  conception  of  grace 
and  the  Graces.  Thus  in  the  Tempel  der  wahren  Dichtkunst  we  read:  "Die 
Tugend  und  Natur  und  Anmuth  folgten  ihr  [der  Poesie]  als  wie  drey 
Gratien  mit  fest  verschlungenen  Handen."  Gleim  and  Uz,  when  they 
began  writing  at  Halle,  shared  the  more  sensual  or  French  conception  of 
grace.  Gleim  in  his  long  career  never  developed  beyond  this.  Uz  in  his 
much  briefer  one  approached  Shaftesbury's  ideal  a  little  and  the  same  is 

27  Haller,  Gedichte,  404.  29  Schultz  [534]  24  ff. 

28  Herder,  Werke,  XXIV  219. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  95 

true  of  their  companion  Gotz.  After  the  manner  of  Lange  and  Pyra  and 
of  Thomson's  Lavinia,  which  Bodmer  translated,  Gotz  lends  in  his  Attic, 
1747,  to  his  simple  mortal  maidens  the  naive  charms  of  spiritual  origin, 
which  Shaftesbury  admires.30 

Wieland  wrote  to  Zimmermann  in  March,  1758:  "Je  vise  au  caractere 
du  Virtuoso,  que  Shaftesbury  peint  si  admirablement  dans  tous  ses  ecrits : 
j'en  suis  bien  eloign  e  encore,  mais  j'y  vise  pourtant."31  In  a  long  series  of 
works  beginning  with  his  Anti-Ovid,  1752,  and  continuing  through  Mu- 
sarion  oder  die  Philosophic  der  Grazien,  1768,  Wieland  sought  to  make 
definite  the  perfect  Shaftesburian  balance.  In  his  Gesprdch  des  Sokrates 
mit  Timoclea,  1754,  he  speaks  of  "moralische  Gratien,"  a  phrase  obviously 
taken  from  Shaftesbury.  In  his  Theages,  1755  ff.,  he  was  the  first  in  Ger- 
many clearly  to  distinguish  "Anmuth"  from  "Schonheit."  At  the  begin- 
ning of  his  Cyrus,  1758-1759,  he  pairs  Shaftesbury's  name  with  Xeno- 
phon's: 

Zeige  mir,  0  Wahrheit,  von  ihren  Reitzen  umgeben, 
Jene  sittliche  Venus,  die  einst  dein  Xenophon  kannte, 
Und  dein  Ashley  mit  ihm,  die  Mutter  des  geistigen  Schonen. 

Again  in  the  "Zuschrift"  to  Araspes  und  Panthea,  1760,  he  refers  to  some 
"Damon  ...  in  die  Gestalt  der  Muse  Xenophons  und  der  moralischen 
Venus  verkleidet."  Yet  all  this  is  merely  symptomatic  of  his  early  read- 
ings. Especially  in  the  Gesprdch  des  Sokrates  and  in  Theages  the  mystic 
and  ascetic  elements  in  the  virtuous  man  are  so  overemphasized  that 
Shaftesbury  would  have  disowned  him.  In  Cyrus  and  Araspes  und  Pan- 
thea Wieland  comes  closer  to  Shaftesbury's  ideal. 

Certain  of  Wieland's  works  written  between  1768  and  1772  might  be 
described  as  poetic  versions  of  Shaftesbury's  philosophy:  his  Musarion, 
Die  Grazien,  Beytrdge  zur  geheimen  Geschichte  des  menschlichen  Verstands 
und  Herzens  and  Der  goldene  Spiegel;  also  his  Aristippe,  1800  and  above 
all  his  Agathon,  begun  in  1766.  If  Shaftesbury  had  attempted  to  expound 
his  philosophy  in  the  form  of  a  novel  he  must  needs  have  written  just 
such  a  book  as  this,  in  which  the  truth-seeking  Agathon  by  dint  of  passing 
through  diverse  experiences  attains  to  moral  beauty,  harmony  with  the 
universe,  and  perfect  balance,  and  becomes  what  Shaftesbury  would  call 
a  real  true  gentleman.  But  this  milieu  theory  was  un-Shaftesburian. 
Wieland  felt  this  himself,  and  after  some  wavering  in  his  second  edition, 
1773,  he  adopted  fully  in  the  final  version,  1794,  Shaftesbury's  conception 
of  man  as  the  free  determiner  of  his  own  fate.32 

30Pomezny  [529]  138. 
31  Wieland,  Briefe,  I  259. 
32GroB  [566]. 


96        University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

In  his  criticism  of  Jacobi,  Wieland  constantly  assumes  Shaftesbury  as 
a  standard.  He  wrote  to  Riedel,  October  26,  1768: 

Sagen  Sie  ihm  [Jacobi]  gelegentlich,  daB  ich  zwey  Drittel  meiner  Gedichte  darum 
geben  mochte,  seine  Vestale  un  seine  Venus  im  Bade  gemacht  zu  haben.  Sie  erreichen, 
nach  meinem  Begriffe,  das  schonste  Ideal,  das  ein  Dichter,  vom  Anblick  der  Shaftes- 
buryschen  Venus  selbst  begeistert,  zu  denken,  zu  fuhlen  und  anzuschauen  fahig  seyn 
kann.33 

and  in  a  later  letter  to  Jacobi,  June  1769,  he  urges  him  to  continue  to 
present  the  charms  of  the  Shaf  tesburian  Graces : 

Und  seyn  Sie  versichert,  daft  Sie  sich  dadurch  um  die  gliicklichen  Seelen,  denen  die 
Natur  feines  Gefiihl  fur  das,  was  Shaftesbury  "the  moral  Venus  and  the  moral 
graces"  nennt,  gegeben  hat,  ein  unendlich  grofieres  Verdienst  machen  werden,  als 
durch  die  tragischste  Tragodie  von  der  Welt.34 

In  1788  Wieland  observed  that  if  he  were  permitted  to  read  only  three 
authors  he  would  choose  Homer,  Shakespeare,  and  Shaftesbury.35  Wie- 
land told  Henry  Crabb  Robinson  in  1802  that  to  Shaftesbury  he  owed 
his  culture  more  than  to  any  other  writer.36  At  the  time  of  Wieland's 
death,  Goethe,  who  knew  both  men  well  said : 

An  einem  solchen  Manne  [wie  Shaftesbury]  fand  nun  unser  Wieland  nicht  einen  Vor- 
ganger,  dem  er  folgen,  nicht  einen  Genossen,  mit  dem  er  arbeiten  sollte,  sondern 
einen  wahrhaften  alteren  Zwillingsbruder  im  Geiste,  dem  er  vollkommen  glich,  ohne 
nach  ihm  gebildet  zu  sein.37 


When  we  seek  to  define  the  ideas  held  in  common  by  Shaftesbury, 
Herder,  Goethe,  and  Schiller  we  become  involved  in  a  complex  of  con- 
cepts held  also  by  a  long  line  of  philosophers,  including  among  others 
Plato,  Plotinus,  Giordano  Bruno,  Jakob  Bohme,  Spinoza,  and  Leibniz. 
Dilthey  has  presented  evidence  that  Herder  and  Goethe  received  the  tra- 
dition through  Shaftesbury  rather  than  Spinoza,  while  Franz  Koch  in- 
sists on  the  importance  of  Plotinus. 3S 

Avoiding  at  the  outset  a  controversial  subject,  we  may  refer  with  some 
security  to  a  Shaftesburian  symbol  that  was  early  echoed  by  Herder  and 
Goethe.  Herder  in  1767  and  again  in  1769  called  a  poet  "ein  zweiter 
Prometheus,"39  as  Shaftesbury  had.40  Indirectly  the  same  picture  is  re- 

33  Auswahl  denkwurdiger  Briefe  von  C.  M.  Wieland,  ed.  Ludwig  Wieland,  Wien, 
1815,  I  225. 

34  Wieland,  Briefe,  II  319. 

35  Anzeiger  des  Teutschen  Merkurs,  March  1788,  xxxi. 

36  Robinson,  Diary,  I  123. 

37  Goethe,  Werke,  I  (36)  323. 

38  Dilthey  [542];  Koch  [547]. 

39  Herder,  Werke,  I  256,  III  103. 

40  Shaftesbury,  I  207. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  97 

called  in  his  Shakespeare  and  in  a  letter  to  Gerstenberg  which  preceded 
it.41  Herder  read  Shaftesbury  and  quoted  him  from  the  original  as  early 
as  1767.42 

In  his  Journal  meiner  Reise  im  Jahre  1769,  Herder  makes  a  passing 
reference  to  Shaftesbury,43  but  neither  on  his  journey  nor  in  his  darkened 
room  at  the  Hotel  zum  Geist  in  Strassburg  can  it  be  supposed  that  he 
read  Shaftesbury  attentively,  but  from  Biickeburg,  June  8,  1771,  he 
wrote  to  Caroline:  "Er  [Wieland]  und  ein  Englander  Shaftesburi  sind  die 
Hauptschriftsteller,  mit  denen  ich  jetzt  lebe,"  and  two  weeks  later  he 
wrote  to  her  of  lonely  walks  in  the  woods  beginning  at  four  in  the  morn- 
ing, and  added:  "Sonst  habe  ich  Einen  Englander  Shaftesburi  sehr  lieb, 
mein  Mitgefahrte  im  Walde."44  It  is  known  that  Herder  planned  in  1775 
a  "Parallele  der  drei  Manner  Spinoza,  Shaftesbury,  Leibniz."  Of  this 
only  the  first  part  was  finished  as  planned,  but  the  remainder  eventually 
went  into  other  works,  chiefly  into  his  Ideen  zur  Philosophie  der  Ge- 
schichte  der  Menschheit.  In  1775  Herder  translated  into  Alcaic  verse 
Shaftesbury's  paean  to  nature,  but  first  published  it  in  1800  as  an  appen- 
dix to  his  Gott:  einige  Gesprdche. 

Herder  called  Shaftesbury  "jener  liebenswurdige  Plato  Europens." 
The  art  of  composing  dialogues,  which  he  had  learned  from  Plato,  he 
passed  on  to  Diderot  and  he  declared  Shaftesbury's  Moralists  to  be  "die 
schonste  Metaphysik,  die  je  gedacht  wurde."45 

The  numerous  tenets  of  agreement  between  Herder  and  Shaftesbury 
have  been  discovered  and  defined  by  several  critics.  There  were  of  course 
differences  of  views  as  well,  partly  to  be  accounted  for  by  their  different 
status.  Herder's  ideal  man  was  not  Shaftesbury's  "etwas  lordmaBiger" 
virtuoso46 — for  Herder  felt  that  law  and  duty,  regardless  of  pleasure, 
should  serve  as  guides  through  life — but  his  admiration  for  Shaftesbury 
continued.  In  a  letter  to  his  son,  August  1798,  Herder  speaks  of  Shaftes- 
bury's "Rhapsody  on  Nature"  as  a  passage  "welche  die  Spinozaisch- 
Leibnizische  Philosophie  im  schonsten  und  erlesenensten  Auszug  ent- 
halt."  Haym  comments  on  this:  "und  diese  im  Geiste  Shaftesburys  ge- 
fa£te,  mit  Shaftesbury  gefuhlte  und  in  Poesie  umgesetzte  Philosophie 
war  seine  eigene  Philosophie."47 

41  Ibid.,  V  219  and  V  239. 

42  Ibid.,  I  305. 

43  Ibid.,  I  367. 

44  Herders  Briefwechsel,  XXXIX  (1926)  232  and  245. 

45  Herder,  Werke,  V  490,  I  182  and  Moreland  [539]. 

46  Ibid.,  XI  123. 

47  Haym,  Herder,  Berlin,  1880,  II  209. 


98        University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Strangely  enough  Goethe  seems  not  to  have  mentioned  Shaftesbury's 
name  until  1813  when  he  spoke  at  the  "Totenfeier"  of  Wieland,  but  there 
is  evidence  enough  of  Goethe's  early  acquaintance  with  the  English 
philosopher.  In  1774  Goethe  wrote  in  Ludwig  Schneider's  autograph 
album  an  epigram  of  Shaftesbury:  "The  most  ingenious  way  of  becoming 
foolish  is  by  a  system." 

It  was  through  Herder  that  the  Prometheus  symbol  first  began  to  take 
possession  of  Goethe's  imagination.  The  concept  comes  out  clearly  in 
Goethe's  Zum  Schdkespears  Tag,  1771.  "Er  wetteiferte  mit  dem  Prome- 
theus, bildete  ihm  Zug  fur  Zug  seine  Menschen  nach."48  The  idea  of  a 
poet  as  a  second  creator  appealed  to  the  poets  of  the  "Sturm  und 
Drang"  period  and  passed  into  their  ritual.  Soon  the  poet  was  not  merely 
a  demigod  but  was  a  peer  of  the  gods  themselves;  Goethe's  "Prome- 
theus" exalts  the  poet  above  Zeus. 

It  was  not  until  1776  that  Goethe  began  a  serious  study  of  Shaftes- 
bury. Goethe  soon  advanced  beyond  Herder,  whom  he  called  into  con- 
sultation a  little  later.  What  interested  him  most  at  this  point  was 
Shaftesbury's  conception  of  inner  form,  the  living  spirit  of  a  work  of  art 
that  should  be  allowed  to  determine  every  detail  of  its  corporal  make-up. 
Particularly  Shaftesburian  is  the  conception  of  nature  as  an  artist.  To 
her  the  Swiss  poet  Tobler  sang  a  paean,  published  in  the  Journal  von 
Tiefurt,  1782-1783: 

Sie  ist  die  einzige  Kiinstlerin:  aus  dem  simpelsten  Stoff  zu  den  grofiten  Kontrasten; 
ohne  Schein  der  Anstrengung  zu  der  groftten  Vollendung — zur  genausten  Bestimmt- 
heit .  .  .  Sie  spielt  ein  Schauspiel; .  .  .  Ihr  Schauspiel  ist  immer  neu,  weil  sie  immer  neue 
Zuschauer  schafft. 

It  was  long  the  custom  to  cite  this  poem  as  evidence  of  Goethe's  prog- 
ress toward  Shaftesbury's  philosophy  of  nature.  The  fact  was  overlooked 
that  Goethe  wrote  to  Knebel,  soon  after  its  appearance:  "Der  Aufsatz  ist 
nicht  von  mir."49  Thirty-five  years  later  he  wrote  to  Kanzler  von  Muller 
that  he  could  not  definitely  remember  having  written  the  poem,  but  ad- 
mitted: "Diese  Betrachtungen  .  .  .  stimmen  mit  den  Vorstellungen  wohl 
uberein,  zu  denen  sich  mein  Geist  damals  ausgebildet  hatte."50  It  must 
be  added  that  later  critics  have  doubted  whether  Goethe's  memory  was 
serving  him  accurately  even  in  this  admission,51  but  it  is  known  that 
Goethe  had  conversations  with  Tobler  in  Weimar  at  the  time  the  poem 
was  being  written,  and  Goethe  was  doubtless  interested  in  the  analogy 
of  the  operations  of  art  and  nature. 

48  Goethe,  Werke,  I  (37)  129  f. 

49  Ibid.,  IV  (6)  104;  letter  of  March  3,  1783. 

50  Ibid.,  II  (11)  10;  letter  of  May  24,  1828. 

51  Cf.  Hering  in  JGG,  XIII  (1927)  125  f.,  and  Schultz  [548]  89. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  99 

During  the  winter  of  1784-1785  Goethe  began  the  study  of  Spinoza. 
A  hasty  reading  satisfied  him.  Few  biographers  repeat  the  assertion  now 
that  Goethe  was  a  Spinozist.  Dilthey,  Boucke,  and  Walzel  have  dis- 
proved this  abundantly.  Walzel  agrees  with  Dilthey:  "Strenger  Spinozist 
ist  er  nie  geworden,  auch  nicht  Spinozist  Leibnizscher  Observanz,"  and 
he  added:  "Goethe  bleibt  im  Wesentlichen  Shaftesbury  naher  als  Spi- 
noza."52 Goethe's  reflections  after  reading  Spinoza  are  set  forth  in  his 
"Philosophische  Studie,"  1784-1785.  When  Goethe  deviates  from  Spi- 
noza, he  inclines  toward  Shaftesbury.  The  question  may  remain  open  as 
to  whether  this  is  because  of  his  own  preconceived  opinion,  whether  he 
was  influenced  directly  by  Shaftesbury,  or  indirectly  through  conversa- 
tions with  Herder,  whose  Ideen  zur  Philosophie  der  Geschichte  der  Mensch- 
heit,  1784-1791,  and  Gott:  einige  Gesprdche,  1787,  are  based  on  the  same 
conception  of  the  relation  of  nature  and  art  as  those  fundamental  to 
Goethe's  "Philosophische  Studie,"  1784-1785. 

The  Italian  journey  and  the  conversations  with  Karl  Philipp  Moritz 
brought  Goethe  a  step  further.  Spinoza's  and  Herder's  ideas  were  taken 
into  consideration,  but  Shaftesbury  dominated.  Moritz  developed  his 
theory  of  the  "Mittelpunkt"  upon  the  basis  of  Shaftesbury.  Goethe  was 
essentially  in  agreement  with  Moritz.  Shaftesbury  had  said  "all  beauty 
is  truth."  It  follows  from  this  that  neither  the  artist  nor  the  scientist 
should  be  content  to  concentrate  on  the  individual  phenomenon  in  isola- 
tion. In  harmony  with  this  conception  of  nature  and  art  there  dawned 
upon  Goethe  what  Schiller  called,  "eine  gro.Be  und  wahrhaft  helden- 
mafiige  Idee."  Schiller  added:  "Sie  nehmen  die  ganze  Natur  zusammen 
um  liber  das  Einzelne  Licht  zu  bekommen.  In  der  Allheit  ihrer  Erschei- 
nungsarten  suchen  Sie  den  Erklarungsgrund  fur  das  Individuum  auf."53 

The  last  element  in  Goethe's  esthetic  and  scientific  system  was  offered 
by  Kant's  Kritik  der  Urteilskraft,  1790,  in  which  he  recognized  the  right 
of  art  and  science  to  exist  side  by  side  "wohl  fur  einander  aber  nicht 
absichtlich  wegen  einander."  In  a  letter  to  Zelter,  January  29,  1830, 
Goethe  recognized  as  "ein  grenzenloses  Verdienst  unseres  alten  Kant  um 
die  Welt,  und  ich  darf  auch  sagen  um  mich  .  .  .  [dafi  er]  Kunst  und  Natur 
kraftig  nebeneinander  stellt  und  beiden  das  Recht  zugesteht,  aus  grofien 
Prinzipien  zwecklos  zu  handeln."54 

So  we  may  say  that  from  about  1790  to  the  end  of  his  life  Goethe's 
esthetic  philosophy  remained  fundamentally  the  same,  and  fundamen- 
tally, though  not  exclusively,  Shaftesburian.  His  ideas  are  to  be  found 
most  systematically  expressed  in  the  introduction  to  the  Propylden,  1797- 

52  Walzel  [543]  xxxix. 

63  Schiller,  Briefe,  III  472. 

64  Goethe,  Werke,  IV  (26)  223. 


100      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

1799,  and  in  several  essays  contained  therein;55  less  definitely,  but  not 
less  certainly,  in  his  lyric  poetry,  as  when,  in  his  "Zueignung,"  he  lets 
the  poet  receive  "der  Dichtung  Schleier  aus  der  Hand  der  Wahrheit." 

Notable  scholars  have  sought  in  vain  to  define  even  approximately  the 
extent  of  Goethe's  indebtedness  to  Shaftesbury.  Goethe  himself  would 
have  been  hard  put  to  estimate  it.  The  trinity  of  the  good,  the  beautiful, 
and  the  true  had  become,  by  the  time  of  his  maturity  the  accepted  ortho- 
dox belief  of  the  enlightened.  His  view  of  Shaftesbury  is  clearly  sketched 
in  his  speech  of  February  18,  1813,  "Zu  briiderlichem  Andenken  Wie- 
lands."56  The  contemporary  notations  in  his  diary  of  January  28-31, 
1813,  "Shaftesburys  Werke,"57  throw  little  further  light  on  the  question. 

Like  Shaftesbury,  Goethe  felt  a  distrust  of  the  masses.  Soliloquy  with 
himself  in  one  form  or  another  was  a  part  of  his  technique  of  poetic 
composition.  He  agreed  with  Shaftesbury  in  regard  to  the  relation  of  the 
poet  to  nature.  He  would  have  served  Shaftesbury  as  an  example  of  the 
virtuoso.  In  his  maturity  Goethe  attained  to  a  proper  balance  of  the 
selfish  and  altruistic  impulses  and  hence  to  a  poise  of  Olympic  calm.  This 
stage  of  approach  to  the  second  golden  age  Goethe  did  not  achieve  with- 
out youthful  struggles  to  adapt  himself  to  nature  and  society.  That  he 
finally  succeeded  was  due  in  greater  part  to  his  native  endowment  of 
"Frohnatur"  and  "des  Lebens  ernsten  Fiihrens." 

Not  so  many  years  ago  it  was  the  custom  to  express  Schiller's  relation 
to  Shaftesbury  in  a  simple  formula.  Schiller,  it  was  said,  was  to  some 
extent  under  the  influence  of  Shaftesbury  in  his  younger  days  but  was 
converted  from  Shaftesbury's  eudaemonism  to  Kant's  categorical  im- 
perative. This  statement  is  misleading.  Schiller  began  to  study  philoso- 
phy at  the  Karlsschule.  What  he  knew  about  Shaftesbury  he  owed  to 
intermediaries,  to  his  teacher  Abel,  to  the  works  of  Sulzer  and  Mendels- 
sohn, and  to  Shaftesbury's  interpreters,  Hutcheson  and  Ferguson,  who 
stressed  the  ethical  rather  than  the  esthetic  side  of  Shaftesbury's  philos- 
ophy. In  the  Philosophische  Briefe,  1786,  there  is  almost  no  reference  to 
Shaftesbury;  at  most,  such  a  phrase  as  "gut  aus  Instinkt,  aus  unent- 
weihter  sittlicher  Grazie,"  is  suggestive  of  him,  but  Walzel  says: 

Vor  1788  hat  er  ihn  sicher  nicht  gelesen,  auch  spater  wohl  nur  aus  zweiter  oder 
dritter  Hand  seine  Anschauungen  vermittelt  erhalten.  Wieland  vielleicht  oder  Herder 
oder  K.  Ph.  Moritz  mag  es  zu  danken  sein,  dafi  die  Abhandlung  Uber  Anmut  und 
Wiirde,  1793,  Shaftesburys  Geist  am  reinsten  widerspiegelt.58 

The  assertion  of  this  late  first  study  may  find  some  confirmation  in  a 
letter  of  Schiller  to  Charlotte  von  Beulwitz  of  November  27,  1788.  "Den 

65  Ibid.,  I  (47)  11  ff.  w  Ibid.,  Ill  (5)  11. 

66  Ibid.,  I  (36)  312-346.  68  Walzel  [559]  xi. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  101 

Shaftesbury  freue  ich  mich  einmal  zu  geniefien,  vielleicht  ist  das  ein  Ge- 
schaft  fiir  den  Sommer."59 

Schiller's  philosophic  system  began  to  bear  a  freer  message  about  this 
time.  Friedrich  Ludwig  von  Stolberg  had  attacked  "Die  Gotter  Griechen- 
lands"  from  a  narrowly  Christian  viewpoint. With  the  help  of  the  Scottish 
interpreters  of  Shaftesbury,  who  applied  the  measuring  rod  of  social 
utility,  Schiller  was  able  to  demonstrate  in  "Die  Kiinstler,"  1789,  the 
value  of  art  to  man.  But  he  had  begun  to  read  Kant  recently  on  the 
development  of  the  human  race.  Wolff  and  Leibniz  had  found  in  the  per- 
ception of  beauty  a  species  of  "verworrener  Erkenntnis,"  which  was  a 
first  step  toward  "deutlicher  Erkenntnis,"  and  Schiller  was  also  in  touch 
with  Wieland,  who  was  less  utilitarian  in  his  view  of  beauty  than  the 
Scottish  authorities.  So  it  came  about  that  in  its  final  version  "Die 
Kiinstler"  regarded  beauty  not  only  as  a  means  of  human  improvement, 
but  as  an  end  in  itself. 

It  is  possible  that  even  at  the  time  of  writing  the  essay  fiber  Anmut 
und  Wiirde,  1793,  Schiller  knew  Shaftesbury  chiefly  through  his  British 
and  German  interpreters,  but  it  is  certain  that  his  idea  of  a  "schone 
Seele"  is  close  to  Shaftesbury's  concept  of  inner  harmony.  It  was  with 
the  help  of  Kant's  esthetic  theory  that  Schiller  made  the  distinction  be- 
tween "Anmut"  and  "Wiirde."  "Anmut"  is  the  passive  state  of  the 
"schone  Seele."  "Wiirde"  is  its  state  at  the  blissful  moment  when  duty 
presents  itself  and  is  met  by  inclination. 

fiber  Anmut  und  Wiirde  was  an  attempt  to  reconcile  Shaftesbury's 
eudaemonistic  ideal  with  Kant's  categorical  imperative,  and  gave  offense 
to  Wieland  and  Herder,  who  felt  Shaftesbury's  pure  doctrine  was  com- 
promised thereby  and  who  branded  Schiller  a  follower  of  Kant.  They 
overlooked  the  fact  that  Schiller  regarded  the  rule  of  the  imperative  as  a 
step  only  toward  a  second  golden  age.  Schiller  demanded,  like  Shaftes- 
bury, that  man  should  contemplate  the  harmony  of  the  universe  and 
find  inner  joy  in  making  himself  a  part  of  this  harmony.  Kant  was  in 
error  in  associating  Shaftesbury's  eudaemonism  with  the  lower  sensual 
pleasures.  Despite  certain  agreements  of  Schiller  with  Kant,  he  broke 
with  him  on  this  supposition.  As  Cassierer  has  recently  said: 

All  seine  Einwande  gegen  [Kants]  Rigorismus  stammen  im  Grunde  aus  dieser 
Quelle:  Schillers  Ideal  der  "schonen  Seele"  ruht  auf  Shaftesburys  Begriff  der  sittlichen 
Anmut  ("moral  grace"),  in  der  der  wahre  sittliche  Adel  gegrundet  ist.  Von  der  Ab- 
handlung  Uber  Anmut  und  Wiirde  bis  zu  den  Brief  en  uber  die  dsthetische  Erziehung  des 
Menschen  ist  dies  das  durchgehende  Motiv  von  Schillers  Philosophie.  In  diesem  Sinne 
ist  Schiller  ein  Anhanger  und  Verehrer  Shaftesburys  geblieben,  auch  nachdem  ihm 
Kant  vollig  neue  Wege  gewiesen  hatte.60 

59  Schiller,  Briefe,  II  163.  60  Cassierer  [560]  51. 


102      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Such  differences  of  opinion  seem  slight  after  the  lapse  of  more  than  a 
century  and  it  now  appears  that  Shaftesbury,  Wieland,  Herder,  and 
Goethe  were  heralds  of  a  second  golden  age  which  was  well  on  its  way 
when  the  advent  of  materialism  forestalled  it. 


Chapter  VIII 
MILTON'S  PARADISE  LOST 

The  opinions  of  Addison  and  the  poetry  of  Pope  filtered  into  Germany 
from  many  sides;  Thomson's  new  poetry  had  other  and  adroiter  advo- 
cates in  Germany  than  Brockes;  but  John  Milton  owed  almost  his  whole 
early  reputation  and  influence  in  Germany,  directly  or  indirectly,  to 
Bodmer  of  Zurich.  It  is  true,  Bodmer's  translation  of  Paradise  Lost  was 
not  the  first  effort  of  its  kind  in  Germany.  As  early  as  1678  an  acquaint- 
ance of  Milton,  Theodore  Haake,  sent  to  two  of  his  friends  a  manuscript 
copy  of  his  translation  of  the  first  three  books.1  One  of  the  recipients, 
Johann  Sebald  Fabricius,  merely  made  a  polite  acknowledgement:  "In- 
credible est  quantum  nos  affecerit  gravitas  stili  et  copia  lectissimorum 
verborum."2  The  other,  Gottlieb  von  Berge,  was  inspired  to  unsuccessful 
emulation  with  Haake.  After  that,  however,  Milton's  work  was  relegated 
for  a  time  to  the  standard  books  of  reference.  Daniel  Morhof  mentions 
as  its  chief  peculiarity  the  lack  of  rhyme:  "Plena  ingenii  et  acuminis 
sunt,  sed  insuavia  tamen  videntur  ob  rhythmi  defectum,  quern  ego 
abesse  a  tali  carminum  genere  non  posse  existimo."3  In  1690  Hog's  Latin 
translation  of  Paradise  Lost  appeared,  which  made  it  accessible,  to  the 
learned  class  at  least,  everywhere,  including  many  who  could  not  read 
English.  The  prevailing  literary  contest  of  the  time  had  its  local  counter- 
part in  Hamburg  and  the  adherents  of  the  high-baroque  school  could 
plausibly  claim  the  sanction  of  Milton.  Yet  not  only  Heinrich  Postel,  the 
leader  of  this  group,  but  also  Christian  Wernicke,  his  opponent,  spoke 
favorably  of  Milton.4 

Another  Hamburg  poet  interested  in  Milton  was  Bartold  Heinrich 
Brockes.  His  partial  translations  first  appeared  in  1740.  They  were  how- 
ever probably  written  much  earlier,  perhaps  before  1731,  when,  under 
the  influence  of  his  friends  of  the  "Teutschiibende  Gesellschaft,"  Konig, 
Richey,  and  Triewald,  or  of  the  English  moral  weeklies,  he  was  turning 
away  from  Marino  to  the  plainer  English  writers,  Cowley,  Milton,  and 
Pope.  Bodmer,  in  his  Betrachtungen  uber  die  poetischen  Gemalde,  1741, 
first  called  attention  to  reminiscences  of  Milton  in  Brockes's  work. 
Milton's  epic  may  have  appealed  to  Brockes  as  a  compromise  between 

1  Brandl  [417]  and  Bolte  [418]. 

2  Bentham,  Engellandischer  Kirchen-  und  Schulenstaat,  1732,  116. 

3  Morhof,  Polyhistor  .  .  .,  Lubeck,  1708,  I  329;  cf.  Morhof,  Unterricht  von  der 
teutschen  Sprache  und  Poesie  .  .  .,  Kiel,  1682,  568  f. 

4  Postel  in  the  introduction  and  notes  to  his  Listige  Juno,  1700,  Wernicke  in  his 
Poetischer  Versuch,  1704.  Cf.  Pechel,  Christian  Wernigkes  Epigramme;  Palaestra, 
LXXI  (1902)  492;  and  Eichler  [364]. 

[103] 


104      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Marino's  pomp  and  the  plainer  English  style,  as  Brockes's  editor,  Weich- 
mann,  suggests,5  but  recent  critics  agree  that  such  English  influences 
were  not  deep  reaching. 

Before  1740,  however,  the  name  of  Milton  was  well  known  in  Germany. 
Bodmer  published  his  first  version  of  Paradise  Lost  in  1732,  eight  years 
after  completing  it.  On  its  appearance  Gottsched,  who  was  then  osten- 
sibly on  friendly  terms  with  the  Swiss  scholars,  reviewed  it  indulgently, 
pronouncing  it  in  fact  superior  to  the  original  and  criticizing  only  the 
Swiss  dialect  forms.6  It  was  a  prose  translation,  later  often  revised. 
Bodmer  himself  said  his  first  translation  was  Swiss,  his  second,  1742, 
German,  and  his  third,  1754,  poetic,7  but  by  this  last  he  meant  only  that 
the  diction  was  poetic,  for  like  its  predecessors  it  was  in  prose.  The  third 
edition  was  based  on  the  well-annotated  edition  of  Thomas  Newton 
which  Bodmer  had  received  from  the  hands  of  Hagedorn  shortly  before. 
Bodmer's  choice  of  prose  was  deliberate,  and  was  approved  also  by 
Konig,  who  was  acquainted  with  the  earlier  verse  translations  of  Ham- 
burg. Konig  wrote  to  Bodmer  in  1725:  "Ihre  tlbersetzung  in  Prosa  ist 
weit  naturlicher."8  Bodmer  looked  with  disfavor  on  an  attempt  by  his 
friend  Grynaeus  to  publish  a  translation  of  Paradise  Lost  in  hexameters.9 
Zacharia  published  a  hexametric  translation  of  Paradise  Lost,  begun  in 
1760,  but  in  the  "Vorbericht"  to  the  second  volume  he  indicated  that  he 
would  have  translated  into  blank  verse,  had  he  not  found  it  beyond  his 
ability  to  do  so.10  Blank  verse  afforded  him  too  little  room;  the  result 
showed  that  hexameters  afforded  too  much  room,  making  the  pace  slow 
and  ponderous.  In  1793  Samuel  Gottlieb  Biirde  succeeded  in  producing  a 
rather  satisfactory  blank-verse  translation  by  using  a  greater  number  of 
lines  than  Milton. 

It  cannot  be  maintained  that  Bodmer  first  learned  of  Milton  through 

the  pages  of  the  Spectator,  for  the  essays  on  Milton  were  lacking  in  the 

French  edition  of  the  journal,  1718,  which  he  brought  back  with  him 

from  his  Italian  trip  ,-11  he  did  not  come  into  the  possession  of  an  English 

edition  of  the  Spectator  until  1724,  shortly  after  the  completion  of  his 

translation  of  Paradise  Lost.12  Neither  is  it  true  that  he  first  knew  Mil- 

6  In  the  introduction  to  Brockes's  Der  bethlehemitische  Kinder mord.  Cf.  Brandl,  B. 
H.  Brockes  .  .  .,  Innsbruck,  1878,  35,  46,  100. 

6  Beytrdge  zur  kritischen  Historie  .  .  .,  2tes  Stuck  (1732)  290-303. 

7  Letter  of  Bodmer  to  Zellweger,  January  27,  1754,  quoted  by  Bodmer  [429]  198. 
Cruger  [307]  xvii  erroneously  quotes  Bodmer:  "erst  die  dritte  (1780)  poetisch,"  while 
Muncker  [439 ]2  127  says:  "erst  die  vierte  vom  Jahre  1759  poetisch."  The  edition  of 
1759  was,  however,  a  mere  repetition  of  that  of  1754. 

8  Brandl  [417]  461. 
9Kiiry  [847]. 
10Purdie  [149]  196. 

11  "Bodmers  personliche  Anekdoten"  in  Zuricher  Taschenbuch,  1892,  102. 

12  Bodmer  [429]  183. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  105 

ton's  work  in  French  translation,  for  this  did  not  appear  until  1729. 13 
However,  there  had  been  frequent  earlier  references  to  Milton  in  the 
French  journals  and  a  detailed  account  of  Paradise  Lost  in  the  Amster- 
dam Journal  litter  aire  as  early  as  1717.14 

Bodmer  himself  indicated  in  the  preface  to  his  first  version  of  Paradise 
Lost,  1732,  that  his  Italian  friends  had  first  awakened  his  interest  in  the 
epic.  These  were  chiefly  Muratori,  "who  opened  the  eyes  of  Bodmer 
and  .  .  .  Breitinger  to  the  immense  significance  of  Milton  for  the  libera- 
tion of  the  poetic  imagination"  and  Calepio  "who  taught  him  that  the 
dicta  of  French  classicism  were  by  no  means  incontrovertible  dogmas."15 

Whatever  may  have  first  kindled  Bodmer's  interest,  we  know  that  on 
May  30,  1723,  he  wrote  to  his  friend  Zellweger  asking  about  Milton  and 
received  from  him  in  August  or  thereabouts,  a  copy  of  Paradise  Lost, 
presumably  the  Tonson  edition  of  1688.  Thereupon  he  retired  to  his 
country  house  at  Greifensee  and  fell  upon  his  prize.  He  professed  to  have 
read  it  with  the  help  of  a  Latin-English  dictionary.  He  translated  first 
the  eighth  book,  in  which  Adam  related  to  the  angel  Raphael  the  story 
of  his  life,  then  the  first  four  books,  and  sent  them  all  to  Breitinger  for 
his  approval  before  the  end  of  the  year.16  The  remaining  books  were 
finished  the  following  year,  but  publication  was  delayed  by  the  censors. 
From  Zurich  Fiissli  wrote  to  his  friend  Huber  in  St.  Gallen  in  1725: 

Es  ist  hier  ein  Hr.  Bodmer  .  .  .,  welcher  des  verrtihmten  Miltons  Carmen  heroicum  de 
paradiso  perdito  in  Englisch  beschrieben  in  das  Deutsche  in  ungebundener  Rede  iiber- 
setzt,  es  hat  sollen  hier  gedrukt  werden,  die  geistlichen  Censores  aber  sehen  es  fur 
eine  allzu  Romantische  Schrifft  an  in  einem  so  heiligen  themate;  es  ist  etwas  extra 
Hohes  und  Pathetisches,  aber  nicht  recht,  daB  man  es  nicht  gestattet  hat,  in  druk 
zu  geben.17 

Bodmer  tells  the  same  story:  "Als  ich  einige  Fragmente  davon  den 
bestallten  Censores  iibergab,  war  die  Schreibart  ihnen  bohmisch,  der 
Inhalt  Legende  und  Romane."18  Bodmer  was  equally  unsuccessful  in  his 
attempt  to  find  a  publisher  in  Hamburg  and  Dresden.  It  was  a  Zurich 
firm,  Marcus  Rordorf,  that  eventually  undertook  the  publication  in  1732, 
the  opposition  of  the  "geistlichen  Censores"  having  now  been  overcome. 

Earlier  comments  upon  Milton  in  the  German  journals  had  merely 
reflected  discussions  in  the  French  journals  of  1727-1729.  The  essay  on 

13  Either  by  Dupre  de  Saint  Maur  or  Boismaraud  or  both.  See  J.  F.  Telleen,  Milton 
dans  la  litterature  frangaise,  Paris,  1904,  25. 

14  hoc.  cit.,  IX  (1717)  157-216. 

15  Robertson  [420]  332. 

16  Bodmer  [429]  182,  185,  198.  M.  Bernay's  Zur  Literaturgeschichte,  Leipzig,  1898, 
84. 

17  Vetter  [215]  6  and  Jenny  [419]  21. 

18  "Bodmers  personliche  Anekdoten"  .  .  . ,  103. 


106      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Milton,  which  had  been  lacking  in  the  earlier  French  Spectateur,  was 
translated  into  French  by  Dupre  de  Saint-Maur,  Paris,  1727.  Voltaire 
in  his  Essai  sur  la  poesie  epique,  1728,  attacked  Milton  from  a  rationalistic 
point  of  view,  as  did  also  Constantin  de  Magny  in  his  Dissertation  critique 
sur  le  Paradis  perdu,  1729.  Gottsched  was  naturally  influenced  by  critics 
of  this  type.  At  first  he  withheld  public  condemnation,  but  in  a  personal 
letter  to  Bodmer,  Oct.  7,  1732,  he  wrote  diplomatically  that  he  was  de- 
sirous of  seeing  Bodmer's  promised  work  in  defense  of  Milton,  and  would 
like  to  know  by  what  rules  "eine  so  regellose  Einbildungskraft  als  des 
Miltons  seine  war,  entschuldiget  werden  kann."19  It  was  quite  natural  that 
Bodmer  should  quote  Addison  in  his  defense.20  Thus  began  a  literary 
debate  which  lasted  a  decade.  To  be  sure  it  often  appears  that  Haller 
was  the  chief  bone  of  contention  rather  than  Milton,  with  whose  name 
his  is  frequently  linked.  Under  the  guise  of  the  Milton  controversy, 
Gottsched  and  Bodmer  were  in  reality  pamphleteering  regarding  the 
respective  merits  of  the  Saxon  and  the  Swiss  poets.  At  the  outset 
Gottsched  commanded  the  best  talent  in  Germany.  The  trend  of  the 
times  was  against  him,  however.  The  enthusiastic  newer  generation  of 
writers  triumphed  over  the  rationalistic  school,  and  when  the  Messias 
appeared  in  1748  it  was  clear  that  Gottsched  had  lost  the  campaign. 
Among  the  earlier  adherents  of  Milton,  and  so  of  Bodmer,  was  Immanuel 
Pyra.  The  concepts  of  Milton's  Paradise  Lost  and  even  its  phraseology, 
come  to  the  surface  again  in  his  poems  Der  Tempel  der  wahren  Dichtkunst, 
in  "Die  Sundfmth,"  and  "Das  Wort  des  Hochsten."21 

It  was  Bodmer's  translation  of  Milton's  epic  that  first  inspired  Klop- 
stock,  a  student  at  Schulpforta.  He  took  leave  of  his  school  in  1745  with 
a  speech  on  the  epic  poets,  which  indicated  his  plan  to  produce  a  work  in 
the  German  language  worthy  of  a  place  beside  the  epics  of  Vergil,  Tasso, 
Milton,  and  Fenelon.  By  the  year  1747  three  "Gesange"  of  his  Messias 
were  completed  and  offered  to  the  Bremer  Bey tr age.  The  editors  hesitated 
at  first,  then  asked  for  advice.  Hagedorn  expressed  himself  cautiously 
but  Bodmer  gave  his  approval,  May  1747,  declaring  that  the  spirit  of 
Milton  had  descended  on  the  young  poet.22  Soon  after,  Klopstock  wrote 
to  Bodmer,  describing  the  impression  that  Milton  first  made  upon  him : 

19  Quoted  by  Criiger  [317]  lvii. 

20  Die  kritische  Abhandlung  von  dem  Wunderbaren  in  der  Poesie  and  dessen  Verbin- 
dung  rait  dem  Wahrscheinlichen,  in  einer  Vertheidigung  des  Gedichtes  Joh.  Miltons  von 
dem  Verlorenen  Paradiese;  der  beygefuget  ist  Joseph  Addisons  Abhandlung  von  den 
Schonheiten  in  demselben  Gedichte.  Zurich,  1740. 

21  Lange  and  Pyra,  Freundschaftliche  Lieder  .  .  .,  1747,  ed.  Sauer.  In  DLD,  XXII 
(1885)  xxxv-xliv. 

22Muncker  [439]270f. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  107 

Als  vollends  Milton,  den  ich  ohne  ihre  tlbersetzung  viel  zu  spat  kennen  gelernt  hatte, 
mir  unversehens  in  die  Hande  fiel,  da  blies  er  in  meinem  Innern  das  Feuer  an,  das 
Homer  schon  entziindet  hatte,  und  hob  meine  Seele  zum  Himmel  und  zur  religiosen 
Dichtung  empor.23 

Bodmer  later  elaborated  this  report : 

Die  ersten  Reden,  die  er  davon  fuhrete,  nachdem  er  wieder  zu  sich  selber  gekommen 
war,  wiewol  er  noch  immer  zuruk  sah,  lauteten  von  neuen,  unbekannten  Gegenden, 
in  welche  der  Poet  ihn  gefuhret,  von  seltenen,  hohen  Bekanntschaften,  die  er  ihm 
verschaffet,  von  dem  Reichthum  der  Ideen  und  der  Empfindungen,  den  er  ihm  mit- 
getheilt  hatte.  Es  ist  wahr,  sagte  er,  ich  hatte  vordem  einige  dunkle  Spuren  auf  einem 
unbetretenen  Boden  gesehen,  und  etliche  Ziige  dieser  herrlichen  Scenen  erbliket:  Aber 
hier  fand  ich  sie  in  ihrem  vollen  Lichte  vor  mir  offen  ligen.  Vielleicht  hatte  ich  einmal 
den  Weg  auf  diesem  ungebahnten  Gefilde  fortgesezet,  und  hatte  vielleicht  bis  in  die 
himmlischen  Gegenden  durchgebrochen,  welche  Milton  mir  gezeiget  hat,  wenn  ein 
ehrfurchtvoller  Schauer  mich  nicht  zuriikgezogen  hatte.  Aber  nachdem  Milton  den 
Eingang  in  dieses  Heiligthum  der  Geisteswelt  eroffnet  hat,  nachdem  er  mich  hinein- 
gefuhret  hat,  so  darf  ich  kiinftig  mit  kiihnen  Fiifien  darinnen  herumwandeln.24 

Contemporary  critics  joined  with  Bodmer  in  dubbing  Klopstock  "the 
German  Milton,"  Cramer  as  early  as  1749,25  Ebert  in  1760,26  with  praise 
that  seemed  faint  to  Wieland,27  and  Herder  as  late  as  1797. 2S  Gerstenberg 
deprecated  the  title  in  accordance  with  his  theory  of  original  genius.29 
Later  critics  have  perpetuated  the  comparison  despite  the  fact  that  Mil- 
ton's work  was  epic  while  Klopstock's  was  essentially  lyric. 

Nevertheless,  the  comparison  was  almost  inevitable.30  The  two  works 
are  both  dithyrambic  in  tone  and  like  the  swell  of  a  great  organ,  but  here 
too  Klopstock's  composition  must  yield  to  Milton's.  Klopstock  began 
with  a  diapason  note  that  he  could  not  long  sustain  and  could  never 
transcend.  Milton  prepared  for  effective  climaxes,  then  let  his  themes 
die  out  in  soothing,  tranquil  cadences.  Klopstock's  work,  in  fact,  was 
never  planned  as  a  whole.  The  first  three  "Gesange"  roused  the  throng 
to  the  pitch  of  exalted  enthusiasm  in  1748  but  the  last  echoes  died  away 
almost  unnoticed  in  1773  in  the  midst  of  the  "Sturm  und  Drang"  period. 

When  Bodmer  offered  to  Klopstock  the  hospitality  of  his  home  in  1750 
it  was  with  a  double  purpose ;  he  wished  to  afford  him  leisure  and  freedom 
to  complete  his  work,  but  he  also  hoped,  in  return,  for  aid  in  his  own  epic, 
his  Noah,  which  he  had  begun  under  the  inspiration  of  Paradise  Lost.  A 

23  Tr.  A.  Koster,  Klopstock  und  die  Schweiz,  Leipzig,  1923,  30.  The  original  is  in 
Latin. 

24  Bodmer,  Neue  critische  Briefe,  15  f.;  quoted  by  Pizzo  [421]  35. 

25  Sammlung  vermischter  Schriften  von  den  Verfassern  der  neuen  Bremischen  Bey- 
trdge,  5.  Stuck  (1749)  347,  and  J.  H.  Cramer,  Sdmtliche  Gedichte,  Leipzig,  1783,  III  261. 

26  Ebert,  Episteln  und  vermischte  Gedichte,  Hamburg,  1795,  II,  Anhang  73-82. 

27  Wieland,  Briefe,  I  5.  Letter  to  Bodmer  of  October  29,  1751,  but  see  letter  to 
Zimmermann  of  November  1758,  ibid.,  I  306  and  315. 

28  See  p.  35,  above. 

29  NDL,  CXXVIII  (1904)  60. 

30  Muncker  [439  ]2  117-128  and  Hubler  [440]. 


108      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

full  record  of  Bodmer's  verbal  indebtedness  to  Milton  would  make  a 
long  and  uninteresting  account.31  Bodmer  made  no  effort  to  conceal  his 
borrowings,  indeed,  like  Milton,  Bodmer  rather  gloried  in  the  profit  he 
had  derived  from  his  readings.32  It  is  true  that  there  are  striking  points 
of  resemblance  in  the  content  of  the  two  epics,  but  these  should  not  lead 
us  to  hasty  conclusions.  If  Bodmer  sings  the  praise  of  liberty  and  the 
simple  life,  and  the  beauties  of  virtue  and  friendship,33  so  too  did  Thom- 
son in  England,  Haller  in  Switzerland,  and  Hagedorn  in  Germany.34  In 
his  idyllic  pictures  Bodmer  will  best  stand  comparison  with  his  master; 
in  the  creation  of  epic  characters  he  failed  notably. 

Bodmer 's  opinion  of  Paradise  Lost  never  changed.  In  the  introduction 
to  the  third  edition  of  his  translation,  1754,  he  says:  "Wir  sind  iiberzeugt, 
wer  wahren  Geschmack  und  einiges  Genie  hat,  wird  dieses  Gedicht  fur 
das  Beste  unter  den  Werken  der  Neuern  erkennen."  But  while  he  was 
at  work  on  editions  of  his  translation  in  rapid  sequence  1732-1780,  and 
while  successive  "Gesange"  of  Klopstock's  Messias  were  appearing, 
1748-1773,  new  men  were  coming  to  the  fore  in  German  literature,  and 
popular  taste  was  passing  through  successive  phases.  To  show  how  the 
representative  critics  referred  to  Milton  is  to  unfold  a  picture  of  the 
changing  standards  of  the  times.35  In  endowing  God  and  the  angels  with 
visible  physical  form,  Milton,  as  Voltaire  pointed  out,  had  involved  his 
epic  in  incongruities.  Bodmer  rushed  to  Milton's  aid  with  theoretical 
defenses  that  happily  deceived  himself  and  his  time,  for  what  really 
concerned  him  was  not  the  consistency  of  Milton,  or  even  the  abstract 
justification  of  "das  Wunderbare  in  der  Poesie,"  but  the  freedom  of  the 
religious  imagination.  The  seraphic  element  impelled  him  to  translation, 
but  he  ventured  to  imitate  Milton  only  in  the  patriarchal-idyllic  realm. 
In  Die  Noachide,  Jakob  und  Joseph,  Jakob  und  Rahel  he  participated  in 
the  romantic  "Weltflucht"  of  the  day.  Gessner,  in  his  Der  Tod  Abels, 
1758,  was  a  follower  of  Bodmer  in  this  respect. 

It  was  in  fact  the  idyllic  element  which  evoked  admiration  and  chal- 
lenged imitation  beyond  the  frontiers  of  Switzerland.  Schiller  mentioned 
Milton's  picture  of  life  in  the  garden  of  Eden  as  the  most  beautiful  of 
sentimental  idylls.36  The  situation  of  Eve  seeing  herself  for  the  first  time 
mirrored  in  the  waters  of  the  lake,  reappears  in  Bodmer 's  "Pygmalion 
und  Elise"  and  in  Wieland's  "Zemin  und  Gulhindy."  The  scene  in  which 

31  Cf.  Ibershoff  [432]  and  [433]. 

32  Bodmer  in  Das  verlorene  Paradies2,  1742,  471,  defends  Milton's  display  of  erudi- 
tion; quoted  by  Ibershoff  [432]  597. 

33  Ibershoff  [628]  216. 

34  See  p.  74,  above. 
35SeePizzo  [421]. 

36  Schiller,  Werke,  XVII  540. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  109 

Satan  gazes  with  envious  eyes  upon  the  first  pair  of  happy  human  beings 
was  imitated  by  Bodmer  in  his  patriarchal  epics.  The  bower  of  Adam 
and  Eve  appeared  in  Klopstock's  Messias,  and  it  became  a  bridal  bower 
in  his  Der  Tod  Adams,  1757.  The  bower  came  to  view  again  in  the  poetry 
of  Ebert,  Ramler,  Giseke,  Herder,  Voss,  Holty,  Wieland,  Gerstenberg, 
Maler  Miiller,  and  Stolberg.37  The  description  of  the  sunrise  also  appealed 
to  the  poets.  Gleim  wrote  on  January  16,  1762:  "Man  gebe  mir  zehn 
Poeten,  die  alle  die  aufgehende  Sonne  beschrieben  haben,  ich  will  die 
herausfinden,  die  ihre  Beschreibung  aus  dem  Milton  nahmen."38  This 
motif,  it  may  be  here  noted,  was  not  original  with  Milton  but  was  taken 
from  the  Lucifer  of  Joost  van  den  Vondel,  along  with  many  other  epi- 
sodes, descriptions,  situations,  and  characters.39 

Soon  after  came  the  period  of  Winckelmann,  which  looked  to  ancient 
Greece  for  infallible  standards  of  art  and  failed  to  find  in  Paradise  Lost 
"edle  Einfalt  und  stille  Grof5e,"  despite  the  classical  elements.  Mendels- 
sohn agreed  with  Winckelmann  and  classified  Milton  with  Klopstock 
among  the  "seraphische  Dichter,"  to  whom  the  Liter  aturbrieje  took  such 
strong  exception.40  Paradise  Lost  served  Lessing  as  an  example  in  support 
of  one  of  his  chief  contentions  in  Laokoon:  "Das  verlorene  Paradies  ist 
darum  nicht  weniger  die  erste  Epopee  nach  dem  Homer,  weil  es  wenig 
Gemahlde  liefert."41  When  Herder  speaks  of  Homer,  Ossian,  and  Milton 
as  the  great  epic  poets,  he  obviously  has  an  individual  definition  of  the 
word  epic.  He  is  thinking  probably  not  so  much  of  form  as  of  mytho- 
logical content.  Milton's  poem  appealed  to  him,  as  it  had  to  Bodmer, 
because  its  subject  matter  was  drawn  from  the  Old  Testament,  but  that 
was  not  all.  It  seemed  to  him  to  be  true  poetry,  that  is  to  say  folk  poetry, 
for  like  Hebrew  poetry  it  was  poetic  expression  of  a  national  religious 
faith. 

The  existence  of  evil  in  the  world  presented  to  the  age  of  enlighten- 
ment, and  humanity,  a  most  persistent  problem.  Haller's  Uber  den  Ur- 
sprung  des  Ubels,  1734,  is  one  of  the  early  poetic  attempts  to  deal  with 
this  question.  In  the  invocation  with  which  Haller  begins  the  third  part 
of  this  work  he  propounds,  somewhat  Miltonically,  Milton's  question: 

O  Wahrheit !  sage  selbst,  du  Zeugin  der  Geschichte ! 
Wer  machte  Gottes  Zweck  und  unser  Gluck  zu  nichte? 
Wer  war's,  der  wider  Gott  die  Geister  aufgebracht 
Und  uns  dem  Laster  hold,  uns  selber  feind  gemacht? 

37  Pizzo  [421  ]  40. 

38  Briefwechsel  zwischen  Gleim  und  Uz,  ed.  Schiiddekopf,  BLVS,  CCXVIII  (1899) 
230. 

39  Cf.  L.  C.  van  Noppen's  introduction  to  his  Vondel' s  Lucifer,  translated  from  the 
Dutch,  New  York,  1898. 

40  Lessing,  Schriften,  VIII 166. 

41  Ibid.,  IX  91. 


110      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

And  the  strophe  with  which  he  begins  to  answer  his  questions  is  also 
vaguely  Miltonic,  beginning: 

Verschieden  war  der  Fall  verschiedner  Geister-Orden: 

Der  einen  Trefflichkeit  ist  ihr  Verderben  worden, 

Die  Kenntnifi  ihres  Lichts  gcbar  ihr  Finsternifl, 

Sie  hielten  ihre  Kraft  fiir  von  sich  selbst  gewifi 

Und,  voll  von  ihrem  Glanz,  verdriifilich  aller  Schranken, 

Mifikennten  sie  den  Gott,  dem  sie  ihn  sollten  danken.42 

The  long  argumentative  poem  ends  rather  abruptly  with  a  sudden  aban- 
donment of  the  appeal  to  reason,  "Verborgen  sind,  o  Gott!  die  Wege 
deiner  Huld,"  and  the  substitution  of  an  appeal  to  faith.  To  Haller  him- 
self the  conclusion  was  always  unsatisfactory  without  a  word  regarding 
"Paradise  Regained." 

Jetzt  da  mir  die  nahe  Ewigkeit  alles  in  einem  ernsthaften  Lichte  zeigt,  finde  ich,  die 
Mittel  seien  unverantwortlich  verschwiegen  worden,  die  Gott  zum  Widerherstellen 
der  Seelen  angewendt  hat,  die  Menschwerdung  Christi,  sein  Leiden,  die  aus  der 
Ewigkeit  uns  verkiindigte  Wahrheit,  sein  Genugthun  fiir  unsre  Stinden,  das  uns  den 
Zutritt  zu  der  Begnadigung  eroffnet,  alles  hatte  gesagt  werden  sollen.43 

In  his  Unterredung  von  der  teutschen  Poesie  Mencke  made  the  strange 
comment  that  Milton  forfeited  by  his  Paradise  Regained  the  renown  that 
he  had  won  by  Paradise  Lost.4i  There  is  no  evidence  of  such  a  catastrophe 
in  Germany.  Schubart  exclaimed  in  1760:  "Wie  herabgesunken  unsere 
Dichter  von  der  Wlirde  der  biblischen  Seher,  von  der  Sonnenhohe  Ho- 
mers, Ossians,  Shakespears,  Miltons,  Bodmers,  Klopstocks!"45  and  Her- 
der read  Paradise  Regained  "rait  vieler  Andacht"  on  his  birthday, 
August  25,  1772,  and  even  preferred  it — "die  Hutte  vor  dem  Palast  der 
Feen" — to  Paradise  Lost.46 

The  "Genies"  saw  Milton's  epic  with  new  eyes.  Bodmer  had  contended 
that  Adam  was  the  hero  because  he  commanded  our  respect.47  They  felt 
that  Satan  was  the  hero  for  they  saw  in  him  a  fellow  "Stunner  und 
Dranger."  However  it  cannot  be  said  that  Satan  served  as  a  "Vorbild" 
for  Schiller's  Karl  Moor,48  and  his  relation  to  Mephistopheles  was  but 
indirect.49 

The  century-long  discussion  of  the  problem  of  good  and  evil  attained 
dramatic  climax  in  Faust.  Schiller  urged  Goethe  to  complete  his  "Frag- 

42  Haller,  Gedichte,  118. 

43  Ibid.,  p.  118. 

44  Waterhouse  [40]  142. 

45  Schubart,  Gesammelte  Schriften  .  .  .,  Stuttgart,  1889,  I  286. 

46  Herders  Briefe  an  .  .  .  Hamann,  ed.  O.  Hoffman,  Berlin,  1889,  70. 
47Pizzo  [421]  32. 

48  Kraeger  in  FDL,  VI  (1898)  9-19. 

49  Sprenger  [435].  Cf.  Morris  [436]  179  and  his  Goethe  Studied,  Berlin,  1902,  I 
84  ff. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  111 

ment"  and  give  to  the  whole  a  higher  metaphysical  significance,  which 
to  him  could  only  mean  the  subordination  of  evil  to  good.  It  required 
time  for  Goethe  to  adapt  the  old  theme  to  the  new  demand.  Moreover 
he  was  somewhat  estranged  from  the  demonology  of  Swedenborg  which 
had  interested  him  in  the  1770's,  but  he  found  a  new  starting  point  in 
Job  1:12,  beginning:  "And  the  Lord  said  unto  Satan:  Behold  all  that  he 
hath  is  in  thy  power."  It  was  this  challenge  that  first  suggested  the  pact 
and  wager  scenes  of  Faust.  While  Goethe  was  at  work  on  them  there 
came  into  his  hand,  as  he  wrote  to  Schiller,  just  by  chance  a  copy  of 
Paradise  Lost.  He  found  the  theme  "abscheulich,  aufierlich  scheinbar 
und  innerlich  wurmstichig  und  hohl,"  but  an  interesting  personality  ap- 
peared behind  the  verses.  The  reading  compelled  Goethe  unwillingly  to 
take  up  again  the  subject  of  freedom  of  the  will,  which,  as  he  says,  plays 
a  sorry  role  both  in  the  poem  and  in  the  Christian  religion  at  large : 

.  .  .  denn  sobald  man  den  Menschen  von  Haus  aus  fur  gut  annimmt,  so  ist  der  freye 
Wille  das  alberne  Vermogen  aus  Wahl  vom  Guten  abzuweichen  und  sich  dadurch 
schuldig  zu  machen.  Nimmt  man  aber  den  Menschen  naturlich  als  bos  an,  oder, 
eigentlicher  zu  sprechen,  in  dem  thierischen  Falle  unbedingt  von  seinen  Neigungen 
hingezogenzu  werden;  so  ist  alsdann  der  freye  Wille  freylich  eine  vornehme  Person, 
die  sich  anmafit  aus  Natur  gegen  die  Natur  zu  handeln.60 

This  problem  and  Milton's  treatment  of  it  engrossed  his  attention,  and 
ten  days  later,  August  10,  1799,  he  drew  from  the  Weimar  library  Para- 
dise Lost  in  Zacharia's  translation51  and  read  the  exclamation  (VIII, 
187  f.): 

Ihm  Ehr  und  Preis,  dem  Allmachtigen,  dem  Ewigen, 
Dessen  Weisheit  beschlofi,  aus  Bosem  Gutes  zu  schaffen. 

and  again  (XII,  469  ff .) : 

O  der  unendlichen  Huld,  der  unermeMchen  Giite, 

Die  soviel  Gutes  aus  Bosem  erzeugt,  und  selber  das  Bose 

In  Gutes  verwandelt. 

This  was  in  accord  with  Goethe's  view,  and  Mephistopheles  describes 
himself  similarly  (v.  1336  f.)  as: 

Ein  Theil  von  jener  Kraft, 
Die  stets  das  Bose  will  und  stets  das  Gute  schafft. 

But  here  the  similarity  ends,  for  Milton's  Satan  is  tormented  by  a  despair 
while  Mephistopheles  accepts  his  role  with  good  humor. 

Goethe  mentioned  U  Allegro  as  a  partial  counterbalance  to  the  sombre 
poetry  of  Goldsmith,  Gray,  and  Ossian  but  said:  "Miltons  U Allegro  mufi 
erst  in  heftigen  Versen  den  Unmuth  verscheuchen,  ehe  er  zu  einer  sehr 

50  Goethe,  Werke,  IV  (14)  139  f.;  letter  of  July  31,  1799. 
61  Morris  [436]  177. 


112      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

maUigen  Lust  gelangen  kann."52  He  knew  apparently  II  Penseroso  as 
well.53  He  first  became  aware  of  Samson  Agonistes  late  in  life.  In  August 
1829  Henry  Crabb  Robinson  read  to  him  the  opening  scenes  of  Samson 
Agonistes.  Goethe  thanked  him  and  said :  "It  lets  me  more  into  the  nature 
of  his  mind  than  any  other  of  his  works."54  A  few  months  later,  January 
31,  1830,  Goethe  said  to  Eckermann: 

Miltons  Simson  [ist]  so  im  Sinne  der  Alten  wie  kein  anderes  Stuck  irgend  eines 
neuen  Dichters.  Er  ist  sehr  groft  und  seine  eigene  Blindheit  ist  ihm  zu  statten  gekom- 
men,  um  den  Zustand  Simsons  mit  solcher  Wahrheit  darzustellen.  Milton  war  in  der 
Tat  ein  Poet  und  man  muO  vor  ihm  alien  Respekt  haben.55 

The  lesser  works  of  Milton  were  little  known  in  Germany  before  1750. 
Samuel  Grynaus  of  Basel  translated  Paradise  Regained  into  prose,  to- 
gether with  Samson  Agonistes,  U Allegro,  and  II  Penseroso  in  1752.  An 
anonymous  translation  in  prose  of  Lycidas  and  of  Paradise  Regained 
appeared  in  Dessau  in  1781.  Gemmingen  translated  U Allegro  again  into 
prose,  Mannheim  1792.  Voss  contributed  to  his  Musenalmanach  of  1782 
U Allegro  and  II  Penseroso  "nach  Milton."  Whenever  Voss  followed 
Milton  his  translation  of  II  Penseroso  was  correct  and  skillful  but  he 
took  unwarranted  liberties  with  his  text  and  smuggled  in,  as  his  most 
competent  critic  has  said : 

.  .  .  breite  Schilderungen  holsteiner  und  mecklenburgischer  Landschaft  und  Hauslich- 
keit  und,  was  anfechtbarer  erscheint,  seine  eigenen  religiosen  und  politischen  An- 
sichten  .  .  .  wobei  dieser  von  den  176  Versen  auf  ihrer  248  anwachst  .  .  .  Was  als 
Endergebnis  herauskommt,  ist  mehr  VoB  als  Milton.66 

In  time  Milton  ceased  to  be  read,  and  Klopstock's  Messias  also  lost 
appeal  while,  at  a  still  earlier  date,  the  patriarchal  poetry  of  Bodmer  had 
fallen  into  disfavor;  yet  before  this  came  to  pass  Milton  had  profoundly 
influenced  German  letters.  Addison's  example  had  led  to  the  clarification 
and  simplification  of  German  prose.  Pope  had  shown  the  way  toward 
brevity  and  pointedness  in  poetry.  The  German  language  was  becoming 
a  simple  musical  instrument,  but  Milton's  epic  called  for  an  organ  of 
symphonic  range,  fitted  to  express  the  sublime.  Bodmer's  three  transla- 
tions, 1724,  1742,  1754,  provide  a  striking  example  of  the  way  in  which 
the  language  struggled  for  growth,  in  order  to  cope  with  Miltonic  thought 
and  fancy,  as  do  also  the  fragmentary  hexametric  translations  of  the  time, 
leading  to  Zacharia's  complete  translation  of  1760.  In  still  another  respect 
Milton's  influence  was  decisive  in  German  literature.  The  moral  weeklies 
had  offered  themselves  as  a  battleground  of  poetical  theory,  but  Milton 
presented  himself  as  the  first  great  topic  of  a  literary  debate  which  estab- 
lished the  rights  of  imagination  along  with  those  of  reason. 

62  Goethe,  Werke,  I  (28)  215.       64  Robinson,  Diary,  II  437.  66  Arnold  [423]. 

63  Ibid.,  I  (27)  340.  66  Eckermann,  Gesprdche,  515. 


Chapter  IX 

YOUNG'S  NIGHT  THOUGHTS 

Though  Edward  Young  belonged  to  the  generation  of  Addison,  Pope, 
and  Thomson,  his  influence  represents  a  later  phase  of  German  literary- 
development  than  theirs.  Like  Thomson  he  does  not  lend  himself  to  a 
sharp  classification.  His  tragedies,  Busiris,  1719,  The  Revenge,  1721,  and 
The  Brothers,  1726,  were  "correct"  plays  that  even  a  Gottsched  could 
approve  of.  Brawe  made  The  Revenge  the  chief  basis  for  his  Freygeist  in 
1757.  Young's  Night  Thoughts  found  favor  with  the  Milton  and  Klop- 
stock  enthusiasts,  while  the  "Sturmer  and  Dranger"  claimed  his  Conjec- 
tures on  Original  Composition  as  a  sanction  of  their  program.  His  reputa- 
tion in  Germany  began  however  with  his  Night  Thoughts,  1746-1751,  for 
it  was  not  until  a  few  years  after  their  completion  that  his  earlier  trage- 
dies were  translated,1  and  it  was  no  doubt  in  large  part  due  to  the  fame 
of  the  Night  Thoughts  that  the  Conjectures  on  Original  Composition,  1759, 
were  accorded  so  prompt  a  reception  in  Germany. 

Young's  Night  Thoughts  appeared  at  a  favorable  moment  in  Germany. 
The  enthusiasm  for  Milton  had  prepared  the  way  for  them,  but  the  per- 
sonal note  distinguished  Young's  work  from  Milton's  in  much  the  same 
way  that  the  appeal  of  the  middle-class  drama  differed  from  that  of  its 
nobler  predecessor.  Young's  poetry  was,  however,  like  Milton's  in  its 
lack  of  rhyme,  in  its  imaginativeness,  and  in  its  recognition  of  inscrutable 
and  mysterious  forces.  The  time  had  passed  when  an  English  work  of 
note  had  difficulty  in  commanding  attention  in  Germany.  The  danger 
was  rather  that  it  might  be  taken  up  as  a  cult,  and  if  the  German  Young- 
ists  were  later  disillusioned  as  to  his  character  and  the  events  of  his  life, 
this  was  in  part  because  they  had  taken  too  literally  the  narrative  scheme 
behind  the  Night  Thoughts. 

A  protegee  of  Young,  whose  fame  preceded  him,  was  Elizabeth  Singer 
Rowe.  Her  literary  reputation  was  established  by  a  series  of  letters  en- 
titled Friendship  in  Death,  1728.  Young  prepared  these  for  the  press  and 
wrote  a  preface  for  them  at  her  request.  The  letters  were  followed  in  1739 
by  Devout  Exercises.  After  her  death  her  personal  correspondence  and 
her  miscellaneous  works  were  published.  The  favor  with  which  these 
works  were  received  in  England  and  Germany  was  symptomatic  of  the 
time.  The  earliest  translation  of  Friendship  in  Death  was  made  by  Johann 
Mattheson  of  Hamburg,  1734,  and  dedicated  to  his  circle  of  friends,  of 

1  Anon.,  Leipzig,  1756;  reprinted,  Leipzig,  1767.  The  Brothers  was  also  translated 
by  J.  H.  Schlegel,  Kopenhagen,  1764.  For  other  translations  see  Kind  [625]. 

[113] 


114      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

whom  Hagedorn  was  one.2  The  Devout  Exercises  first  appeared  in  German 
in  1754.  The  titles  of  these  works  were  sufficient  guaranty  of  their  popu- 
larity. The  one  fell  in  with  the  friendship  cult  and  other- worldliness  of 
the  time  and  the  other,  or  indeed  both,  with  the  pietistic  tendency.  The 
prevailing  conception  of  the  earlier  work  is  that  the  dead  serve  their 
living  friends  as  guardian  spirits.  It  purported  to  be  a  series  of  letters 
from  the  dead.  Finally  Professor  Klausing  of  Leipzig  translated  Rowe's 
private  correspondence  in  1771  under  the  title  of  Freundschaft  im  Leben, 
and  Ebert  her  miscellaneous  poetry  in  1772.  The  knowledge  of  Elizabeth 
Rowe  in  Germany  was  further  fostered  by  the  moral  weeklies,  especially 
by  Cramer's  Der  nordische  Auf seller? 

For  about  seven  years  after  their  completion  in  1745  Young's  Night 
Thoughts  remained  untranslated  but  not  unknown ;  the  earliest  parts  had 
been  discussed  by  Gleim  and  Uz  in  their  correspondence4  and  by  Haller 
in  the  Gottingsche  gelehrte  Anzeigen,  1752. 5  Soon  afterward  three  groups 
of  German  poets  became  especially  interested  in  Young's  devout  work. 
The  first  had  its  center  in  Ebert,  Klopstock,  and  the  "Bremer  Bey- 
trager,"  a  second  in  Hamann,  and  a  third  in  Bodnier.  Ebert  first  read 
Young  to  Klopstock,  who,  in  1752,  wrote  an  ode  to  Young,  his  "teacher 
and  guiding  spirit : 

Stirb,  du  hast  mich  gelehrt,  dafi  mir  der  Name  Tod, 
Wie  der  Jubel  ertont,  den  ein  Gerechter  singt: 
Aber  bleibe  mein  Lehrer, 
Stirb,  und  werde  mein  Genius!6 

Klopstock  told  Ebert  that  he  read  the  Psalms  and  the  Prophets  and  the 
Night  Thoughts  for  inspiration  while  working  on  his  Messias,  and  scores 
of  passages  bear  witness  to  this.7  In  an  essay  "Von  der  heiligen  Poesy," 
serving  as  an  introduction  to  the  Halle  edition  of  the  Messias,  1760,  he 
said:  "Young's  Ndchte  sind  vielleicht  das  einzige  Werk  der  hoheren 
Poesie,  welches  verdiente  gar  keine  Fehler  zu  haben."8  Cramer  exalted 
Young  even  above  Milton  and  just  below  David  and  the  Prophets  and 
the  Book  of  Revelations,  "Nach  der  Offenbarung  kenne  ich  fast  kein 

2  A  French  translation  by  Bertrand,  Amsterdam,  1740,  was  translated  into  German 
in  Gottingen,  1745.  Cf.  Fresenius  [617]  523.  The  third  and  best  translation  was  by 
Pastor  Gustav  von  Bergmann  of  Livland,  Frankfurt  and  Leipzig,  1770.  For  further 
details  see  Wolf  [525]. 

3  hoc.  cit.,  2d  ed.,  II  (1762)  159  ff. 

4  BLVS,  CCXVIII  (1899);  see  its  index. 

5  hoc.  cit.,  1752,  589  f. 

6  Klopstock,  Oden,  ed.  Muncker  and  Pawel,  Stuttgart,  1889,  I  108. 

7  Klopstock,  Sammtliche  Werke,  Leipzig,  Goschen,  1856,  X  228. 

8  Ebert,  Episteln  und  vermischte  Gedichte,  Hamburg,  l789,  I  298.  Ebert  cites  61 
passages.  Cf.  Barnstorff  [624]. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  115 

Buch,  welches  ich  mehr  liebte;  kein  Buch,  welches  die  Krafte  meiner 
Seele  auf  eine  edlere  Art  beschaftigte,  als  seine  Nachtgedanken."9 

In  his  own  fashion  Zacharia  too  shared  the  enthusiasm.  He  described 
himself  in  1756  as  "Gliicklich  .  .  .  fern  von  alien  Lagern  und  Konigsherrn 
zu  seyn,  und  bei  einer  Schale  Punsch  den  Milton  oder  Young  zur  Gesell- 
schaft  zu  haben."10  He  began  his  Tageszeiten  in  1755  by  invoking  the 
muse  of  Thomson : 

Muse,  die  du  den  Brittischen  Sanger  mit  guldener  Laute 
Zu  der  geheimen  Wohnung  der  Jahreszeiten  gefuhret; 
Lass  mich,  giitige  Muse,  die  Jahreszeiten  im  Ivleinen — 
Jahreszeiten  des  Tages  nicht  ganz  unwtirdig  besingen! 

Thus  he  proceeded  through  "Morgen,"  "Mittag,"  and  "Abend,"  but 
with  "Nacht"  he  fell  naturally  within  Young's  sphere  of  influence  and 
acknowledged  his  debt  to  Ebert : 

O  Ebert,  du,  der  du  zuerst  mich 
Zu  der  hohen  Versammlung  der  brittischen  Sanger  gefuhret, 
Und  die  Schonheit  der  Youngischen  Muse  Germanien  zeigtest.11 

Ebert  had  planned  a  series  of  translations  of  the  best  English  works, 
beginning  with  the  first  seven  "Nights"  of  Young,  but  he  soon  found 
himself  devoting  most  of  his  life  to  translating,  annotating,  and  expound- 
ing from  his  chair  in  Braunschweig  the  works  of  Young  alone.  He  com- 
pleted, in  1752,  a  prose  translation  of  the  Night  Thoughts,  which  reached 
its  fourth  edition  in  eleven  years,  in  the  face  of  rivalry  by  partial  verse 
translations.12  Herder  called  Ebert's  work  "eine  Ubersetzung,  die  nicht 
nur  alles  Verdienst  eines  Originals  hat,  sondern  auch  die  Ubertreibungen 
ihres  Englischen  Originals  durch  den  Bau  einer  harmonischen  Prose  .  .  . 
gleichsam  zurecht  fiiget  und  mildert."13  Other  editions  by  Ebert  ap- 
peared as  well,  among  them  one  of  "Nights"  I-IV  with  the  English 
original  on  the  opposite  pages  and  with  notes  on  Young's  sources  and 
echoes  of  Young  in  the  works  of  later  poets.  Ebert  continued  his  efforts, 
despite  the  general  reaction  and  the  admonition  of  Zacharia : 

O  E. . . .,  hulle  dich  nicht  in  Melancholey ! 
Verlass  die  Grotte,  die  du  bewohnst, 
Und  sitze  nicht  immer  allein  beym  klagenden  Young, 
In  schwarze  Nachtgedanken  verwolkt.14 

9  Der  nordische  Aufseher,  I  (1760)  161. 

10  Quoted  by  Crosland  [303]  294. 

11  Op.  cit.,  Rostock  and  Leipzig,  1756,  3  and  100. 

12  Geusau,  Night  Thoughts,  "Night  IV,"  Jena,  1752,  in  Alexandrines;  Kayser, 
"Nights  I-IV,"  Gottingen,  1752,  in  hexameters;  Oeder,  "Night  V,"  Hamburg,  1754, 
in  the  original  meter;  anon.,  "Nights  I,  II,  IV,"  Frankfurt,  1755,  in  trochaic  octam- 

13  Herder,  Werke,  XVIII  136. 

14  Zacharia,  Scherzhafte  epische  Poesien  .  .  .,  Braunschweig  and  Hildesheim,  1754, 
427. 


116      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

The  year  of  Ebert's  death  found  him  at  work  on  a  final  reprint  of  one  of 
his  earlier  volumes.  With  justification  his  biographer  Eschenburg  said  of 
him  that  his  excellent  translations  hastened  the  time,  "da  man  nicht  nur 
in  Gedichten,  sondern  auch  in  Predigten,  Wochenschriften,  Betrach- 
tungen,  Schilderungen,  moralischen  Briefen  .  .  .  iiberall  zu  Youngisieren 
anting."15 

An  influence  of  Young  upon  Ebert's  original  poetry  has  been  too 
lightly  denied.  In  an  untitled  poem  of  1774,  Ebert  joins  thoughts  of 
friendship  and  death  in  Young's  melancholy  fashion : 

Denn  von  des  Alters  schweren  Plagen 
1st  keine  schwerer  zu  ertragen, 
Als  die,  verlassen  und  allein, 
Von  ihren  Grabern  nur  umgeben, 
So  manchen  Freund  zu  uberleben.16 

"Die  Genesung,"  1759,  is  still  more  affected  by  the  mood  of  Young. 
"Wehmut  und  Schmerz,"  whether  caused  by  thoughts  of  dead  friends 
or  by  love  or  by  music,  are  for  him  "selig  und  wollustreich."  "Mitten  im 
Leben  der  Tod" — the  sudden  changes  of  "Lust  und  Schmerz"  depress 
him: 

Wer  is  so  kuhn,  auch  mitten  im  Sonnenschein 

Irdischer  Freuden,  frohlich  zu  sein! 

and  he  bursts  into  bitter-sweet  tears  when  he  thinks  of  the  absent  Hage- 
dorn  or  reads  affecting  passages  of  Glover's  Leonidas  or  of  Klopstock's 
Messias. 

Gellert,  like  Klopstock  and  Zacharia,  was  led  to  the  study  of  the  Eng- 
lish language  by  Ebert  and  the  Night  Thoughts.  Though  there  are  few 
direct  echoes  of  Young  in  Gellert's  work,  still  his  wide  influence  spread 
the  fame  of  Young,  so  that  the  opponents  of  the  cult  could  say  with  some 
justification  that  Young  and  Gellert  had  spoiled  the  public  taste.17 

Klopstock  and  the  "Bremer  Beytrager"  in  Leipzig,  about  the  year 
1747,  celebrated  Elizabeth  Rowe  as  much  as  Young.  Klopstock  himself 
could  read  them  at  that  time  only  in  translation  but  through  that  me- 
dium he  was  familiar  with  Joseph,  and  Friendship  in  Death  was  a  solace 
to  him  during  his  unhappy  love  affair  with  Fanny  Schmidt.  In  a  letter 
to  her  he  refers  to  the  death  of  "die  liebenswiirdige  Radikin  unsere 
deutsche  Rowe."18  In  the  poem  "Die  kiinftige  Geliebte,"  1747,  the  picture 
of  Fanny  mingles  with  that  of  Elizabeth  Rowe. 

15  Ebert,  Episteln  und  vermischle  Gedichte,  1795  II,  xxx. 

16  Re  this  and  the  following  see  Dorn  [  632  ] . 

17  Mauvillon  and  Unzer,  Uber  den  Werth  einiger  deutschen  Dichter,  Frankfurt  and 
Leipzig,  1770,  301-312. 

18  Brief e  von  und  an  Klopstock,  ed.  Lappenberg,  Braunschweig,  1867,  1. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  117 

Wirst  du  Fanny  genannt?  1st  Cidly  dein  feyrlicher  Name? 
Singer,  die  Joseph  und  den,  welchen  sie  liebte,  besang.19 

In  a  later  version  of  the  same  poem  Petrarch's  Laura  is  added  to  the 
composite  picture : 

Heiflest  du  Laura?  welche  die  liedervolle  Petrarck  sich, 

Konigen  und  Weisen,  sie  zu  bewundern,  besang? 

Laura,  Fanny!  ach  Singer!  Ja,  Singer,  nennt  mein  Lied  dich.20 

In  the  poem  "Petrarca  und  Laura"  Klopstock  begs  "die  gottliche 
Rowe"  to  plead  for  him  with  Fanny21  and  in  "Der  Abschied"  he  sees  a 
vision  wherein  "Singer"  stands  in  a  throng  of  the  best  beloved  poets  and 
most  beautiful  women : 

Ich  sterbe,  sehe  nun  bald  um  mich 
Die  groBen  Seelen,  Popen  und  Addison, 
Den  Sanger  Adams  neben  Adam, 
Neben  ihm  Eva  mit  Palmenkranzen, 
Der  Schlafe  Miltons  heilig;  die  himlische, 
Die  fromme  Singer,  bey  ihr  die  Radikin.22 

In  the  ode,  "Die  Braut,"  Elizabeth  Rowe  and  Fanny  already  begin  to 
assume  the  appearance  of  guardian  angels : 

Doch  mit  Blicken  voll  Ernst  winket  Urania 

Meine  Muse,  mir  zu,  gleich  der  unsterblichen, 

Tiefer  denkenden  Singer 

Oder,  gottliche  Fanny,  dir! 

Singe,  sprach  sie  zu  mir,  was  die  Natur  dich  lehrt!23 

Soon  after  her  marriage  Meta  Klopstock  showed  a  similar  enthusiasm 
for  Elizabeth  Rowe  and  expressed  it  in  an  English  letter  addressed  to 
Richardson.24  In  the  manner  of  Elizabeth  Rowe  she  also  wrote  her  Briefe 
der  Verstorbenen  an  die  Lebendigen,  which  Klopstock  edited  and  published 
the  year  after  her  death,25  for  she  had  already  become  Klopstock's  pro- 
tecting spirit  after  the  formula  of  Rowe.  Traces  of  this  idea  may  even  be 
found  in  his  odes  and  his  Messias. 

Hamann  read  Young's  Night  Thoughts  along  with  Hervey's  Medita- 
tions and  Contemplations  and  Theron  and  Aspasio  during  his  stay  in 
England.26  He  believed  with  Young  in  revelation  as  the  ultimate  basis  of 

19  Klopstock,  Oden,  I  33.  Cf.  fn.  6,  above. 

20  Briefe  von  und  an  Klopstock,  20.  To  Hagedorn,  April  19,  1849. 

21  Klopstock,  Oden,  I  49. 

22  Ibid.,  I  65  f. 

23  Ibid.,  I  80. 

24  The  Correspondence  of  Samuel  Richardson  .  .  .,  ed.  Barbauld,  London,  1804,  III 
152. 

25  Hinterlassene  Schriften  von  Margarethe  Klopstock,  Hamburg,  1759. 

26  Hamann,  Schriften,  ed.  Roth  and  Wiener,  Berlin,  1821,  I  53.  Cf.  Unger  [634]. 


118      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

faith,  and  Young  affected  his  style  in  his  Biblische  Betrachtungen  and  in 
his  Kreuzziige  eines  Philologen.  Thomas  Abbt  wrote  to  Mendelssohn  that 
this  work  was  in  the  main  an  obvious  imitation  of  Young.27  Not  loath  to 
affirm  his  debt  Hamann  wrote  to  Herder  in  1769:  "Ich  mufite  neulich 
unvermuthet  in  Young  blattern ;  da  kam  es  mir  vor,  als  wenn  alle  meine 
Hypothesen  eine  bloi3e  Nachgeburt  seiner  Nachtgedanken  gewesen  und 
alle  meine  Grillen  von  seinen  Bildern  impragnirt  waren."28 

Herder  was  less  enthusiastic  over  the  Night  Thoughts.  He  discussed 
them  in  his  reviews,  sermons,  and  letters  and  translated  passages  from 
them,"9  but  he  spoke  of  the  "etwas  tiberspannte  Verehrung  bey  uns"30 
and  the  mere  imitators  of  Young  he  called  "schlechte  Schmierer  von 
Nachtgedanken."31  To  be  sure,  later,  when  the  Young  mania  had  been 
generally  overcome,  he  became  superlative  in  his  praise  of  the  Night 
Thoughts.  In  his  Adrastea,  1801,  he  called  them  "das  non  plus  ultra  sinn- 
reicher,  witziger,  erhabner,  frommer  Gedanken,  glanzend,  wie  das  nacht- 
liche  Firmament."32  Other  contemporary  opponents  of  Young  and  his 
German  followers  were  Moser,  Heinse,  and  Unzer.  Mendelssohn  criti- 
cized Cronegk's  "Einsamkeiten,"  1757,  which  was  a  confessed  imitation 
of  Young,33  and  Lessing  called  Cramer's  praise  of  Young  exaggerated  and 
joined  in  Mendelssohn's  campaign  against  the  "Nachtgedankenmacher."34 

Of  all  the  Swiss  poets  Bodmer  imitated  Young  most  assiduously  and 
was  influenced  by  him  perhaps  the  least.  Bodmer  may  have  first  learned 
of  Young's  Night  Thoughts  through  Hagedorn,  who  wrote  to  Bodmer, 
October  3,  1743:  "Ich  habe  neulich  ein  ungemein  tiefsinniges  Gedicht  in 
vier  Buchern  gesehen,  in  welchem  eine  poetische  Schwermuth  herrschet, 
die  ihresgleichen  nicht  hat,  und  ich  wimschte,  es  beylegen  zu  konnen."35 
Ebert  discovered  over  thirty  passages  in  Bodmer 's  Noah,  1750,  parallel 
to  Night  Thoughts. 36  Well  pleased  at  the  report,  Bodmer  asked  a  friend 
for  the  list,  saying:  "Ich  wollte  gern  nachsehen,  wie  viel  Male  und  wie 
genau  ich  Young  nachgeahmt  habe."37  Haller,  who  might  have  been 
affected  by  the  new  impulse,  had  left  Switzerland  and  had  ceased  to  be  a 
poet,  but  his  interest  is  shown  by  his  sponsorship  of  the  Kayser  transla- 
tion38 and  his  correspondence  with  Tscharner,  who  journeyed  to  England 

27  Abbt,  Vermischte  Werke,  Berlin,  1771,  I  114. 

28  Hamann,  Schriften,  III  393. 

29  Herder,  Werke,  XXVII  392  ff. 

30  Ibid.,  XXIV  96. 

31  Ibid.,  I  253  f. 

32  Ibid.,  XXIII  236. 

33  Briefe  die  neueste  Literatur  betreffend,  1761,  Brief  207. 

34  Ibid.,  1759,  Brief  48;  cf.  Lessing,  Schriften,  VIII  125. 

35  "Ungedruckte  Briefe,"  Zurich,  Universitats-Bibliothek. 

36  Ebert  [623]. 

37  Letter  of  August  30,  1765.  Cf.  Kind  [625]  76. 

38  Cf.  fn.  12,  above. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  119 

especially  to  secure  information  in  regard  to  Young.  Tscharner  was  a 
devoted  admirer  of  Young,  but  his  enthusiasm  never  led  him  beyond 
imitation  and  fragmentary  translation. 

In  his  earlier  poetic  days  when  he  was  tentatively  associated  with  the 
pious  Swiss  school  Wieland  shared  Bodmer's  admiration  for  Young.  He 
wrote  his  "patriarchischen  Youngischen  und  Rowischen"  verses  in 
Bodmer's  house.  The  works  in  question  are  Briefe  von  Verstorbenen  an 
hinterlassene  Freunde,  1753,  Sympathieen,  Erinnerungen  an  eine  Freundin, 
1754,  and  Empfindungen  eines  Christen,  1755 — titles  suggestive  of  Eliza- 
beth Rowe  rather  than  of  Young;  and  Wieland  himself,  in  his  Ode  an 
Doris,  1752,  gives  testimony  to  the  fact  that  he  and  Sophie  Gutermann 
read  Elizabeth  Rowe's  works  together  as  early  as  1750. 

Die  Weisheit,  die  so  fremde  den  Weisen  ist, 
Die  Young  so  gottlich  sang,  die  der  Ewigkeit 
Uns  legen  lehret,  zeigt  uns  Rowe 
Menschlicher,  schon  wie  sie  selbst  in  Bildern.39 

In  a  letter  to  Bodmer  written  in  1752,  shortly  before  his  arrival  in  Zurich, 
Wieland  expresses  his  gratitude  to  the  "allerliebste  Rowe"  for  the  best 
thoughts  and  pictures  in  his  Moralische  Erzdhlungen.i0 

There  are  reminiscences  of  Elizabeth  Rowe's  poetry  and  allusions  to 
her  in  nearly  all  works  of  Wieland's  Zurich  period,  but  even  as  early  as 
in  the  Sympathieen,  1754,  he  is  slightly  critical  of  her  excess  of  contem- 
plative devotion,  and  by  1758  he  is  writing  to  Zimmermann:  "II  a  ete  un 
temps  que  j'etais  charme  de  Young.  Ce  temps  est  passe."41  Young,  he 
says  in  this  same  letter,  is  corrupting  the  taste  of  the  writers  of  the  day. 
Lessing  is  accordingly  able  to  rejoice  in  1759  after  the  appearance  of 
Wieland's  Lady  Johanna  Gray:  "Freuen  Sie  Sich  mit  mir!  Herr  Wieland 
hat  die  aetherischen  Spharen  verlassen,  und  wandelt  wieder  unter  den 
Menschenkindern .  "42 

Meanwhile  certain  future  "Stiirmer  und  Dranger"  were  reading  Young 
at  a  plastic  period  of  their  lives.  An  enthusiasm  for  Klopstock  gave  im- 
pulse to  Lenz's  first  long  poem  "Der  Versohnungstod  Jesu."  From 
Klopstock  he  may  have  been  led  to  Young,  whose  Night  Thoughts  he 
read  first  in  Ebert's  translation,  but  soon  after  may  have  been  able  to 
read  it  in  English,  for  in  1771  he  offered  to  Nicolai  a  translation  of  the 
Essay  on  Criticism.43  Young's  piety,  his  insistence  upon  an  ever  impend- 
ing death,  the  melancholy  atmosphere  of  his  poems,  all  appealed  to  the 

39  Wieland,  Schriften,  I  (1)  438. 

40  Wieland,  Briefe,  I  95. 

41  Ibid.,  I  221. 

42  Lessing,  Schriften  VIII  166;  63.  Liter aturbrief. 

43  O.  Anwand,  Beitrdge  zum  Studium  der  Gedichte  von  J.  M.  R.  Lenz.  Miinchen,  1897; 
52  f. 


120      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

morbid  tendencies  of  Lenz's  nature.  His  Landplagen,  begun  in  Livland 
about  the  year  1766,  teaches  the  same  lesson  as  the  Night  Thoughts  and 
is  as  near  a  counterpart  to  it  as  a  prevailingly  narrative  and  descriptive 
poem  can  be.  Of  the  six  "Landplagen,"  i.e.,  "Krieg,  Hunger,  Pest,  Feuer- 
und  Wassernoth,  Erdbeben,"  all  but  the  last  may  have  been  known  to 
Lenz  by  experience,  but  the  first  four  are  mentioned  in  just  that  order 
in  the  first  book  of  Young's  Night  Thoughts. 

At  just  about  the  same  time,  1766,  the  seventeen-year-old  Goethe  was 
displaying  his  knowledge  of  English  to  his  sister  by  sending  her  a  melan- 
choly poem  in  that  language,  with  the  introduction:  "I  make  English 
verses  .  .  .  that  a  stone  would  weep."44  The  English  muse  was  generally 
held  to  be  typically  somber.  In  Dichtung  und  Wahrheit  Goethe  describes 
the  prevailing  mood  of  the  time  which  produced  Werther.  It  received,  he 
said,  an  additional  impetus  from  without.  "Es  geschah  dieses  durch  die 
englische  Literatur,  besonders  durch  die  poetische,  deren  grofie  Vorziige 
ernster  Trtibsinn  begleitet,  welchen  sie  einem  jeden  mittheilt,  der  sich 
mit  ihr  beschaftigt,"45  and  in  this  connection  he  mentions  first  and  fore- 
most Young: 

Man  betrachte  nun  in  diesem  Sinne  die  Mehrzahl  der  englischen,  meist  moralisch- 
didaktischen  Gedichte,  und  sie  werden  im  Durchschnitt  nur  einen  diisteren  tlberdrufi 
des  Lebens  zeigen.  Nicht  Youngs  Nachtgedanken  allein,  wo  dieses  Thema  vorziiglich 
durchgefuhrt  ist,  sondern  auch  die  iibrigen  betrachtenden  Gedichte,  schweifen,  eh' 
man  sich's  versieht,  in  dieses  traurige  Gebiet.46 

A  contemporary  of  Goethe  read  Young's  Night  Thoughts  and  told  of 
the  experience  in  one  of  the  most  subjective  German  novels  of  the  eight- 
eenth century.  In  his  Anton  Reiser,  1783,  Karl  Philipp  Moritz  says  that 
when  Anton  was  still  a  young  boy,  suffering  in  soul  and  body,  Young's 
Night  Thoughts  came  into  his  hands  and  afforded  him  the  melancholy 
solace  he  needed: 

Es  dauchte  ihm,  als  fande  er  hier  alle  seine  vorigen  Vorstellungen  von  der  Nichtig- 
keit  des  Lebens,  und  der  Eitelkeit  aller  menschlichen  Dinge  wieder. — Er  konnte  sich 
nicht  satt  an  diesem  Buche  lesen,  und  lernte  die  Gedanken  und  Empfindungen, 
welche  darin  herrschten,  beinahe  auswendig.47 

The  enthusiasm  for  Young,  with  his  "puritanischer  Korperentwertung"48 

was  however  but  a  quickly  passing  phase  in  Moritz's  rapid  course  of 

development. 

44  Goethe,  Werke,  IV  (1)  51. 
46  Ibid.,  I  (28)  212. 

46  Ibid.,  I  (28)  214. 

47  Op.  tit.,  in  DLD,  XXIII  (1886)  227. 

48  Minder,  Robert,  Die  religiose  Entwickelung  von  Karl  Philipp  Moritz  .  .  .,  NF 
XXVIII  (1936)  223. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  121 

Literary  movements  penetrated  somewhat  tardily  the  fastnesses  of 
Wiirttemberg  and  of  Schlofl  Solitude.  Here  Schiller  during  the  years 
1773-1778  passed  through  the  school  of  Klopstock  and  Young;  it  is  not 
always  easy  to  distinguish  the  effect  of  the  one  from  the  other,  and  pos- 
sibly some  trace  of  the  experience  persisted;  Wieland  called  Schiller's 
"Ktinstler,"  1789,  philosophical  poetry  of  the  species  of  the  Night 
Thoughts.**  But  by  1795  or  1796  we  find  Schiller,  in  his  essay  Uber  naive 
und  sentimentalische  Dichtung,50  questioning  the  intelligence  of  persons 
possessed  of  an  excessive  fondness  for  poets  like  Klopstock  and  Young, 
who  lead  not  into  life  but  away  from  it. 

It  has  been  suggested  that  Novalis's  Hymnen  an  die  Nacht,  1797,  were 
in  some  way  connected  with  Young's  Night  Thoughts.51  It  can  be  shown 
that  Novalis  read  Young's  poem  while  his  own  was  in  course  of  compo- 
sition, but  the  parallels  thus  far  offered  in  support  of  the  theory  of  in- 
fluence are  not  of  such  a  nature  as  to  compel  conviction,  and  it  is  safe 
to  conclude  that  well  before  the  end  of  the  century  Young's  Night 
Thoughts  had  ceased  to  cast  their  spell  over  the  poets  of  Germany. 

49  Schiller,  Briefe,  II  236. 

50  Schiller,  Werke,  XVI  526. 

61  Busse  [  635  ] ,  Ritter  in  Beitrage  zur  neueren  Literaturgeschichte,  Neue  Folge  XIII 
(1930)  and  Samuel  in  DLZ,  XXIX  (1930)  1376,  but  see  pp.  281,  below. 


Chapter  X 
MACPHERSON'S  OSSIAN 

James  Macpherson  of  Badenoch,  county  of  Inverness,  was  born  in  1736. 
He  studied  at  the  universities  of  Aberdeen  and  Edinburgh,  but  left  be- 
fore obtaining  a  degree.  At  about  the  age  of  twenty  he  wrote  as  his  first 
poetry  some  mediocre  imitations  of  Robert  Blair's  The  Grave  and  of 
Thomson's  Seasons.  Macpherson's  mother  spoke  Gaelic,  and  he  com- 
manded it  well  enough  to  converse  in  it  with  the  people  of  the  country- 
side and  understand  their  tales  and  ballads.  In  1758,  when  serving  as  a 
tutor  in  the  country,  he  became  acquainted  with  the  Scottish  dramatist 
John  Home,  who  was  interested  in  highland  poetry.  Macpherson  showed 
him  a  poem  called  The  Death  of  Oscar,  which  he  said  was  literally  trans- 
lated from  a  Gaelic  original.  In  reality  it  was  an  original  poem  of  Mac- 
pherson's, suggested  by  a  fragment  of  ancient  Gaelic  literature  in  oral 
tradition.  Home  showed  the  poem  to  Professor  Hugh  Blair  of  the  Uni- 
versity of  Edinburgh,  who  urged  Macpherson  to  continue.  Consequently 
there  appeared  in  1760  an  anonymous  volume  of  Fragments  of  ancient 
Poetry  collected  in  the  Highlands  of  Scotland  and  translated  from  the  Gaelic 
or  Erse  Language;  and  in  1763  an  anonymous  introduction  by  Blair  ap- 
peared, entitled  "A  critical  dissertation  on  the  poems  of  Ossian."1  Blair 
began  later  to  use  the  poems  as  a  basis  for  his  lectures. 

Blair  believed  the  fragments  stemmed  from  an  ancient  Gaelic  epic,  and 
money  was  collected  to  send  Macpherson  to  the  highlands  to  discover  it. 
Even  David  Hume  contributed,  saying  that  the  authenticity  of  the 
poems  was  beyond  all  question.  Macpherson  accepted  the  money  with- 
out reluctance,  made  the  journey,  and  published,  on  his  return  in 
1762,  an  ancient  epic  poem  Fingal  in  six  books,  and  the  next  year  a 
similar  epic  called  Temora.  After  he  had  shown  the  way,  translations  of 
genuine  Gaelic  poetry  by  Edmond  de  Harold,  1775,  John  Clarke,  1778, 
John  Smith,  1780,  and  Arthur  Young,  1787,  followed  in  quick  succession. 
To  meet  the  objections  of  skeptics  Macpherson  reprinted  in  the  third 
edition,  1765,  the  purported  Gaelic  original  of  a  part  of  the  seventh  book 
of  Temora,  which  "original"  was,  however,  an  all  too  obvious  falsification 
by  his  own  hand.  Hume  now  became  suspicious  and  urged  Blair  to  insti- 
tute a  thorough  investigation,  but  Blair  had  already  committed  himself 
so  far  that  the  result  of  the  inquiry  was  a  foregone  conclusion.  However 
Macpherson  was  compelled  to  defend  the  authenticity  of  his  originals 
against  such  critics  as  David  Hume  and  Samuel  Johnson.  The  latter  had 

1  First  united  with  Macpherson's  volume  in  1765. 

[122] 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  123 

gone  so  far  as  to  deny  the  existence  of  an  Ossianic  literature.  He  declared 
shrewdly  that  Macpherson  owed  to  tradition  only  the  name  Ossian  and 
that  the  rest  was  pure  invention.  Macpherson  stood  his  ground.  When 
confronted  with  fragments  differing  from  his  own,  he  stoutly  maintained 
that  his  alone  were  authentic ;  and  when  the  originals  were  demanded  of 
him,  he  offered  to  publish  them  if  the  funds  were  provided ;  and  when,  to 
his  dismay,  a  thousand  pounds  were  collected,  he  was  driven  to  the 
extremity  of  putting  his  English  poems  into  Gaelic,2  a  painful  task,  for 
he  had  forgotten  the  little  Gaelic  he  once  knew.  He  withheld  his  "origi- 
nals" from  Gaelic  scholars,  but  showed  them  to  disinterested  men  of  note, 
for  example,  to  Helferich  Peter  Sturz,  in  1768,  who  was  duly  impressed.3 
Macpherson  died  in  1796  with  his  "originals"  not  yet  devised.  His  friend 
Mackenzie  continued  the  work  and  published  it  in  1807  under  the 
auspices  of  the  Highland  Society  of  London,  but  in  an  uncompleted  form, 
for  only  half  of  the  poems  were  represented.  Another  report  by  the 
Highland  Society  of  Edinburgh  in  1805  went  no  farther  than  to  show 
that  ballads  really  existed  of  the  type  that  Macpherson  professed  to  have 
translated. 

Celtic  scholars  of  today  know  the  truth  :4  Of  the  ten  or  fifteen  thousand 
verses  in  his  "originals"  of  1807  all  except  one  verse  were  forged  by  Mac- 
pherson and  his  helpers.  There  never  were  any  Gaelic  epics  in  Scotland. 
There  existed  Gaelic  ballads  and  these  gave  Macpherson  his  starting 
point,  but  not  one  of  his  poems  is  a  faithful  reproduction  of  a  Gaelic 
original.  A  few  sentences  here  and  there  correspond  to  passages  in  the 
Gaelic  literature.  About  four-fifths  of  the  material  was,  however,  without 
Gaelic  connection  and  was  purely  Macpherson's  invention.  The  style 
corresponded  in  some  rare  passages  to  that  of  the  genuine  Gaelic  ballads 
but  more  frequently  it  was  so  reminiscent  of  Homer,  the  Hebrew  proph- 
ets, Milton,  and  certain  more  recent  poets  as  to  arouse  suspicion  from 
the  outset. 

In  spite  of  English  skepticism,  Macpherson's  work  was  received  with 
great  favor  on  the  Continent  and  was  translated  into  German,  Italian, 
French,  Spanish,  Dutch,  Danish,  Swedish,  Polish,  Russian,  and  modern 
Greek,  in  fact  into  more  languages  than  any  other  English  work  except 
Robinson  Crusoe. 

It  was  the  lyric  element  in  Ossian  which  predominated  and  appealed 
to  the  time.  The  epic  element  is  weak.  The  characters  lack  distinguishing 

2  Sterne  in  ZVL,  VII  (1895)  62;  but  cf.  Cross,  MPh,  XVI  (1918)  447. 

3  Sturz,  Schriften,  Leipzig,  1789,  p.  6.  Deutsches  Museum,  1777,  I  214. 

4  Cf.  J.  S.  Smart,  James  Macpherson,  London,  1905;  L.  C.  Sterne,  cited  above;  H. 
R.  D.  Anders,  "Ossian,"  PrJ,  CXXXI  (1908)  1-36,  based  largely  on  Sterne;  van 
Tieghem,  Ossian  en  France,  I— II,  Paris,  1917;  Tombo  [449]  3-63  notes  German  com- 
ment on  English  controversial  literature. 


124      University  of  California  Pub  lications  in  Modern  Philology 

individuality.  Love  and  war  are  the  chief  narrative  themes,  but  the  war- 
riors fight  for  no  clear  purpose  and  one  pair  of  lovers  resembles  another. 
Instead  of  action  there  are  laments  over  dead  comrades,  admonitions  of 
the  spirits  of  dead  heroes  to  their  successors  in  arms,  mournful  reflections 
on  the  weakness  of  man,  the  flight  of  time,  and  bygone  better  days,  all  in 
a  setting  of  hazy  moonlight  atmosphere,  of  falling  autumn  leaves,  and 
the  mournful  beating  waves.  Such  was  the  poetry  of  "poor  moaning 
monotonous  Macpherson"  as  Carlyle  called  him.  The  form  emphasized 
the  content.  Macpherson  proposed  to  write  in  verse,  his  sponsors  urged 
prose.  The  fortunate  compromise  was  rhythmic  prose. 

Germany  was  prompt  to  respond.  In  1762  two  brief  translations  ap- 
peared in  the  Bremisches  Magazin.5  In  1763  Raspe  offered  extracts  from 
Fingal  in  the  Hannoverisches  Magazin.6  Engelbrecht  in  Hamburg  trans- 
lated the  Fragments  of  1760  almost  in  their  entirety,  1761,  and  in  the 
same  year  Wittenberg  translated  Fingal  into  rhythmic  prose.  In  1767 
the  Hamburger  Unterhaltungen  offered  a  verse  translation  by  Crome  of  a 
song  in  Colma?  Michael  Denis,  a  Jesuit  living  in  Vienna,  first  saw  the 
Ossianic  poems  in  an  Italian  translation  by  Cesarotti  of  1763  and  com- 
pared them  in  his  mind  with  the  epics  of  Vergil  and  Homer.  When  Denis 
heard  of  Klopstock's  approval  of  Ossian  in  1768  he  exclaimed:  "Wie  froh 
war  ich!  Ich  ting  zu  ubersetzen  an."8  Under  such  auspices  it  was  natural 
for  him  to  translate  it  into  the  controversy-provoking  hexameters  which 
Klotz9  and  Weisse10  commended  and  Herder  deplored: 

Der  Klopstockische  Hexameter  bei  Ofiian?  freilich  auch  hinc  illae  lacrimae!  Hatte  der 
Herr  D.  die  eigentliche  Manier  Ofiians  nur  etwas  auch  mit  dem  inneren  Ohre  iiber- 
legt — Ofiian  so  kurz,  stark,  mannlich,  abgebrochen  in  Bildern  und  Empfindungen — 
Klopstocks  Manier,  so  ausmahlend,  so  vortreffiich,  Empfindungen  ganz  ausstromen, 
und  .  .  .  die  Sprachfugungen  ergiefien  zu  lassen — welch  ein  Unterschied!  Und  was  ist 
nun  ein  Oftian  in  Klopstocks  Hexameter?  in  Klopstocks  Manier?11 

Translations  continued  to  appear  for  another  hundred  years.  From 
1762-1800  there  were  four  complete  and  twenty-four  partial  translations; 
from  1800-1868  nine  complete  and  twenty-two  partial  translations. 
Goethe,  Herder,  and  Lenz  translated  individual  poems.  Burger  com- 
plained to  Gockingk,  January  25,  1779: 

6  hoc.  cit.,  V  2  (1762)  448-552. 

6  hoc.  cit.,  I  (1763)  1457-1470. 

7  hoc.  cit,  IV  1  (1767)  617-620. 
8Tombo  [449]  120. 

9  Deutsche  Bibliothek  der  schonen  Wissenschaften  VIII  (1768)  685-703. 

10  NBSWFK,  VIII  (1769)  99-112. 

11  Herder,  Werke,  V  160. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  125 

Denis  ist  ganz  auBer  dem  Ton  des  Originals  und  Harold  muB  vollends  gar  erst  teutsch 
lernen,  schlechter  als  diese  konnte  kein  Schiller  iibersezen.  Die,  welche  das  Fraulein 
Iris  zu  Markte  bringt,  lispelt  gar  zu  sehr;  und  Wittenbergs  seine  klingfc  wie  ein  vol 
gesabbeltes  Reichsposthorn.12 

The  Gottinger  Bund,  like  its  idol  Klopstock,  was  a  devoted  adherent 
of  Ossian.  Burger  translated  Carrie  Thura  in  1779  for  Boie's  Deutsches 
Museum13  and  the  conclusion  of  Carthon  for  the  Musenalmanach  of  1798. 14 
Certain  other  fragmentary  versions  first  appeared  after  his  death.15 
Friedrich  Leopold,  Graf  zu  Stolberg,  produced  a  three-volume  transla- 
tion in  1806. 

The  controversy  regarding  the  authenticity  of  the  poems  became  early 
known  in  Germany.  A  skeptical  essay  by  M.  d.  C.  [J.  O'Brien,  Bishop 
of  Cloyne]  in  the  Journal  des  Sgavans,  1764,  was  translated  in  part  by 
Christian  Heinrich  Schmid  and  published  in  the  Hamburger  Unterhal- 
tungen  in  1766. 16  Bodmer  may  have  seen  either  the  original  or  a  transla- 
tion. In  a  letter  to  Schinz  in  1769  Bodmer  wrote  that  he  had  noted  certain 
evidences  "dafi  Ossian  nicht  gedacht  haben  konnte,  was  ihm  beigemessen 
wird.  Ich  denke,  wenn  er  dieses  hat  denken  konnen,  so  konnte  er  doch 
viel  mehrers  denken,  das  er  doch  nicht  gedacht  hat."17 

A  reviewer  in  the  Gottingische  Gelehrte  Anzeigen  bitterly  resented  the 

essay  of  M.  d.  C.  and  commended  Ossian  as  being  "minder  geschwatzig 

als  der  griechische  Barde"  and  the  Gaelic  people  as  having  "ein  unend- 

lich  zartliches  Gefuhl  von  der  Ehre."  The  reviewer,  who  was  none  other 

than  Albrecht  von  Haller,  found  in  the  Macpherson  translation,  "eine 

Schreibart  die  aus  den  biblischen  Schriften,  aus  dem  Homer  und  aus  den 

Reden  der  Irokesen  zusammengesetzt  ist,"  which  discovery  however  did 

not  impair  his  faith  in  the  originals.  At  the  conclusion  he  referred  to  the 

anonymous  "Critical  Dissertation"  by  Blair  which  accompanied  the 

Fragments,  saying:  "der  Ungenannte  vergleicht  die  Schonheiten  dieser 

Gedichte  mit  dem  Homer,  dem  Virgil,  den  biblischen  Buchern  und  mit 

anderen  nordlichen  Liedern,  die  Ossian  dennoch  weit  iibertrifft."18  Such 

comparisons  to  Homer's  disadvantage  soon  became  frequent.  Voss  said 

explicitly:  "Der  Schotte  Ossian  ist  ein  grolSerer  Dichter  als  der  Ionier 

Homer,"19  and  Klopstock  boldly  confessed:  "Ich  liebe  Ossian  so  sehr, 

da.6  ich  seine  Werke  iiber  einige  griechische  Dichter  der  besten  Zeit 

12Sauerin  VSL  III  (1890)  422;  Harold,  Diisseldorf,  1775;  "Frl.  Iris"  [Lenz]  in 
Iris  1775-1776;  Wittenberg,  Hamburg,  1764. 

13  hoc.  cit.,  1779,  I  534. 

14  hoc.  cit.,  84. 

15  Cf.  Wicke  [237]  55. 

16  hoc.  cit.,  I  (1766)  329-340,  420-436,  504-523. 

17  Quoted  by  Max  Wehrli,  J.  J.  Bodmer  und  die  Geschichte  der  Literatur,  Zurich, 
1937,  127  and  155. 

18  hoc.  cit.,  1765,  130  f.  Cf.  Haller,  Tagebuch,  I  266  and  GGA,  1767,  1132  ff. 

19  Brief e  von  J.  H.  Voss,  ed.  A.  Voss,  Leipzig,  1840,  I  191. 


126      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

setze."20  Others  who  indulged  in  such  extravagant  language  were  Grimm 
and  Suard  in  France,  Cesarotti  in  Italy,  and  Denis  in  Austria. 

Such  comparisons  were  obviously  incompatible  with  Herder's  theo- 
ries, in  so  far  as  they  implied  that  Homer's  epics  were  a  standard  by 
which  other  epics  were  to  be  evaluated.  Blackwell,  Blair,  and  Herder 
were  in  agreement  on  one  principle:  The  "Volksdichter"  must  be  read, 
understood,  appreciated,  and  interpreted  in  the  light  of  their  various 
races  and  times. 

Christian  Felix  Weisse  reviewed  the  third  edition  of  the  Ossianic 
poems  in  1765.  He  quoted  at  great  length  from  Blair's  dissertation  and 
thus  made  the  contents  more  fully  known  in  Germany.21  He  agreed  fully 
with  Blair  and  discounted  the  skeptical  comments  of  M.  d.  C.,  whose 
arguments,  however,  impressed  another  critic.  Gerstenberg  wrote  in  his 
Brief e  Uber  die  Merkwiirdigkeiten  der  Literatur: 

Dafi  entweder  Hr.  Macpherson  seinen  Text  auCerordentlich  verfalscht,  oder  auch 
das  untergeschobene  Werk  einer  neuern  Hand  allzu  leichtglaubig  fur  ein  genuines 
angenommen  hatte,  glaubten  wir  glcich  aus  den  mancherley  Spuren  des  Modernen 
sowol,  als  aus  den  verschiedenen  kleinen  hints,  die  der  Dichter  sich  aus  dem  Homer 
etc.  gemerkt  zu  haben  schien,  wahrzunehmen.22 

To  this  Herder  replied  indignantly:  "So  etwas  kann  Macpherson  un- 
moglich  gedichtet  haben !  So  was  laBt  sich  in  unserem  Jahrhunderte  nicht 
dichten!"23 

The  "Ossianic"  poems  gave  impetus  in  Germany  to  the  development 
of  a  lyric  genre  which  flourished  for  a  brief  time  under  the  name  of 
"bardic"  poetry.  Scandinavian  and  Ossianic  lore  combined  to  create  this 
exotic  plant.  Information  in  regard  to  old  Scandinavian  literature  was 
at  this  time  meager  and  conceptions  were  erroneous,  but  Heinrich  Wil- 
helm  von  Gerstenberg  had  studied  the  available  fact  and  fiction  perhaps 
more  thoroughly  than  any  other  scholar  of  the  time  in  Germany.  It  is 
true  that  as  a  student  at  the  Altona  Gymnasium  in  1754  he  wrote  a  poem 
in  which  he  referred  to  the  Celts,  Scandinavians,  and  Germans  as  of  a 
common  stock,  but  by  the  time  that  he  reviewed  Macpherson's  work  in 
his  journal  he  was  better  informed.  Skeptical  as  he  was  in  regard  to 
Macpherson's  claims,  he  was  yet  as  sensitive  to  the  charm  of  Ossianic 
poetry  as  to  Scandinavian  songs.  His  "Gedicht  eines  Skalden,"  1766, 
may  be  taken  as  the  beginning  of  the  bardic  mode  in  German  poetry. 
Klopstock  admitted  Gerstenberg's  priority  in  the  introduction  of  North- 
ern mythology,  in  a  letter  to  him  of  November,  1771.'-4  In  Gerstenberg's 

20  Denis,  Liter arischer  Nachlafi,  ed.  J.  von  Retzer,  Wien,  1801-1802,  II  116. 

21  NBSWFK,  I  (1766)  245-261;  III  (1766)  13-38. 

22  hoc.  cit.,  Brief  VIII  1766,  104;  in  DLD,  XXIX  (1890)  57. 

23  Herder,  Werke,  V  160. 

24  Muncker  [439  ]2  380. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  127 

Ariadne  auf  Naxos,  1767,  there  are,  despite  its  classic  theme,  passing 
reminiscences  of  Ossian,  and  though  his  tragedy  Ugolino,  1768,  owes  its 
original  impulse  to  Shakespeare,  it  contains  many  Ossianic  passages. 
Similarly  Der  Waldjiingling,  1771,  owes  its  origin  to  Rousseau,  and  the 
home  of  the  primitive  men  here  described  is  Scandinavia,  but  the  scenery 
and  the  characters  are  Ossianic.  Even  after  bardic  poetry  had  had  its  day, 
Gerstenberg  remained  true  to  it.  His  four-act  drama,  Minona  oder  die 
Angel-Sachsen,  1783,  was  his  favorite  among  his  dramas.  Van  Tieghem 
calls  it  "la  piece  la  plus  completement  ossianique  que  Ton  ait  ecrite  en 
Europe."25  In  a  footnote  to  the  first  edition  Gerstenberg  speaks  of  Ossian 
as  an  authority,  "dessen  historische  Data  wenigstens  itzt  keinen  Ein- 
wand  mehr  leiden,  wenn  gleich  die  Aechtheit  seiner  gegenwartigen  epi- 
schen  und  dramatischen  Gehalt  etwas  zweideutig  seyn  mdchte."26  Other 
Ossianic  dramas  in  Germany  were  Eschenburg's  Comala,  1769;  Ryno's 
Fingal  und  Daura,  1777;  Saam's  Darthula,  1780;  Wachsmuth's  Fingal  in 
Lochlin,  1782,  and  his  Inamoridla,  1783;  and  Harold's  Sulmora,  1802. 

Gerstenberg's  next  successor  in  bardic  poetry  was  Karl  Friedrich 
Kretschmann,  whose  "Gesang  Rhingulfs  des  Barden,  als  Varus  geschla- 
gen  war"  was  dated  1769  but  actually  published  in  1768.  Weisse  wrote 
to  him  that  Klopstock  was  composing  a  "Bardiet"  about  the  same  battle 
and  advised  him  to  hasten  publication  lest  he  be  regarded  as  an  imitator.-7 
Kretschmann  himself  regarded  the  priority  question  as  unimportant, 
since  Ossian  was  the  predecessor  of  the  entire  group:  "Man  sah  endlich 
den  ganzen  Streit,  ob  Thorlaug  [Gerstenberg],  Werdomar  [Klopstock], 
oder  Rhingulph  [  Kretschmann  ]  der  erste  sei,  von  der  gerechten,  namlich 
von  der  lacherlichen  Seite  an."28 

The  question  was  meaningless  in  a  sense  of  which  Kretschmann  was 
unaware,  for  Thorland  and  Werdomar  were  almost  as  far  apart  as 
Werther  and  Gotz  von  Berlichingen.  The  one  represented  the  lyric  element 
in  Ossian,  the  other,  by  dint  of  the  identifying  of  the  Celtic  with  the 
Nordic  and  German  peoples,  represented  the  racial  patriotic  element; 
and  again  Thorland  and  Werdomar  should  be  distinguished  from  the 
throng  of  imitators  of  which  Kretschmann  was  an  example.  Herder 
urged  Nicolai  not  to  confuse  the  bards,  for  whom  all  was  merely  a  matter 
of  "Sprache,  Kleid,  erborgter  Ceremoniumkram"29  with  the  true  disciples 
of  Ossian  and  the  Skalds. 

The  imitators  discarded  the  lyre  and  the  laurel  wreath  and  took  up 

25  Van  Tieghem  [451]. 

26  Op.  cit.,  fn.  8. 

27  Knothe  [464]  11,  fn.  1.  Cf.  Herder,  Werke,  V  334. 

28  Kretschmann,  Sdmtliche  Werke,  1784-1797,  I  2. 

29  Herders  Briefwechsel  mit  Nicolai,  ed.  O.  Hoffmann,  Berlin,  1887,  67.  Cf.  Herder, 
Werke,  V  334. 


128      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

the  harp  and  the  crown  of  oak  leaves,  and  the  much  ridiculed  "Barden- 
gebriill,"  "Bardengeschrei,"  or  "Bardengeheul"  broke  forth.  Kretsch- 
mann's  "Klage  Rhingulfs  des  Barden,"  1771,  is  a  continuation  of  his 
previous  work.  His  bardic  poetry  ended  a  few  years  later,  after  the  move- 
ment had  made  itself  ridiculous  and  unpopular.  In  his  later  works  noth- 
ing remained  of  it  but  the  bard,  the  grove,  and  the  oak,  which  had  be- 
come for  the  time  the  conventional  stage  setting  for  lyric  poetry. 

Klopstock  was  the  popularizer  of  the  bardic  school.  Ossian  was  in 
accord  with  Klopstock's  enthusiasms  and  his  moods.  Ossian  was  na- 
tional and  patriotic  and  as  melancholy  as  Klopstock  himself,  after  the 
death  of  his  Meta.  Ossian's  melancholy  was  a  fit  sequel  to  Young's;  and 
the  Ossianic  pictures  were,  like  Klopstock's  own  in  the  Messias,  heroic, 
grand,  and  hazy.  Klopstock  arbitrarily  combined  facts  in  such  a  way  as 
to  fill  the  Germanic  past  with  the  Ossianic  atmosphere.  In  Germania,  III, 
Tacitus  told  of  the  "barditus,"  the  singing  of  heroic  songs  before  the 
battle,  whereby  the  Germani  inspired  themselves  for  combat.  Klop- 
stock erroneously  understood  the  word  to  refer  to  the  songs  themselves 
and  fancifully  connected  it  with  the  Celtic  loan  word  "Barde,"  assuming 
that  bards  had  been  the  writers  of  such  songs.  None  of  the  battle  songs 
of  the  Germani,  alas,  had  been  preserved,  but  the  songs  of  Ossian  com- 
pensated Klopstock  in  some  degree,  for  he  shared  the  common  confusion 
of  Celt  with  Teuton.  In  his  own  words:  "Ossian  war  deutscher  Abkunft, 
weil  er  ein  Kaledonier  war,"30  and  again : 

Sie,  deren  Enkel  jetzt  auf  Schottlands  Bergen  wohnen, 
Die  von  den  Romern  nicht  provinzten  Kaledonen, 
Sind  deutschen  Stamms.  Daher  gehort  auch  uns  mit  an 
Der  Bard  und  Krieger  Ossian, 
Und  mehr  noch  als  den  Engellandern  an.31 

Klopstock  further  complicated  the  Nordic  past  by  causing  all  its  heroes, 
Celtic  and  Germanic  alike,  to  adopt  the  Eddie  mythology.  His  adherents 
did  likewise.  He  next  felt  moved  to  revise  his  earlier  poems  accordingly. 
Again  his  adherents  followed  him.  Still  later  he  repented  his  all  too 
lavish  Northern  decoration  and  revised  some  of  it  away.  His  unbounded 
admiration  lasted  from  about  1762  to  1775.  By  1762  he  had  sufficient 
proficiency  in  English  to  read  the  simple  sentences  of  Macpherson  in 
the  original. 

It  is  not  easy  to  isolate  Macpherson's  influence  on  Klopstock,  for  the 
Bible,  Homer,  Milton,  and  certain  Latin  poets  form,  to  a  large  extent, 

30  Klopstock  und  seine  Freunde,  ed.  Schmidt,  Halberstadt,  1810,  II  214.  Letter  to 
Gleim,  June  31  [sic],  1769. 

31  Epigram  183  in  Hamburgische  neue  Zeitung  1771,  reprinted  in  Die  deutsche  Ge- 
lehrtenrepublik,  ed.  1;  omitted  from  ed.  2. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  129 

the  basis  of  the  style  of  both;  but  certain  specifically  Ossianic  traits  can 
be  first  distinguished  in  the  odes  written  in  1764-1767  and  in  the  first 
"Bardiet,"  Die  Hermanns- Schlacht.  The  influence  is  less  obvious  in  the 
later  odes  and  "  Bardie te,"  and  on  the  latter  part  of  the  Messias,  which 
alone  could  come  into  consideration,  its  effect  has  never  been  demon- 
strated. 

The  best  criterion  of  the  Ossianic  influence  on  Klopstock  is  the  external 
use  of  the  Ossianic  machinery  and  decoration.  The  "dark,  dim,  distant, 
far,  misty,  silent"  atmosphere  of  Ossian  begins  to  pervade  Klopstock's 
poetry,  the  prophetic  element  appears,  and  spirits  of  the  dead  are  con- 
jured up.32  Klopstock's  conception  of  the  songs  of  the  bards  in  the  ode 
"Der  Hiigel  und  der  Hain,"  1767,  is  based  largely  upon  his  knowledge  of 
the  poems  of  Ossian.33  An  Ossianic  mannerism  was  the  heaping  up  of 
"as's"  and  "so's"  in  comparisons,  a  habit  which  became  stereotyped 
among  the  Ossianic  imitators.  Klopstock's  numerous  comparisons  to 
the  oak  are  all  found  in  his  dramas  following  the  year  1768,  none  in  his 
Messias.u  Klopstock  also  borrowed  the  name  of  the  royal  residence  of 
Fingal  for  his  lovers,  using  Selma  as  the  feminine  form  and  Selmar  as  the 
masculine.  Both  were  unknown  in  Germany  at  the  time  but  Selma  be- 
came a  popular  name  along  with  Mai  vine  and  Oskar  of  like  origin.  The 
bards  play  an  important  role  in  his  bardic  dramas  Die  Hermanns-Schlacht 
and  Hermann  und  die  Filrsten.  They  admonish  the  warriors:  "Horet 
Taten  der  vorigen  Zeit,"  and  they  relate  the  deeds  of  ancient  heroes  in 
Ossianic  manner.  Ossianic  similes  are  frequent.  Wind  and  breeze,  blast 
and  gale,  surge  through  these  works,  and  warrior  hosts  are  likened  to  a 
roaring  stream  pouring  down  the  hills,  or  to  a  ridge  of  mist. 

Klopstock  sought  direct  information  regarding  the  old  bards.  He  wrote 
to  Denis  in  1768:  "Macpherson,  mit  dem  ich  correspondiere,  versteht  ent- 
weder  Ossians  Quantitat  oder  das  Sylbenmafi  iiberhaupt  nicht  genug."35 
Thwarted  thus,  he  tried  again  through  Angelika  Kauffmann,  another 
admirer  of  Ossian,  tarrying  in  Scotland  in  1770:  "Konnten  Sie  nicht  in 
Edinburgh,  oder  auch  weiter  hinauf  gegen  Norden,  durch  Hiilfe  Ihrer 
Freunde,  einen  Musikus  auftreiben,  der  mir  die  Melodien  solcher  Stellen 
in  Ossian,  die  vorzuglich  lyrisch  sind  in  unsere  Noten  setzte?"36  As  late 
as  1797  we  find  him  writing  to  Bottger:  "Wissen  Sie  schon  etwas  von  der 
Ausgabe  von  Ossians  Gesangen,  die  jetzt  in  seiner  Sprache  gemacht  wird? 
1st  die  Uebersezung  getreu?  Sind  Anmerkungen  iiber  das  Zeltische 

32  "Thuiskon,"  1764;  "Rothschilds  Graber,"  1766;  "Hiigel  und  Hain,"  1767. 

33  Tombo  [449]  95  ff. 

34  J.  Koster,  liber  Klopstocks  Gleichnisse,  Programm  Iserlohn,  1878. 

35  Brief e  von  und  an  Klopstock,  ed.  J.  M.  Lappenberg,  Braunschweig,  1867,  211; 
letter  of  July  22,  1768;  cf.  ibid.,  218. 

36  Ibid.,  226. 


130      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

dabey?"37  Klopstock's  death  in  1804  deprived  him  of  the  satisfaction  of 
seeing  the  "originals,"  in  which  he  had  shown  so  keen  an  interest,  but 
from  his  private  correspondence  in  his  last  years  it  is  clear  that  he  had 
lost  faith  in  Macpherson.38 

Michael  Denis,  the  translator  of  Ossian,  became  also  one  of  Ossian's 
imitators.  Kretschmann  addressed  to  him  an  ode,  "Rhingulfs  Lied  an 
Sined,  den  Druiden  der  Harfe."  Denis  was  well  pleased  with  the  ana- 
grammatic  compliment  and  published  his  odes  in  1772  under  the  title 
Lieder  Sineds  des  Barden.  His  songs  are  the  most  anachronistic  of  all.  He 
has  ever  a  bard  at  hand  to  praise  God,  to  lament  the  death  of  Gellert, 
to  celebrate  Maria  Theresa's  "Namenstag,"  or  to  dedicate  a  national 
monument. 

Letters  from  Weisse  in  Leipzig,  Goethe  in  Frankfurt,  and  Boie  in 
Gottingen  declare  or  admit  that  the  bardic  poetry  was  not  finding  favor,39 
and  Herder  wrote:  "Eben  der  Barde  [Ossian],  der  seine  Welt  so  eigen 
und  grofi  besang  sollte  uns  lehren,  die  unsrige  eben  so  eigen  und  wahr  zu 
besingen, — nicht  zu  rauben,  nicht  einem  fremden  Jahrhundert  zu  froh- 
nen."40 

There  is  no  evidence  that  it  was  Hamann  who  first  aroused  Herder's 
enthusiasm  for  Ossian.  Hamann's  famous  declaration:  "Poesie  ist  die 
Muttersprache  des  menschlichen  Geschlechtes"  was  uttered  before  Ossian 
was  known  to  him.  As  late  as  1769  Hamann  was  still  awaiting  a  copy  of 
Ossian  from  England.41  In  the  introduction  to  the  second  edition  of  the 
Fragmente  Herder  acknowledges  indebtedness  to  the  Hamburg  transla- 
tion of  M.d.C.'s  essay,  to  Weisse's  review  in  his  Bibliothek,  and  to  Ger- 
stenberg's  Brief e  die  Merkwurdigkeiten  der  Literatur  betreffend  and  recom- 
mends these  to  his  readers,42  but  even  at  a  later  time  when  he  knew 
Ossian  through  fragmentary  translation  he  was  ready  to  assert  that  the 
poems  were  authentic  examples  of  "true"  poetry  in  Hamann's  sense. 

Shortly  before  his  departure  from  Riga  Herder  reviewed  for  the  All- 
gemeine  deutsche  Bibliothek,  1769,  the  first  volume  of  Denis's  hexametric 
translation,  containing  Macpherson's  essay  on  Ossian  but  not  Blair's 
dissertation,43  which,  as  he  wrote  to  Hamann,  he  would  have  preferred 
to  Denis's  hexametric  translation.44  In  his  review  he  compares  the  trans- 
lation of  Denis  with  the  two  Hamburg  translations  but  is  able  to  say 
nothing  in  regard  to  the  original.45 

37  AL,  III  (1874)  398. 

38  See  two  letters  quoted  by  Tombo  [449]  102. 

39  Quoted  in  Klopstocks  Werke,  ed.  R.  Hamel,  DNL,  XLVIII  xv  f. 

40  Herder,  Werke,  V  333. 

41  Herders  Lebensbild,  ed.  E.  G.  von  Herder,  Erlangen,  1846,  I  (2)  439. 

42  Herder,  Werke,  II  188. 

43  ADB,  X  1  (1769)  63-69.  Cf.  Herder,  Werke,  IV  320-325. 

44  Herders  Briefe  an  J.  G.  Hamann,  ed.  O.  Hoffmann,  Berlin,  1889,  55. 
46  Herder,  Werke,  IV  323  f. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  131 

In  France,  Herder  read  translations  of  Ossian  into  the  French  language 
and  learned  that  the  opinions  of  Suard,  Turgot,  and  Diderot  in  regard  to 
Ossian  were  as  his  own,  or,  one  should  rather  say,  that  all  agreed  with 
Blair.  On  Herder's  return,  as  he  was  in  danger  of  shipwreck  on  the  coast 
of  Holland,  he  read  Fingal,46  apparently  either  in  the  translation  of 
Wittenberg  or  of  Denis.  He  had  hoped  to  visit  England  and  Scotland: 

Da  will  ich  die  Gesange  eines  lebenden  Volks  lebendig  horen,  sie  in  alle  der  Wiirkung 
sehen,  die  sie  machen,  die  Orter  sehen,  die  allenthalben  in  den  Gedichten  leben,  die 
Reste  dieser  alten  Welt  in  ihren  Sitten  studiren!  eine  Zeitlang  ein  alter  Kaledonier 
werden.47 

Arrived  at  Amsterdam,  Herder  received  from  Nicolai  the  second 
volume  of  Denis's  translation  and  now  he  had  for  the  first  time  at  his 
disposal  a  complete  view  of  Blair's  opinions  concerning  Ossian  in  par- 
ticular and  poetry  in  general. 

Herder  sent  to  his  betrothed,  Caroline  Flachsland,  some  Ossianic 
poems  in  German,  but  these  were  not  translations  from  Macpherson's 
English,  which  Herder  did  not  possess,  but  merely  adaptations  from 
Denis's  version  which,  as  he  wrote  to  Merck,  "in  Hexametern  und 
griechischen  Sylbenmalten  so  sind,  wie  eine  aufgemalte  bebalsamte  Pa- 
pierblume  gegen  jene  lebendige,  schone,  bliihende  Tochter  der  Erde,  die 
auf  dem  wilden  Gehege  duftet."48 

When  Herder  wrote  his  "Auszug  aus  einem  Brief wechsel  liber  Ossian 
und  die  Lieder  alter  Volker,"  published  in  Von  deutscher  Art  und  Kunst 
in  1773,  he  was  obviously  strongly  under  the  spell  of  Blair's  dissertation. 
A  critic  has  recently  stressed 

"die  gemeinsame  Unterscheidung  von  Schotten  und  Skandinavern,  [den]  Hinweis 
auf  die  verschiedenen  Qualitaten  ihrer  Dichtungsarten,  das  Heranziehen  des  iden- 
tischen  Beispiels — des  vom  18.  Jahrhundert  oft  besprochenen  Liedes  von  Regner 
Lodbrog — und  die  Diskussion  der  vielen  eddischen  Metren  in  einem  und  demselben 
Zusammenhang,  und  die  Erwahnung  der  Poesie  der  amerikanischen  Indianer  im  Ver- 
gleich  mit  der  primitiven  Poesie  Europas."49 

In  1771  Goethe  sent  to  Herder  translations  of  Ossian,  in  the  prepara- 
tion of  which  he  had  painfully  consulted  the  Gaelic  "original,"50  which 
Macpherson  had  been  forced  to  invent.  This  so-called  Gaelic  fragment 
had  first  appeared  in  the  third  English  edition  of  Macpherson's  works, 
1765.  In  the  enclosing  letter  Goethe  remarked  that  the  originals  gave  an 
entirely  different  impression  from  the  English  translation.  This  inspired 

46  Ibid.,  V  169. 

47  Ibid.,  V  167. 

48  J.  H.  Mercks  Schriften  und  Briefwechsel,  ed.  K.  Wolff,  Leipzig,  1909,  II  12. 

49  Gillies  [462  [70. 

60  Goethe,  Werke,  IV  (2)  3;  Heuer  [457]  reproduces  the  original. 


132      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Herder  with  the  desire  to  prosecute  similar  studies  of  his  own.  To  that 
end  he  accepted  Goethe's  offer  of  the  copy  of  Macpherson's  Ossian  with 
the  Gaelic  "original"  and  kept  the  book  almost  a  year,  1771-1772.  Evi- 
dently Herder  had  now  for  the  first  time  temporary  possession  of  Mac- 
pherson's work.  Goethe's  comment  caused  him  to  lose  some  faith  in 
Macpherson,  but  not  in  Ossian.  In  a  review  of  the  final  volume  of  Denis's 
translation  Herder  expressed  the  hope,  1772,  "dal$  einmal  mit  Hiilfe  der 
KenntnifS  Gallischer  Sprache,  Gallischer  SylbenmaaBe  und  dem  ganzen 
Gefuhl  deutscher  Ahnenstarke  und  Einfalt,  noch  einmal  ein  anderer, 
ganz  neuer  Ofiian  erstehen  werde,  der  an  aufierer  Gestalt  wenig  von  die- 
sem  an  sich  haben  mochte."51 

As  time  passed,  Herder  was  compelled  to  modify  his  view  of  Ossian. 
From  E.  de  Harold,  whom  he  regarded  as  a  good  authority,  he  received  a 
letter  in  1775  saying:  "I  am  entirely  persuaded  that  Mr.  Macpherson 
not  only  is  the  author  of  the  English  translation  of  Ossian 's  poems,  but 
also  of  the  Celtic  originals  which  he  pretended  to  have  discovered."52 
From  now  on  a  note  of  uncertainty  can  be  detected  in  Herder's  references 
to  Ossian:  "Selbst  Ofiian,  er  mag  nun  acht  oder  glucklich  nachgeahmt 
seyn  .  .  ."  (1776)  ;53  "Sei  Oftian  ganz  alt,  oder  nur  aus  alten  Gesangen 
zusammengesetzt  und  geschaffen  ..."  (1778)  ;54  "Die  Celtische  Poesie, 
so  zart  und  fein  sie  ist  (vielleicht  durch  Macpherson  geworden)  ..." 
(1779). 55  The  latter  possibility  detracted  in  no  measure  from  Herder's 
admiration  of  the  Ossianic  poems  in  the  form  extant.  In  a  private  letter 
written  sometime  between  1775  and  1780  Herder  wrote: 

Es  konnen  nie  groCere  Kontraste  in  der  Welt  entstehen  als  Ofiian  und  Milton  in  dem, 
was  Dichtung  ist;  und  in  mehr  als  Einem  Gesichtspunkte  werden  Zeiten  kommen,  die 
da  sagen:  Wir  schlagen  Homer,  Virgil  und  Milton  zu,  und  richten  aus  Ofiian.56 

Investigations  in  the  British  Isles  during  the  next  twenty  years  fos- 
tered doubts,  but  James  Macdonald,  a  Scot,  held  in  high  esteem  in 
Weimar,  sent  Herder  in  1796  a  long  and  slightly  reassuring  letter.  Mac- 
donald insisted  that  Ossian,  the  son  of  Fingal,  was  a  bard  who  had  lived 
and  sung  in  Scotland,  though  perhaps  he  was  not  the  composer  of  the 
whole  body  of  songs  later  attributed  to  him.  Furthermore  Ossian  wrote 
songs  on  themes  that  were  treated  in  Macpherson's  poems.  Macdonald 
could  not  state  the  exact  relation  of  the  Gaelic  to  the  English  versions 
as  he  had  never  been  able  to  compare  them.57 

61  Herder,  Werke,  V  329;  cf.  ADB,  XVII  2  (1772)  446. 

62  Gillies  [462]  169. 

63  Herder,  Werke,  VIII  591. 
«  Ibid.,  VIII  391. 

65  Ibid.,  IX  317. 

66  Ibid.,  IX  543.  Cf.  IX  xviii. 
"Gillies  [462]  177. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  133 

The  growing  conviction  that  the  Ossianic  poems  were  in  good  measure 
a  hoax  could  not  fail  to  diminish  Herder's  authority  as  a  critic,  yet  he 
could  feel  that  his  literary  theory,  a  theory  shared  by  Blackwell  and 
Blair,  was  still  unaffected.  It  was  still  true  that  some  bard  of  a  land  in  a 
primitive  state  of  culture  had  produced  songs  which  reflected  the  charac- 
ter and  feelings  of  his  people,  and  these  songs  were  superior  as  lyrics  to 
all  that  the  country  in  its  more  cultivated  state  had  since  produced,  and 
as  for  Macpherson:  "Empfing  er  nur  rohen  Stof,  und  setzte  sie  mit 
Schopferhand  zusammen,  was  er  dargestellt  hat;  um  so  ruhmlicher  fur 
ihn."  (1796). 68 

It  is  not  true  that  Herder  first  made  Ossian  known  to  Goethe,  whose 
knowledge  of  Ossian,  as  of  Shakespeare,  dated  from  his  Leipzig  period, 
but  Herder's  conversations  with  Goethe  in  Strassburg  took  place  while 
Herder  was  at  work  on  his  essay,  Ossian  und  die  Lieder  alter  Volker  and 
Herder  convinced  him  that  true  poetry  was  the  poetry  of  primitive 
people.  Forthwith  Goethe  began  to  collect  folk  songs  in  the  fields  of 
Alsace,  and  addressed  his  poems  to  Friederike  in  an  unaffected  folk  tone. 
He  also  translated  the  "Song  of  Selma"  and  gave  her  a  copy  of  it.  This 
translation  is  not  to  be  confused  with  the  one  which  he  later  incorporated 
in  Werther.  After  his  return  to  Frankfurt  Goethe  joined  with  Merck, 
1773,  in  publishing  an  incomplete  reprint  of  the  English  text  of  Ossian's 
songs  for  the  title  page  of  which  Goethe  drew  the  design. 

The  melancholy  mood  of  the  Ossianic  poems  is  due  in  good  measure 
to  their  view  of  creation.  In  his  essay  Macpherson  observed:  "There  are 
no  traces  of  religion  in  the  poems  ascribed  to  Ossian";  and  again:  "We 
find  no  deity  in  Ossian's  poetry  if  fate  is  none.  .  . ."  More  precisely  the 
metaphysical  element  is  pantheistic  rather  than  fatalistic.  Individuals 
are  constantly  fused  with  nature.  In  the  passage  which  Werther  recited 
to  Lotte  there  are  examples  enough. 

Du  warst  schnell,  o  Morar,  wie  ein  Reh  auf  dem  Hiigel,  schrecklich  wie  die  Nacht- 
feuer  am  Himmel.  Dein  Grimm  war  ein  Sturm,  dein  Schwert  in  der  Schlacht  wie 
Wetterleuchten  liber  der  Heide.  Deine  Stimme  glich  dem  Waldstrome  nach  dem 
Regen,  dem  Donner  auf  fernen  Hiigeln.  Manche  fielen  von  deinem  Arm,  die  Flamme 
deines  Grimmes  verzehrte  sie.  Aber  wenn  du  wiederkehrtest  vom  Kriege,  wie  friedlich 
war  deine  Stimme!  Dein  Angesicht  war  gleich  der  Sonne  nach  dem  Gewitter,  gleich 
dem  Monde  in  der  schweigenden  Nacht,  ruhig  deine  Brust  wie  der  See,  wenn  sich 
des  Windes  Brausen  gelegt  hat. 

and  again : 

Daura,  meine  Tochter,  du  warst  schon!  Schon  wie  der  Mond  auf  den  Hiigeln  von  Fura, 
weiC  wie  der  gefallene  Schnee,  stift  wie  die  atmende  Luft!  Arindal,  dein  Bogen  war 
68  Herder,  Werke,  XVIII  452. 


134      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

stark,  dein  Speer  schnell  auf  dem  Felde,  dein  Blick  wie  Nebel  auf  der  Welle,  dein 
Schild  eine  Feuerwolke  im  Sturme! 

Werther  and  kindred  souls  denied  the  existence  of  a  personal  God  and 
professed  faith  in  an  all-God,  including  nature  and  man.  Only  such  a  god 
was  traceable  in  the  ancient  songs  of  Ossian.  Thus  Ossian  became  the 
Bible  of  the  new  religion,  the  religion  "eines  Pantheismus  seltsam  Rous- 
seauischer  Farbung."59  But  the  new  convert  was  not  happy  in  the  loss  of 
a  personal  God-father  and,  as  Schoffler  says:  "Er  tut,  was  das  plotzlich 
allein  gelassene  Kind  stets  getan  hat,  er  weint,"60  and  as  there  was  also 
nothing  in  the  new  religion  which  forbade  a  being  to  give  up  its  identity 
and  return  to  nature,  Werther's  reading  of  Ossian  to  Lotte  immediately 
before  the  climax  of  his  sufferings  seems  thus  appropriate,  even  in- 
evitable. 

In  consonance  with  Schiller's  totally  different  view  of  the  world,  his 
relation  to  Ossian  could  be  at  most  superficial.  Despite  its  Hellenic 
theme  there  is  a  dash  of  Ossianic  rhetoric  in  "Hektors  Abschied."  It  has 
been  compared  with  a  translation  of  Carrik  Thura  made  in  1781  by 
Schiller's  friend  Hoven.61  Peterson,  another  member  of  Schiller's  circle 
of  that  time,  edited  in  Tubingen  in  1782  the  poems  of  Ossian  newly 
translated  by  Heerbrandt. 

One  of  the  last  authors  to  become  affected  by  the  Ossianic  mood  was 
Ludwig  Tieck.  In  his  youth  when  the  "Sturm  und  Drang"  literature  was 
at  its  zenith  he  fell  upon  Gotz  von  Berlichingen,  Die  Rduber,  and  the 
dramas  of  Shakespeare.  Later  he  came  upon  Ossian,  perhaps  about  the 
year  1789,  or  shortly  before  writing  his  Ahnansor  and  Allamodin,  both 
of  which  are  laden  with  Ossianic  echoes  and  paraphernalia,  with  march- 
ings to  battle  and  battle  songs,  heroic  deaths  and  reappearances  of  the 
heroic  dead,  and  nature  dimmed  by  the  Ossianic  haze.  Die  eiserne  Maske, 
eine  schottische  Geschichte,  1792,  is  one  of  the  last  works  of  his  "damonisch- 
schauerliche  Richtung."  This  novel  was  begun  by  Rambach,  who  in  his 
introduction  stated  definitely  that  it  had  been  his  first  intention  to  place 
the  story  in  the  Ossianic  age.  He  enumerated  several  reasons  for  giving  up 
this  plan  but  added:  "Dies  alles  hielt  mich  indessen  noch  nicht  ab,  die 
Hauptideen  Ossians  beizubehalten."6-  Rambach  borrowed  nearly  all  the 
names  for  his  characters  from  the  Ossianic  poems  and  most  of  the  atmos- 
phere, as  well  as  the  technique  of  narration.  For  this  work  Tieck  wrote  a 
part  of  the  seventh  chapter  and  all  of  the  eighth,  the  concluding  chapter. 
To  the  earlier  chapters  he  also  contributed  two  poems  in  the  Ossianic 
style. 

59  Schoffler  [459]  14.  61  Cf.  Fielitz  [465]. 

60  Ibid.,  p.  26.  62  See  Hemmer  [466]  374. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  135 

Regarding  this  style,  as  we  have  seen,  views  were  widely  divergent.  As 
in  literature,  so  in  art  the  concept  ranged  from  the  Homeric  Greek  to  the 
almost  modern.  The  numerous  vignettes  and  frontispieces  representing 
Ossian  and  the  Ossianic  heroes  in  collections  of  poetry  during  the  eight- 
eenth century  pictured  them  sometimes  naked,  like  David,  sometimes 
in  the  mailed  armor  of  the  fifteenth  century,  and  sometimes  clothed  in  a 
vaguely  Tyrolean  costume  of  romantic  origin.63 

Before  the  end  of  the  century  Goethe  began  to  speak  disparagingly 
of  his  whilom  ideal.  While  planning,  with  the  help  of  Reichard,  to  write 
an  opera  with  an  Ossianic  background  he  wrote : 

Schon  habe  ich  in  Gedancken,  Fingaln,  Ossianen,  Schwanen  und  einigen  nordischen 
Heldinnen  und  Zauberinnen  die  Opern-Stelzen  untergebunden  und  lasse  sie  vor  mir 
auf  und  abspaziren.  Um  so  etwas  zu  machen  mufi  man  alles  poetische  Gewissen,  alle 
poetische  Scham  nach  dem  edeln  Beyspiel  der  Italianer  ablegen.64 

With  a  similar  irony  Goethe  referred  to  Ossian  in  1829  in  a  conversation 
with  Henry  Crabb  Robinson.  Robinson  reports: 

Something  led  him  to  speak  of  Ossian  with  contempt.  I  remarked:  "The  taste  for 
Ossian  is  to  be  ascribed  to  you  in  a  great  measure.  It  was  Werther  that  set  the  fashion." 
He  smiled  and  said:  "That's  partly  true;  but  it  was  never  perceived  by  the  critics  that 
Werther  praised  Homer  while  he  retained  his  senses  and  Ossian  when  he  was  going 
mad.  But  reviewers  do  not  notice  such  things."  I  reminded  Goethe  that  Napoleon 
loved  Ossian.  "It  was  the  contrast  with  his  own  nature,"  Goethe  replied;  "he  loved 
soft  and  melancholy  music.  Werther  was  among  his  books  at  St.  Helena."66 

More  seriously  Goethe  made  reference  to  Ossian  in  a  review  of  Volks- 
lieder  der  Serben.  Here  he  distinguished  the  genuine  folk  poetry  of  the 
Serbs  from  the  artificial  poetry  of  Macpherson's  Ossian:  "Es  ist  nicht 
wie  mit  dem  nordwestlichen  Ossianischen  Wolkengebilde,  das  als  ge- 
staltlos,  epidemisch  und  contagids  in  ein  schwaches  Jahrhundert  sich 
hereinsenkte  und  sich  mehr  als  billigen  Antheil  erward."66 

It  is  true  the  furor  for  the  fictitious  Ossian  had  its  ridiculous  aspects, 
but  before  it  died  out  German  literature  was  better  off  because  of  the 
attack.  An  indispensable  essay  by  Herder,  and  a  classic  passage  in 
Werther  were  among  its  products  and  at  the  end  there  was  more  accurate 
distinction  between  Celts,  Scandinavians,  and  Germans,  and  a  new  con- 
ception of  "wahre  Poesie." 

63  Van  Tieghem  [451  ]  255. 

64  Goethe,  Werke,  IV  (18)  41 ;  letter  to  J.  P.  Reichardt,  November  8,  1790;  cf.  letter 
to  Reichardt,  December  10,  1790;  Goethe,  Werke,  IV  (9)  165. 

65  Robinson,  Diary,  II  432;  August  2,  1829. 

66  Goethe,  Werke,  I  (42)  251. 


Chapter  XI 

PERCY'S  RELIQUES  AND  THE 
GERMAN  FOLK  SONG 

Thomas  Percy,  bishop  of  Dromore,  showed  in  various  ways  his  interest 
in  primitive  poetry.  He  sponsored  the  publication  in  English  of  the 
Chinese  story  Haou  Kiou  Chien,  found  in  a  Portuguese  manuscript,  1761, 
and  published  Five  Pieces  of  Runic  Poetry,  translated  from  the  Islandic, 
1763,  followed  by  his  version  of  the  Song  of  Solomon,  newly  translated 
from  the  original  Hebrew,  1764.  A  few  years  later  in  the  preface  to  his 
translation  of  Mallet's  Introduction  a  Vhistoire  du  Danemarck,  1770,  he 
made  the  much  needed  distinction  between  the  Germanic  and  the  Celtic 
races.  To  posterity  he  is  chiefly  known,  however,  as  the  collector  of  the 
Reliques  of  Ancient  English  Poetry,  1765.  According  to  his  own  account 
he  rescued  from  the  hands  of  a  serving  maid,  who  was  about  to  kindle  a 
fire,  a  folio  manuscript  containing  a  collection  of  folk  songs;  to  these  he 
added  others  from  the  Pepys  Collection  at  Cambridge,  friends  of  note 
contributed  still  others,  and  he  was  thus  enabled  to  publish  a  large  body 
of  verse  in  1765,  five  years  after  Macpherson's  Ossian  had  prepared  the 
public  for  it. 

He  prefaced  his  collection  with  apologies  which  seem  uncalled  for,  in 
view  of  the  favor  which  such  songs  had  found  in  the  British  Isles.  Sir 
Philip  Sidney  was  one  of  the  first  defenders  of  folk  poetry.  In  his  Apologie 
for  Poetry  he  said,  as  later  Herder  did,  that  the  poetic  feeling  was  uni- 
versal and  was  to  be  found  "even  among  Turks  and  Indians."  He  said 
he  never  heard  the  old  song  "Percy  and  Douglas"  ("Chevy  Chase"),  no 
matter  how  badly  rendered  by  "some  blinde  crouder,"  without  finding 
his  heart  "mooved  more  then  with  a  trumpet;"1  but,  like  Addison  and 
unlike  Herder,  he  used  the  classics  as  his  standard  of  judgment  and  said 
that  the  ballad  would  be  still  more  powerful  in  a  Pindaric  measure.  The 
Elizabethan  age  had  not  scorned  popular  poetry.  Wandering  singers  told 
before  Queen  Elizabeth  the  tales  of  Robin  Hood  and  Adam  Bell,  and 
Shakespeare  met  the  taste  of  his  time  in  preserving  and  creating  so  many 
folk  songs.  The  revolution  and  restoration  brought  the  folk  song  into 
disrepute  for  a  short  time,  but  Addison  opened  up  a  new  period  of  interest 
with  his  Spectator.  He  said  that  Lord  Dorset  and  Dryden  both  shared  his 
admiration  of  popular  poetry2  and  asserted  that  the  ballad  "Percy  and 

1  Spectator,  no.  70.  The  Chevy  Chase,  which  Addison  quotes,  was  not,  however,  the 
one  which  "mooved"  Sidney,  but  a  greatly  modified  version  of  more  recent  date.  Cf. 
Percy,  Reliques  .  .  .,  ed.  Wheatley,  London,  1910,  I  23  and  I  252. 

2  Spectator,  no.  85. 

[136] 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  137 

Douglas"  is  not  inferior  to  the  poetry  of  Homer,  Vergil,3  and  Milton  in 
majesty  and  simplicity,  to  which  Dr.  Wagstaffe  mockingly  retorted  that 
there  was  much  of  the  Vergilian  spirit  in  "Tom  Thumb."  Unabashed, 
Prior  and  others  began  to  imitate  the  old  ballads.  In  1723  a  collection  of 
ballads  appeared  citing  Addison's  words  by  way  of  apology,  and  in  1724 
Ramsey  produced  his  collection  of  old  Scottish  songs.  Percy  still  hesi- 
tated to  publish  his  Reliques,  nor  would  he  have  ventured  it  but  for  the 
encouragement  of  such  friends  as  Addison,  William  Shenstone,  and 
Samuel  Johnson.4 

Since  the  time  his  Reliques  appeared,  Percy's  name  has  been  connected 
with  the  revival  of  interest  in  popular  poetry  not  only  in  England  but  in 
Germany  as  well.  Extreme  assertions  have  been  made  in  regard  to  Ger- 
many and  the  entire  relation  needs  cautious  reexamination.  In  Germany, 
an  interest  in  folk  poetry  had  begun  to  manifest  itself  before  the  middle 
of  the  eighteenth  century.  In  the  earliest  days  the  perpetuation  of  folk 
songs  was  dependent  entirely  upon  oral  tradition,  but  from  the  fifteenth 
century  on  there  were  written  collections,  which  became  more  numerous 
with  the  general  introduction  of  printing.5  Then  racial  pride  came  to  the 
support  of  the  folk  song  as  the  Germanic  past  was  gradually  discovered. 
Tacitus's  Germania  became  known  in  1460,  the  elder  Edda  in  1642.  Early 
writers  like  Mallet,  in  his  before-mentioned  Introduction,  and  Klopstock 
in  his  bardic  songs,  confused  races  and  made  no  distinction  between 
Cymbrians,  Scandinavians,  Anglo-Saxons,  and  ancient  Germans. 

Gerstenberg,  as  we  have  seen,6  in  his  Brief e  uber  die  Merkwurdigkeiten 
der  Literatur  was  better  informed.  In  the  eighth  of  these  letters,  1766,7  he 
gave  specimens  of  Danish  songs  from  the  Kidmpe-Viiser,  which  Herder 
later  included  in  his  collection.  At  the  same  time  Gerstenberg  began  to 
voice  his  protest  against  the  cold  poetry  of  pure  reflexion  and  commended 
the  Reliques  to  his  readers. 

In  his  Inquiry  into  the  Life  and  Writings  of  Homer,  1735,  Blackwell  had 
written:  "Poetry  was  before  prose."  Hamann  listened  to  the  songs  of  the 
peasants  of  Kurland  and  Livland  and  applied  his  observations  to  the 
study  of  the  Homeric  measure,8  and  in  his  Sokratische  Denkwiirdigkeiten, 
1759,  he  recast  Blackwell's  plain  statement  into  the  memorable  form: 
"Poesie  ist  die  Muttersprache  des  menschlichen  Geschlechtes." 

Herder's  interest  in  the  folksong  was  doubtless  first  kindled  by  Hamann, 

3  Ibid.,  no.  74. 

4  Percy,  Reliques,  1910;  I  8,  12,  14. 

5  Kircher  [475]  3. 

6  See  p.  126,  above. 

7  DLD,  XXIX  (1890)  59-62. 

8  See  Pfau  [455]  and  Forster,  Bemuhungen  um  das  Volkslied  vor  Herder,  Programm, 
Marburg,  1913. 


138      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

and  without  the  example  of  Percy  he  would  doubtless  have  supported 
this  new  thesis  sooner  or  later  with  an  anthology  of  folksongs,  for  he 
began  his  collection  before  1765,9  prompted  perhaps  by  the  runic  odes 
of  Mallet,  1756,  and  by  the  German  translations  of  Macpherson's  poetry. 
The  Reliques  no  doubt  served  to  heighten  his  ardor.  He  received  them 
from  Raspe  on  August  4,  1771. 10  He  read  Percy  along  with  "Ossian," 
Shaftesbury,  and  Shakespeare  assiduously  during  the  lonely  Biickeburg 
period  1771  and  began  the  first  draft  of  his  essay  Uber  Ossian  und  die 
Lieder  alter  Volker.  As  a  result  of  its  publication  in  1773  the  German 
concept  of  folksong  was  narrowed  down  somewhat  but  it  still  remained 
wider  and  vaguer  than  Percy's.  Herder  applied  the  term  only  occasionally 
to  songs  of  antiquarian,  historical,  and  nationalistic  interest,  which 
Percy  had  almost  solely  in  view  and  more  frequently  to  poems  which  can 
readily  be  sung,  and  to  the  songs  of  primitive  life  in  his  own  day  and 
in  the  past. 

By  dint  of  this  last  inclusion  Herder  came  perhaps  unwittingly  into 
competition  with  Percy.  It  is  not  certain  that  he  knew  Percy  to  have 
been  the  translator  of  the  anonymously  published  Song  of  Songs,  1764, 
for  he  made  no  mention  of  him  in  his  Lieder  der  Liebe,  1778.  Both  trans- 
lators followed  the  controversy  regarding  the  poems,  in  which  Benjamin 
Kennicott,  Robert  Lowth,  and  Thomas  Harmer  in  England,  and  D.  M. 
Michaelis  in  Germany  participated.  Percy  took  pains  to  deny  his  agree- 
ment with  Michaelis,  that  the  songs  were  in  no  sense  allegorical,  hence 
strictly  secular  and  therefore  to  be  excluded  from  the  Scripture,  but  this 
was  little  more  than  a  sop  to  the  orthodox.  In  reality  for  him  as  for  Herder 
their  beauty  was  sufficient  to  demand  inclusion.11  Herder  denied  the 
allegorical  intent  of  the  poems,  but  defended  their  place  in  the  Bible.  "Es 
ist  ein  abgeschmackter  Wahn  unsres  Lustrums,  dafi  die  Bibel  eine 
Spreu-Tenne  kahler  Moralen  und  trockener  Akroame  seyn  miifie."12  The 
songs  were  at  any  rate  a  genuine  document,  "ein  Abdruck  nehmlich  von 
dem  Geschmack,  von  der  Liebe,  von  der  Uppigkeit  und  Zier,  wie  sie  zu 
Salomons  Zeit,  und  sonst  nimmer  im  Hebraischen  Volk  lebten."13  For 
him  they  were  "Liebeslieder  einfaltiger  unverkiinstelter  Volker,"  and 
therefore  as  genuine  as  the  songs  of  Ossian.14  Goethe  agreed  with  Herder's 
interpretation  of  the  songs  and  exalted  them  for  similar  reasons  in  com- 
ments on  the  Westostlicher  Divan.15  At  the  time  of  his  first  tutelage  under 

9  Herders  Lebensbild,  ed.  E.  G.  von  Herder,  Erlangen,  1846,  I  (3:1)  xv  and  Lokre 
[474]  9. 

10  R.  Haym,  Herder  .  .  .,  Berlin,  1880,  I  473. 
u  Clark  [492]  1091-1095. 

12  Herder,  Werke,  VIII  543. 

13  Ibid.,  VIII  535. 

14  Ibid.,  VIII  591. 

15  Goethe,  Werke,  I  (7)  7  f. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  139 

Herder,  Goethe's  conception  of  the  folk  song  was  more  restricted,  and 
for  him  it  was  enough  to  go  out  into  the  fields  of  Alsace  and  collect 
twelve  songs,  two  of  which  went  into  Herder's  collection. 

Bielschowsky  says  with  but  little  exaggeration:  "Der  Tau  des  Volks- 
liedes  entwickelte  Goethes  Lyrik  iiber  Nacht  zu  voller  Bllitenpracht. 
Duftigere  Lieder  als  das  'Mailied'  und  das  'Heidenroslein'  und  stim- 
mungsvollers  als  'Willkommen  und  Abschied'  hat  Goethe  nicht  mehr 
gedichtet,"16  but  Lohre  reminds  us:  "so  wehte  die  Luft  am  Rheine  selbst 
zu  liederreich,  um  einem  Einspinnen  in  die  fremde  Welt  giinstig  zu  sein,"17 
and  no  one  can  assert  that  his  "Erlkonig"  and  his  "Konig  in  Thule"  so 
much  resemble  the  British  ballads  of  the  Percy  collection  that  they  could 
have  no  other  inspiration. 

Granted  that  the  love  of  the  folk  song  had  a  spontaneous  origin  in 
Germany,  the  Percy  collection  lent  sanction  from  first  to  last  to  the  new 
taste  and  served  as  a  model  for  the  German  collectors.  In  the  earliest 
review  of  the  Reliques  in  Germany  the  critic  Raspe  expressed  the  desire 
for  a  German  Percy.18  Gerstenberg  commended  Percy  to  his  readers  the 
next  year.  Boie  planned  a  collection  of  English  songs  but  hesitated  to 
compete  with  Herder,  until  Herder  in  a  private  letter  of  July  3,  1776, 
gave  him  a  free  hand  with  respect  to  Percy.19  The  collection  was  never 
published,  but  Boie  printed  many  folk  songs  in  the  Deutsches  Museum, 
1776-1791,  and  other  contemporary  journals  were  almost  equally  hos- 
pitable to  such  poetry.20  Boie's  "Lore  am  Tore"  is  an  adaptation  of 
Henry  Carey's  "Sally  in  our  alley."  Under  the  name  of  Daniel  Wunder- 
lich,  Burger  called  for  a  German  Percy  in  1776,  and  in  his  HerzensausguB 
iiber  Volkspoesie  he  hoped  for  a  collection  in  no  respect  inferior  to  the 
English.  His  actual  knowledge  of  the  English  collection  at  that  time,  to 
be  sure,  may  have  been  derived  exclusively  from  Herder's  essay  on 
Ossian  of  1773.  Herder  had  said:  "Glauben  Sie  mir,  daB  wenn  wir  in 
unseren  Provinzialliedern,  jeder  in  seiner  Provinz  nachsuchten,  wir  viel- 
leicht  noch  Stticke  zusammenbrachten,  vielleicht  die  Halfte  der  Dods- 
lei'schen  Sammlung  von  Reliques,  aber  die  derselben  beinahe  an  Werth 
gleich  kame!"21  In  the  same  year  Voss  followed  in  the  footsteps  of  Percy 
and  Herder  and  urged  his  friends  to  collect  old  songs  such  as  he  believed 
he  had  heard  in  Mecklenburg,  and  in  1775  he  offered  himself  to  the  Mark- 
graf  von  Baden  as  a  "Landdichter." 

16  Bielschowsky,  Goethe  .  .  .,  ed.  16,  Munchen,  1908,  I  120. 

17  Lohre  [474]  24. 

18  NBSWFK,  I  (1765)  176  and  II  (1766)  54-89. 

19  Karl  Weinhold,  Heinrich  Christian  Boie,  Halle,  1868,  182. 

20  Re  these  translations  see  Wagener  [473]. 

21  Herder,  Werke,  V  190. 


140      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

The  advance  of  the  folk  song  in  Germany  was  by  no  means  uncon- 
tested even  after  the  appearance  of  Herder's  essay,  and  one  of  the  earliest 
and  doughtiest  opponents  was  the  rationalist  Nicolai.  He  tried  in  vain 
to  secure  for  his  campaign  the  support  of  Lessing,  who  had  already  shown 
a  favoring  interest  in  the  folk  song.22  With  Ramler  he  was  more  success- 
ful.23 Nicolai's  Feyner,  kleyner  Almanack  vol  schonerr  echterr  liblicherr 
Volckslieder,  lustigerr  Reyen  undt  kleglicherr  Mordgeschichten,  1777,  was 
intended  as  a  jibe  especially  at  Burger's  HerzensausguB  and  Herder's 
Briefwechsel  uber  Ossian.  It  deterred  the  collectors  in  no  wise,  but  served 
rather  to  point  the  way  to  new  sources.  In  the  same  year  an  enthusiastic 
amateur  collector,  Ursinus,  produced  a  volume  of  no  great  merit,  en- 
titled Balladen  und  Lieder  altenglischer  und  altschottischer  Dichtart,  1777. 
Only  two  of  the  poems,  "Lord  Thomas  and  Fair  Ellinor"  and  "King 
Leir,"  were  especially  translated  for  this  collection;  the  others  were 
reprints.  As  an  introduction  to  the  collection,  Eschenburg  translated 
Percy's  essay  on  the  ancient  minstrels  in  England,  which  had  appeared 
simultaneously  with  the  Reliques.  The  romantic  ideas  here  expressed 
had  already  been  corrected  in  England.  This  moderately  good  work  of 
Ursinus  was  received  with  great  favor  by  the  public  and  by  critics  like 
Boie  and  Burger. 

Herder's  collection,  Alte  Volkslieder,  englisch  und  deutsch  zusammen, 
was  completed  in  1773,  was  sent  to  the  printer,  but  as  a  result  of  some 
difficulties  was  withdrawn.  The  second  book  of  this  collection  was  en- 
titled "Lieder  aus  Shakespear."  It  is  noteworthy  that  this  Shakespeare 
collection,  in  its  original  form  of  1773,  was  based  exclusively  on  Dodd's 
Beauties  of  Shakespeare. ,24  During  1772-1774  Herder  sent  some  transla- 
tions from  the  Reliques  to  the  Gottinger  Musenalmanach.25  These  were, 
however,  not  folk  songs.  Early  in  1778  he  sent  his  manuscript  again  to 
the  printer.  The  work  appeared  in  four  volumes.  The  plan  was  now 
broader  in  its  scope,  and  many  nations  were  included.  The  selections 
were  different  and,  where  the  old  songs  were  retained,  revisions  had  been 
made  in  their  rendering.  The  older  form  imitated  the  original  poems  more 
closely;  the  newer  translations  were  more  highly  polished.  In  the  new 
draft  Herder  abandoned  an  ethnographic  for  an  esthetic  arrangement. 
The  introductions  to  the  first,  third,  and  fourth  volumes  were  later  fused 
into  an  essay  Von  Ahnlichkeiten  der  mittleren  englischen  und  deidschen 
Dichtung,  1777,  which  constituted  an  inquiry  into  the  origin  and  develop- 
ment of  folk  song.  Into  his  Volkslieder  of  1778  Herder  took  over  some 

22  Lessing,  Schriften,  VIII  75. 

23  Lessing,  Briefwechsel  mit  Karl  Wilhelm  Ramler,  Berlin,  1794,  372  f.,  381,  387-391. 

24  Leitzmann  [816]  61. 

26  For  a  list  see  Lohre  [474]  20. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  141 

poems  from  Percy  which  were  not  folk  songs,  but  he  did  not  fail  to  include 
the  best  of  the  popular  ballads,  such  as  "Edward,"  "Patrick  Spence," 
and  "Chevy  Chase."  He  continued  his  interest  in  the  folk  song,  added  to 
his  collection,  and  laid  plans  for  a  new  edition  of  the  collection  "ver- 
mehrt,  nach  Landern,  Zeiten,  Sprachen,  Nationen  geordnet  und  aus 
ihnen  erklart,  eine  lebendige  Stimme  der  Volker,  ja  der  Menschheit 
selbst,"26  thus  returning  to  the  ethnographic  principle  which  he  had 
abandoned  in  1777.  He  died  soon  after  sketching  this  plan,  1803,  but 
others  had  begun  to  carry  on  the  work  he  had  started  in  1773,  notably 
Bodmer  and  Bothe. 

Shortly  after  the  publication  of  Herder's  Volkslieder  appeared  two  of 
the  most  remarkable  of  the  early  collections,  Bodmer 's  Altenglische 
Balladen,  1780,  and  his  Altenglische  und  altschwdbische  Balladen,  1781. 
Bodmer  was  led  to  this  production  by  his  interest  in  English  literature 
and  in  the  Middle  Ages.  Since  Herder's  collection  included  songs  of  many 
peoples  it  could  include  few  from  any  one  country.  Bodmer  gave  German 
translations  of  Percy  more  abundantly  than  any  predecessor.  The  first 
volume  contained  twenty-five  numbers  from  Percy,  and  the  next  thir- 
teen. Bodmer  preferred  ballads  of  knightly  content,  but  he  selected 
genuine  folk  songs,  avoiding  the  affected  and  artificial.  The  tinge  of 
Swiss  dialect  becomes  them  well,  but  they  are  often  unmusical  and 
monotonous.  The  staunch  advocate  of  rhymeless  verse  began  bravely 
to  rhyme  in  his  eighty-second  year  and  was  well  pleased  with  his  results. 
In  the  introduction  to  the  second  volume  he  called  particular  attention 
to  the  strophe : 

tjber  die  Haide  hinweg  im  Grande 

Sich  schmiegend,  wohin  kein  Auge  kunnte, 

Schnitten  die  Beiden  sich  fort  a.  leur  aise 

Etliche  Bissen  von  frischem  Kase. 

The  next  important  collection  did  not  appear  until  1795.  In  Friedrich 
Heinrich  Bothe's  Volkslieder,  nebst  untermischten  anderen  Stiicken  about 
half  of  the  numbers  were  from  Percy.  In  making  his  selections  Bothe 
showed  that  he  did  not  fear  competition  with  Ursinus  and  Bodmer,  but 
he  avoided  the  pieces  that  Herder  had  translated,  thereby  excluding  some 
of  the  best  Percy  ballads. 

Bothe's  was  the  last  German  anthology  of  the  century  to  draw  to  any 
extent  upon  the  Reliques,  but  Kosegarten,  beginning  1800  in  the  Got- 
tinger  Musenalmanach,  Haug,  in  the  second  volume  of  his  Epigramme 
und  vermischte  Gedichte,  Berlin,  1805,  and  Seckendorf,  in  his  Musen- 
almanach, 1807-1808,  brought  new  translations  from  Percy  of  varying 

26  Herder,  Werke,  XXIV  266. 


142      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

value.  From  1795  on,  however,  interest  in  the  German  folk  song  pre- 
dominated. One  of  the  most  active  of  the  collectors  and  commentators 
was  one  Grater,  who  in  his  Bragur  made  many  valuable  contributions 
to  the  study  of  the  folk  song  and  laid  down  a  program  for  a  collection  of 
songs  that  should  be  representative  of  various  Germanic  ethnographic 
groups  and  the  various  classes.  In  the  1790's  the  Bragur  was  in  fact  the 
chief  organ  of  the  lovers  of  the  folk  song27  and  a  direct  predecessor  of 
Des  Knaben  Wunderhorn.  Grater  sent  forth  a  call  for  the  music  of  the 
folk  songs  in  an  article  founded  upon  a  Scottish  essay  which  he  had  dis- 
covered and  translated.  The  essay  had  been  written  by  William  Tytler 
and  read  before  the  Society  of  the  Antiquaries  of  Scotland. 

A  final  question  concerns  the  influence  of  the  Percy  collection  on 
Burger's  "Lenore"  in  particular.  Previous  to  the  year  1773  the  ballad 
was  usually  the  product  of  the  "Bankelsanger,"  and  its  usual  theme  was 
some  grotesque  "Mordgeschichte."  Burger's  earlier  ballads  were  of  this 
type,  but  his  "Lenore"  marks  a  turn  to  a  somewhat  more  serious  treat- 
ment. From  the  beginning,  the  critics  repeated  the  statement  that 
"Lenore"  was  the  first  fruit  of  the  interest  in  Percy,  and  accepted  the 
assertion  that  the  Religues  were  Burger's  "Handbuch,"  his  "Morgen-  und 
Abendandacht"  as  early  as  1769  or  1770. 28  These  errors  go  back  to 
Burger's  earliest  biographer,  Althof.29  To  him  Boie  wrote  in  1794:  "Mein 
Handbuch  waren  damals  Percys  Relicks  und  sie  wurden  auch  das  seinige, 
ohne  auf  seinen  Geist  zu  wirken,  wie  sie  nachher  gethan  haben,"30  but, 
as  the  context  shows,  the  word  "damals"  refers  not  to  1769-1770  but 
rather  to  1771,  and  even  so  Boie's  memory  was  at  fault,  for  until  1773 
neither  of  them  possessed  a  copy  of  the  collection.  Boie  wrote  to  Merck 
early  in  that  year:  "Ich  besitze  jetzt  auch  das  Tea-Table  Miscellany  und 
erwarte  mit  nachster  Gelegenheit  die  Religues  aus  England."31  The 
records  of  the  Gottingen  library  do  not  show  that  Burger  drew  out  the 
book  from  there.  At  most  he  may  have  seen  a  contemporary  Gottingen 
reprint,  1762,  of  eleven  songs  from  Percy. 

Burger  wrote  to  Boie,  it  is  true:  "Sie  [die  Reliques]  sind  meine 
Morgen-  und  Abendandacht"  but  this  passage  too  was  long  passed  from 
critic  to  critic  with  no  date  or  the  wrong  date  attached,  but  always  with 

27  See  list  in  Lohre  [474]  132-133.  Cf.  ibid.,  107. 

28  Beyer  [487]  cleared  up  the  error  which  had  prevailed  from  the  time  of  Althof, 
Voss,  and  Schlegel  down  to  Bonet-Maury  [484]  in  1889. 

29  Althof,  Einige  Nachrichten  von  den  vornehmsten  Lebensumstdnden  G.  A.  Bur- 
gers ...,  Gottingen,  1798,  28  and  37. 

30  Brief e  von  und  an  Burger,  ed.  Strodtmann,  Berlin,  1874,  IV  259.  Since  Boie's 
memory  is  faulty  in  specific  details,  little  emphasis  can  be  placed  on  another  passage 
in  the  same  letter  referring  to  "Lenore."  "Die  Einsamkeit  auf  dem  Lande  zundete 
noch  den  Funken,  der  aus  den  Relicks  noch  bei  ihm  glomm."  Ibid.,  IV  262. 

31  Briefe  an  J.  H.  Merck  .  .  .,  ed.  Wagner,  Darmstadt,  1825,  16. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  143 

the  implication  that  it  referred  to  the  early  Gottingen  period.  In  reality 
the  statement  appears  in  a  letter  to  Boie,  April  7,  1777.32  This  was  a 
critical  year  in  Burger's  life.  His  relations  with  his  wife's  sister,  "Molly," 
disturbed  his  peace  of  mind,  he  was  beginning  to  doubt  his  dramatic 
talent,  and  he  had  postponed  indefinitely  his  plan  of  writing  a  great 
national  epic.  Even  for  the  ballad  he  no  longer  felt  any  strong  impulse. 
In  this  frame  of  mind  he  visited  Boie  for  a  few  weeks  in  Hannover  at  the 
end  of  February,  1777,  returning  at  the  beginning  of  April.  During  this 
visit  Boie  called  his  attention  quite  particularly  to  the  Reliques,  and 
Burger  thanked  him  for  it  on  his  return.  It  was  now  that  Percy  became 
his  "Morgen-  und  Abendandacht."  A  little  later  Boie  mailed  to  him  his 
copy  of  the  Reliques.  On  June  19,  1777,  Burger  wrote  to  Boie:  "Deinen 
Brief  mit  den  Old  Ballads  habe  ich  erhalten  und  bin  driiber  hergefallen 
wie  die  Fliege  auf  die  Milch.  .  .  .  Seit  ich  die  Reliques  lese,  ist  ein  gewal- 
tiges  Chaos  balladischer  Ideen  in  mir  entstanden."33  Previous  to  1777 
Burger  nowhere  displayed  a  greater  familiarity  with  the  collection  than 
that  which  might  have  been  obtained  from  Herder's  essay  and  the  ex- 
tracts in  the  Gottingische  gelehrte  Anzeigen.  It  was  not  until  his  return 
from  Hannover  in  1777  that  he  began  to  produce  such  translations  as 
"Bruder  Graurock,"  "Die  Entfuhrung,"  and  "Des  Schafers  Liebeswer- 
bung." 

With  these  traditional  errors  disposed  of,  the  real  origins  of  Burger's 
"Lenore"  begin  to  come  to  light.  Stylistically  its  direct  ancestor  was  the 
"Bankelgesang."  "  'Lenore'  ist  moritatenhaft  aufgeputscht  mit  alien 
erdenklichen  Mitteln,  die  Burger  aufbringen  konnte."34  It  was  intended 
for  declamation,  and  to  superinduce  shudders  in  the  hearers.  To  this  end 
Burger  tried  out  various  versions  to  different  audiences  during  the  several 
months  of  its  preparation.  He  recognized  its  relation  to  the  "Bankel- 
gesang" in  his  correspondence  with  Boie.35  In  the  midst  of  the  work 
appeared  Herder's  Briefwechsel  uber  Ossian  und  die  Lieder  alter  Volker, 
which  stressed  the  value  of  folk  song  and  hymns.  The  influence  of  the 
church  song  is  evident  in  Burger's  poetry,  to  be  sure,  as  early  as  1772,  but 
in  "Lenore"  line  and  line  again  is  taken  from  the  hymn  book  and  the 
whole  could  be  sung,  with  slight  adaptation,  to  the  melody  of  "Was  Gott 
tut,  das  ist  wohl  getan."36 

The  theme  of  "Lenore"  was  taken,  not,  as  has  often  been  said,  from 
"Sweet  William's  Ghost"  but  from  local  tradition.  However,  the  plots 

32  Brief e  von  und  an  Burger,  II  61. 

33  Ibid.,  87. 

34  Sternitzke  [488]  22. 

35  Brief e  von  und  an  Burger,  I  131  and  176. 

36  Reuschel  in  Euphorion,  XXIV  (1922)  164  f. 


144      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

of  the  two  poems  have  much  in  common  and,  moreover,  the  English 
song  has  several  traits  in  common  with  the  German  "Bankelgesang."  A 
comparison  of  the  two  poems  shows  that  many  a  strain  of  the  one  went 
into  the  other.37  Burger,  however,  first  read  "Sweet  William's  Ghost" 
not  in  the  Percy  collection,  but  probably  in  Ramsay's  Tea-Table  Miscel- 
lany as  translated  by  Herder  in  his  essay  on  Ossian.  At  all  events  he  was 
familiar  with  the  English  original.38 

Shakespeare  too  quite  certainly  had  his  share  in  the  development  of 
Burger's  "Lenore."  Burger's  enthusiasm  for  Shakespeare  was  at  its 
height,  and  what  particularly  appealed  to  him  was  the  uncanny  element. 
To  Boie  he  wrote  in  May,  1776,  that  if  "Lenore"  is  read  under  favorable 
conditions,  "so  sollen  alien  die  Haare,  wie  in  Macbeth,  zu  Berge  stehen,"39 
and  in  the  following  August : 

I  could  a  tale  unfold,  whose  lightest  word 

Will  harrow  up  your  souls,  freeze  your  young  blood, 

Make  your  two  eyes,  like  stars,  start  from  their  spheres 

Your  knotty  and  combined  locks  to  part, 

And  each  particular  hair  to  stand  on  end, 

Like  quills  upon  the  fretful  porcupine.40 

There  are  many  verses  in  "Lenore"  reminiscent  of  Shakespeare:  "Den 
Hagedorn  durchsaust  der  Wind,"  "Schlafst,  Liebchen,  oder  wachst  du?", 
"Ich  wittre  Morgenluft."41  It  may  be  added  that  Burger's  "Lenardo  und 
Blandine,"  which  immediately  followed  "Lenore,"  is  a  product  of  the 
misuse  of  Shakespeare  rather  than  the  wise  use  of  the  English  ballad, 
"Little  Musgrave  and  Lady  Barnard."  Burger  may  well  have  come  upon 
the  theme  in  Boccaccio  but  there  is  evidence  that  he  probably  knew  the 
English  version  as  well.42 

In  1777,  immediately  after  his  inspiring  visit  with  Boie,  Burger  began 
to  utilize  energetically  material  derived  from  the  Reliques.  In  that  year 
he  wrote  "Bruder  Graurock  und  die  Pilgerin,"  "Des  Schafers  Liebes- 
werbung,"  "Die  Entfuhrung,"  and  "Frau  Schnips."  "Der  Kaiser  und 
der  Abt,"  and  "Graf  Walter"  appeared  much  later,  1785  and  1789.  The 
degree  of  dependence  on  the  Reliques  in  these  compositions  is  various.43 

The  other  members  of  the  "Gottinger  Bund"  did  not  concern  them- 

37Blomker  [218]  14-17. 

38  Ibid.,  16. 

39  Brief e  von  und  an  Burger,  I  120. 

40  Ibid.,  I  132. 

41  King  Lear  III  4,  v.  47;  ibid.,  Ill  6,  v.  43;  Hamlet,  I  5,  v.  58. 
42Blomker  [218]  24. 

«  Ibid.,  27-50;  cf.  Wicke  [237]  66-68.  The  English  poems  in  question  are:  "The 
friar  of  orders  gray,"  "The  child  of  Elle,"  "The  wanton  wife  of  Bath,"  "King  John 
and  the  Abbot  of  Canterbury,"  "Child  Waters,"  and  Marlowe's  "The  passionate 
shepherd  to  his  love." 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  145 

selves  particularly  with  the  Reliques.  Holty  borrowed  the  copy  from  the 
Gottingen  library,  November  23,  1770,  returning  it  on  December  8,  and 
Johann  Martin  Miller  looked  at  it  in  the  library,  but  there  is  no  evidence 
that  it  made  an  impression  on  either  of  them.  Holty  indeed  at  no  time 
laid  much  stress  upon  the  Percy  ballads.  The  suggestion  for  his  "Adelstan 
und  Roschen"  might  have  come  from  several  sources  other  than  Percy.44 
Miller  showed  the  influence  of  Percy  only  to  the  extent  of  selecting 
Marlowe's  "The  Passionate  Shepherd  to  His  Love,"  one  of  the  least 
popular  of  the  poems  in  the  collection,  for  translation,  1773.  Voss's  first 
adaptation  from  the  Reliques,  "Der  Flausrock"  ("Take  thy  old  cloak 
about  thee")  did  not  appear  until  1790. 

Meanwhile  other  groups  were  busy  elsewhere,  as  we  have  seen,  some 
translating  old  English  verses  for  journals  and  collections,  others  pro- 
ceeding from  translation  to  adaptation.  Goethe  with  his  "Rastlose 
Liebe,"  1776,  which  is  related  to  "Love  will  Find  a  Way,"  and  as  late  as 
1816  with  his  ballad  "Die  Kinder  horen  es  gerne,"  adapted  from  "The 
Beggar's  Daughter  of  Bednall  Green,"  and  similarly  Uhland  and  the 
romanticists  and  later  Dahn,  Fontane,  and  many  others.45 

German  interest  in  the  German  folk  song  is  not  in  itself  evidence  of 
the  influence  of  Percy.  What  is  the  specific  difference  in  the  qualities  of 
English  and  German  folk  poetry,  and  was  the  English  quality,  if  it 
existed,  conveyed  in  any  measure  to  the  German  folk  song  through  the 
medium  of  Percy's  collection?  To  distinguish  the  specific  influence  of 
the  English  folk  song  from  the  general  influence  of  the  Germanic  folk 
song  is  a  problem  which  would  tax  the  subtlest  criticism  to  little  profit. 
It  must  be  remembered  that  the  old  folk  song  originated  at  a  period  in 
the  Middle  Ages  when  the  English,  Scotch,  and  German  peoples  were 
more  alike  than  later  in  temperament  and  view  of  the  world,  that  is  to 
say,  before  the  British  trend  toward  collectivism  and  the  German  toward 
individualism  had  developed. 

It  remains  true  that  the  Percy  collection  was  an  important  factor  in 
the  development  of  the  newer  and  more  natural  poetry,  operating  by  dint 
of  its  superiority,  if  not  by  its  priority.  The  demand  for  a  German  collec- 
tion was  expressed  in  terms  of  a  demand  for  a  German  Percy.  When 
opposition  arose  to  the  ancient  and  simpler  poetry,  the  Percy  collection 
served  as  sanction  for  the  enthusiasts ;  and  when  later  a  more  dangerous 
apathy  set  in,  the  English  interest  in  the  songs  of  Percy  helped  to  keep 
alive  the  German  zeal  until  at  length  Des  Knaben  Wunderhorn  appeared, 
and  the  value  of  the  folk  song  was  definitely  established. 

44  Beyer  [487]  4  f.  and  Rhoades  [251]  22,  24,  26,  35  f. 

45  Boyd  [476]. 


Chapter  XII 
THE  MORALIZING  DRAMA 

Since  the  time  of  Corneille  the  heroic  tragedy  had  stood  in  high  repute 
and  France  had  maintained  a  solitary  preeminence  in  that  branch  of 
literature.  Addison  ventured  upon  it  with  some  trepidation  with  his 
Cato,  1713,  and  awaited  the  approval  of  Pope  before  making  it  known. 
Voltaire  later  called  Cato  "le  seule  tragedie  bien  ecrite  d'un  bout  a  l'autre 
chez  votre  nation;"1  and  Haller,  in  1723,  agreed  with  him  almost  ver- 
bally, noting  in  his  Tagebuch  that  the  English  nation  has  produced  little 
in  the  realm  of  tragedy  "wo  nicht  Cato  und  einige  andere  Stiicke  diesen 
Ruhm  verdienen."2 

In  the  attempt  to  improve  upon  Addison,  Deschamps  produced  two 
years  later  a  Caton  d'Utique,  which  met  with  a  cool  reception  in  France 
and  a  cold  one  in  England,  despite  the  support  of  Addison's  political 
enemies.  Shortly  after  this  time  Gottsched  began  His  campaign  for  the 
purification  of  the  German  stage.  Having  determined  to  drive  out  the 
irregularities,  vulgarisms,  and  obscenities  that  the  English  comedians 
and  Italian  improvisers  had  introduced  and  to  put  in  their  place  the 
polite  conventions  of  the  regular  drama,  he  found  it  necessary  first  to 
provide  a  repertoire  of  plays  that  filled  his  requirements.  Since  his  ideals 
were  based  largely  upon  French  practice,  it  was  natural  for  him  to  begin 
with  translations.  But  original  plays  were  to  follow,  and  in  1731  he  pro- 
duced as  his  first  "original"  his  own  Der  sterbende  Cato,  put  together,  as 
Bodmer  and  Lessing  said,  "mit  Kleister  und  Schere"  out  of  the  plays  of 
Addison  and  Deschamps.3  Of  1648  verses,  174  are  original  with  Gott- 
sched, the  remainder  are  translated  from  the  English  and  French.4  Of 
the  two  dramas  Gottsched  chose  the  weaker  one  as  his  basis,  because  it 
was  the  more  "correct,"  but  he  chose  Addison's  fifth  act  as  the  more 
moral,  for  in  Deschamps's  play  the  hero  takes  his  own  life.  Naturally 
the  foreign  conclusion  fits  but  imperfectly  upon  Deschamps's  exposition 
and  development. 

Even  as  a  book  drama  Gottsched's  Cato  was  distinctly  successful  and 
had  passed  into  its  tenth  edition  by  1757. 5  As  a  stage  production  it  might 
almost  be  called  epoch-making,  for  Gottsched  had  already  formed  his 

1  Voltaire,  Oeuvres,  XXI  194  (Epitre  a  Mylord  Bolingbroke). 

2  A.  v.  Haller,  Tagebuch  seiner  Reisen  .  .  .,  1723-1727,  ed  Hirzel.  Leipzig,  1883,  13. 

3  Lessing,  Schriften,  VIII  42.  Cf.  Bibliography  [321].  Addison's  Cato  was  thrice 
translated  into  German  prose,  Frau  Gottsched  1735,  Anon.  1758,  and  Anon.  1763; 
and  twice  into  German  verse,  Felss  1803,  and  Boehler  1863.  See  Hegnauer  [320]  104. 
Re  Addison's  Drummer  see  Beam  [164]  36. 

4Criiger  [319]  38. 
5  Hegnauer  [320]  108. 

[146] 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  147 

alliance  with  the  Neuberin,  and  her  company  produced  the  play  with 
notable  success  in  Leipzig.  It  was  above  all  the  last  act  which  met  with 
favor.  The  company  then  took  Cato  on  a  trip  through  Germany.  Pre- 
sented as  the  first  "regular"  German  Alexandrine  original,  it  was  a  suc- 
cess in  Dresden,  Braunschweig,  Hannover,  Hamburg,  Nuremberg,  Strass- 
burg,  and  St.  Petersburg.  Everywhere  it  paved  the  way  for  the  purified 
tragedy,  and  Gottsched  was  able  to  include  in  his  Deutsche  Schaubuhne, 
1741-1745,  Pitschel's  Darius,  Johann  Elias  Schlegel's  Hermann  and  Dido, 
Quistorp's  Aurelius,  Grimm's  Banise,  Krliger's  Mahomet  IV,  and  Frau 
Gottsched's  Panthea. 

Addison's  Cato  found  imitators  in  England  as  well,  among  them  Young 
with  his  Busiris,  1719,  and  The  Revenge,  1721,  and  Thomson  with  his 
Sophonisba,  1727,  and  Agamemnon,  1738.  All  four  of  these  plays  were 
translated  into  German  between  1750  and  1758.  In  1758  Brawe  wrote 
his  tragedy  Brutus,  the  chief  literary  models  of  which  were  Lessing's 
dramatic  fragment  Kleonnis,  Voltaire's  Mahomet,  Addison's  Cato,  and 
especially  Young's  Revenge. 

These  were  all  plays  that  violated  none  of  the  proprieties  which  Gott- 
sched had  so  unequivocally  defined  in  his  Versuch  einer  critischen  Dicht- 
kunst,  1742: 

Helden  und  Prinzen  gehoren  in  die  Tragodie,  aber  .  .  .  die  Comodie  ist  nichts 
anderes,  als  eine  Nachahmung  einer  lasterhaften  Handlung,  die  durch  ihr  lacherliches 
Wesen  den  Zuschauer  belustigen,  aber  auch  zugleich  erbauen  kann.  .  .  .  Die  Personen, 
die  zur  Comodie  gehoren,  sind  ordentliche  Burger,  oder  doch  Leute  von  mafiigem 
Stande,  dergleichen  auch  wohl  zur  Noth  Barons,  Marquis  und  Graf  en  sind;  nicht,  als 
wenn  die  Grofien  dieser  Welt  keine  Thorheiten  zu  begehen  pflegten,  die  lacherlich 
waren;  nein,  sondern  weil  es  wider  die  Ehrerbiethung  lauft,  die  man  ihnen  schuldig  ist, 
sie  als  auslachenswurdig  vorzustellen.6 

The  aristocratic  convention  which  confined  tragedy  to  the  great  and 
comedy  to  the  middle  and  lower  classes  Gottsched  inherited,  like  the 
greater  part  of  his  dramatic  theory,  from  the  French.  The  dramas  of  the 
Italians  and  Spaniards  failed  to  receive  his  approval,  and  of  the  entire 
English  drama  he  singles  out  Addison's  Cato  for  favorable  mention  and 
for  imitation.  But  while  he  was  exerting  himself  in  Germany  to  per- 
petuate the  traditional  aristocratic  division  between  comedy  and  trag- 
edy, it  was  already  breaking  down  in  France  as  a  result  of  the  demo- 
cratic tendency  of  the  time  with  its  attendant  enlightened  ideas,  and  a 
more  radical  change  was  taking  place  in  England. 

The  new  well-to-do  middle  class  in  France  was  made  up  largely  of 
capable  persons  from  the  lower  walks  of  life,  chosen  to  fill  executive  or 

6  Op.  cit.,  Leipzig,  1742,  162  f.,  439  f.,  743. 


148      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

legal  positions  of  state  (noblesse  de  robe)  and  of  individuals  of  wealth  who 
were  able  to  lend  money  to  the  crown  or  the  nobility.  Both  these  classes 
had  lost  touch,  to  a  certain  extent,  with  their  humble  origins  and  were 
now  associating  with  the  nobility,  though  not  quite  on  a  footing  of 
equality.  The  situation  of  the  new  middle  class  in  England  was  even 
more  fortunate.  This  class  had  grown  rich  in  trade,  often  in  foreign  trade. 
It  felt  itself  to  be  one  of  the  most  essential  factors  in  England's  strength, 
and  far  from  seeking  entrance  into  aristocratic  circles  it  assumed  toward 
them  an  attitude  of  dignified  reserve,  a  position  of  equality,  if  not 
superiority. 

In  the  breakdown  of  the  aristocratic  convention  in  literature  it  is  little 
wonder  then  that  a  more  conservative  course  was  followed  in  France. 
The  tragedy  still  remained  there  the  exclusive  terrain  of  the  great,  but 
for  the  benefit  of  the  middle  class  the  comedy  was  elevated  in  tone.  It 
began  to  take  an  earnest  view  of  middle-class  life,  and  present  admirable 
representatives  of  the  class  on  the  stage,  along  with  the  traditional  ludi- 
crous or  culpable  figures.  Nivelle  de  la  Chaussee  was  one  of  the  first  to 
make  serious  moral  conflicts  and  tragic  situations  the  basis  of  his  plays. 
This  type  of  play  was  called  by  its  detractors  the  "comedie  larmoyante." 
Even  Voltaire  could  not  hold  himself  aloof  from  the  new  tendency 
(Nanine).  Its  theoretic  defender  was  Diderot,  the  author  of  Le  Fils  na- 
turel,  1757,  and  Le  Pere  defamille,  1758. 

Needless  to  say  the  national  division  was  not  strict.  The  sentimental 
comedy,  represented  in  England  by  Cibber,  Steele,  and  his  successors, 
found  favor  there,  and  as  early  as  1747  in  Germany.  Johann  Elias  Schle- 
gel  wrote  to  Bodmer  in  1757  that  Steele's  The  Tender  Husband  had  given 
him  the  first  suggestion  for  a  play  (Der  Triumph  der  guten  Frauen,  1748). 7 
To  the  "comedie  larmoyante"  Gottsched  was  not  consistently  opposed. 
He  included  in  his  Deutsche  Schaubiihne  three  translations  of  comedies 
by  Destouches  and  of  Moliere's  comedies  only  Le  Misanthrope.  The 
admission  of  Destouches  paved  the  way  for  the  acceptance  of  the  "wei- 
nerliche  Comodie"  of  Gellert,  and  even  the  inclusion  of  the  original  plays 
of  Frau  Gottsched,  Die  ungleiche  Heirat,  Die  Hausfranzosinn,  and  Das 
Testament  implies  some  relaxation  of  his  rules.  Conventional  characters 
with  specific  faults  still  play  a  role  in  these  dramas,  but  serious  realistic 
characters  form  the  center  of  interest.  When  Voltaire's  Nanine,  distantly 
related  to  Richardson's  Pamela,  appeared,  Gottsched  at  first  condemned 
it  as  belonging  to  a  hybrid  genre  but  later  quoted  Destouches  as  sanction 
for  it  and  preferred  it  to  plays  of  the  Moliere  type.  English  comedies 
were  condemned  on  principle  in  the  Schaubiihne  because  of  their  indecen- 

7  AL,  XIV  (1886)  50. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  149 

cies,  their  immorality,  their  frequent  change  of  scene,  their  unmotivated 
exits  and  entrances,  and  their  lack  of  unity.  For  all  this  Gottsched  was 
able  to  quote  The  Rehearsal  of  the  Duke  of  Buckingham.  He  especially 
proscribed  the  works  of  Centlivre,  Wycherley,  Cibber,  and  Etherege.8 

While  the  comedy  in  France  was  being  elevated  for  the  benefit  of  the 
middle  classes,  the  corresponding  class  in  England  was  boldly  taking 
possession  of  the  tragedy.  The  new  type  of  tragedy,  like  the  moral  weeklies, 
sought  to  impress  the  wisdom  of  sound  morality  upon  the  middle-class 
public,  but  the  virtue  it  advocated  was  not  of  an  exalted  nature.  Cupidity 
was  too  frequently  the  cause  of  guilt,  prosperity  the  sanction  of  virtue, 
and  justice  too  often  personified  by  the  executioner,  as  in  Lillo's  The 
London  Merchant  or  The  History  of  George  Barnwell,  1731,  a  dramatiza- 
tion of  a  well-known  popular  ballad.  In  it  George  Barnwell  is  led  by  the 
beguilements  of  a  harlot,  Millwood,  to  steal  money  from  his  excellent 
master,  Thorowgood,  and  finally  to  slay  his  own  uncle  in  order  to  rob  him 
of  his  wealth.  He  dies  repentant  at  the  hands  of  the  executioner  while 
Millwood  dies  defiant.  As  recently  as  sixty  years  ago  apprentices  in 
Manchester  were  allowed  a  free  afternoon  on  Shrove  Tuesday  on  condi- 
tion that  they  attend  the  performance  of  George  Barnwell.  It  is  reported, 
however,  that  they  usually  preferred  to  remain  at  work. 

In  Germany  The  London  Merchant  first  became  generally  known 
through  the  medium  of  Clement's  translation;  and  the  first  German 
version,  that  of  H.  A.  Bfassewitz] ,  despite  the  profession  of  its  title  page, 
was  clearly  done  rather  from  the  French.  A  critic  remarked  in  1757  that 
few  readers  were  aware  of  this.  In  all  the  editions  he  noted  four  common 
errors  which  had  insinuated  themselves  "in  die  franzosische,  und  aus 
diesem  in  die  deutsche  Ubersetzung."  The  name  of  the  author  was  given 
as  Tillo,  not  Lillo.  The  description  "biirgerliches  Trauerspiel"  was  not  in 
the  original,  but  accorded  with  the  French  appellation  "tragedie  bour- 
geoise."  The  name  of  the  noble-hearted  master  was  not  Sorogoud,  as 
Clement  gave  it,  but  Thorowgood.  Lillo's  tragedy  ended  at  the  moment 
before  the  execution,  but  in  the  French  and  German  editions  the  two 
final  scenes  were  omitted  entirely.  In  consternation  at  the  call  for  "lad- 
ders and  gallows  at  the  end  of  the  stage,"  and  failing  to  reflect  that  these 
could  be  discarded  at  will,  Clement  withheld  from  his  readers  the  touch- 
ing passages  which  follow.9  The  reviewer  therefore  was  moved  to  trans- 
late for  the  benefit  of  his  readers  the  English  text  of  these  passages  into 
what  proved  to  be  admirable  German.  He  was  manifestly  unaware  that 
in  his  second  edition,  "augmentee  de  deux  scenes,"  Clement  had  included 
these  final  passages  with  a  word  of  warning  to  the  sensitive  reader.  The 

8  Waniek  [238]  637. 

9  BSWFK,  I  (1757)  163  ff. 


150      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

reviewer  also  overlooked  a  fourth  discrepancy,  derived  no  doubt  from 
the  same  source.  Act  III,  scene  4,  corresponding  to  III,  2  of  the  original, 
begins  with  the  indication:  "Der  Schauplatz  ist  in  einem  Zimmer  in 
Sorogouds  Hause."  It  should  read:  "in  Milwouds  Hause." 

The  earliest  edition  of  the  Basse witz  translation  appeared  in  1752, 
as  has  been  pointed  out  elsewhere.10  The  German  authorities  have,  with 
one  voice,  asserted  that  the  Basse  witz  translation  was  first  published  in 
1757,  and  the  latest  reprint  of  the  tragedy,  edited  by  Kindermann,  1934, 
in  the  series,  "Deutsche  Literatur  in  Entwicklungsreihen,"  still  desig- 
nates the  work  as  Der  Londoner  Kaufmann  "nach  der  ersten  Ausgabe, 
1757."  It  may  be  added  that  the  editor  reprints  without  comment  the 
error  regarding  the  "Schauplatz"  of  III,  2. 

A  later  translation  of  the  tragedy,  1777-1778,  was  by  Gellius;  since 
Gellius  translated  several  other  works  from  the  English  and  since  further- 
more this  translation  appeared  in  a  collection  containing  other  plays  of 
Lillo  not  hitherto  translated,  we  may  safely  conclude  that  it  was  done 
from  the  English,  as  it  professed  to  be.  We  note  also  that  the  author's 
name  was  correctly  given  as  Lillo,  and  Sorogoud  as  Thorowgood.  Never- 
theless, the  best-informed  critical  journal  of  the  time,  overlooking  the 
rectification,  greeted  the  publication  with  the  remark:  "Der  Werth  von 
Tillos  Arbeiten  ist  langst  entschieden.  Wir  zeigen  daher  nur  bloB  diese 
Ubersetzung  an,  die  freylich  nicht  ganz  genau  und  meistens  sehr  steif 
ist."11  Evidently  Tillo  was  a  name  to  command  respect  in  Germany  as 
late  as  1778. 

The  earliest  recorded  performance  of  the  play  in  Germany  took  place 
in  Hamburg.  In  his  Hamburgische  Theater-Geschichte,  Schutze  records: 

Am  5.  Aug.  [1754]  begann  Schoenemann  aufs  neue  und  nun  fortwahrend  auf  eigne 
Rechnung  ...  bis  zum  11.  Novbr.  Unter  den  in  diesem  Zeitraum  gegebenen  Stucken 
zeichnen  wir  .  .  .  den  Kaufmann  von  London,  Georg  Barnwell,  a.d.  Engl,  des  Lillo,  aus, 
das  erste  gute  brittische  Produkt,  das  auf  deutschen  Boden  libergepflanzt  ward  (gedr. 
Hamb.  1752).  Das  Stuck  fand  in  Hamburg  groCen  Beifall.  Es  ward  vom  25.  Oktbr. 
bis  11.  Novbr.  7  mal  gegeben.  Meisterhaft  spielte  Eckhof  den  Barnwell  und  Mad. 
Stark  die  Marie. 

Schutze  adds  that  the  Koch  troupe  played  the  tragedy  in  1775  "oft  .  .  . 
in  kaum  drei  Monaten"  and  that  it  was  played  from  time  to  time  by  the 
Koch  company  during  the  years  1758-1 763 12  after  Koch  took  over  the 
Schoenemann  company.  It  was  also  in  the  repertoire  of  the  Ackermann 
and  the  Schuh  troupes. 

The  basis  of  the  production  was  the  Hamburg  edition,  which  attributed 

"Price  [405]. 

11  ADB,  XXXV  (1778)  504. 

12  Schutze,  Hamburgische  Theater-Geschichte,  Hamburg,  1794,  283. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  151 

the  tragedy  to  Tillo.  Schiitze  himself  is  responsible  for  the  correction  to 
Lillo  in  his  annals.  The  handbills  of  1754  all  announced  the  play  as  by 
Tillo.  One  critic  has  explained  that  on  the  title  page  of  the  first  edition 
of  the  translation  the  "L"  of  Lillo  chanced  to  be  set  upside  down  and 
was  accepted  by  later  printers  as  a  "T."13 

From  the  northern  states  The  London  Merchant  soon  found  its  way 
into  Vienna.  The  Repertoire  des  Theatres  de  la  ville  de  Vienne  (1757)  indi- 
cates that  sometime  between  Easter  of  1754  and  1755  was  played  Le 
Marchand  de  Londres,  "tragedie  Anglaise  par  Lillo,  imitee  par  Meiberg." 
The  play,  however  was  presented  in  German.  Meiberg,  or  rather  Johann 
Wilhelm  May  berg,  had  been  from  1743  on  a  member  of  the  Kurz  troupe, 
and  for  it  he  adapted  a  number  of  plays,  chiefly  from  the  French.  Un- 
aware that  the  Bassewitz  translation  was  already  in  existence  and  pre- 
sumably well  known  to  Mayberg,  von  Weilen  studied  his  text  closely  for 
evidence  as  to  whether  it  was  based  on  Lillo's  original  or  on  Clement's 
translation.14 

Mayberg's  particular  contribution  to  the  production  was  the  libretto 
for  the  arias  of  Columbina,  Bernadon,  and  Hanns  Wurst;  for  without 
the  auspices  of  these  local  genii  a  comedy  or  even  a  tragedy  would  have 
found  scant  favor  in  Vienna.  Mayberg's  arias  are  still  preserved  in  the 
theatrical  archives  in  the  National  Library  in  Vienna.  The  play  was  later 
revised  by  other  hands,  for  a  second  manuscript  consists  of  dialogues  and 
stage  directions  and  bears  the  mark:  "Angefangen  in  Baaden  von  J. 
Unger,  geendet  in  Lintz  den  15.  Decembris  1759  von  F.  J.  Moser." 
Stephanie  der  Jungere  prepared  a  version  of  the  play,  based  on  the 
Bassewitz  translation,  and  presented  it  in  Vienna,  1767. 

In  the  course  of  time  this  English  tragedy  came  into  contact  with 
French  preferences  and  antipathies.  Anseaume  made  of  Lillo's  plot  an 
operetta  called  L'Ecole  de  la  Jeunesse,  1765,  which  was  duly  translated 
into  German  {Die  Schule  der  Jugend,  1774)  and  played  in  Frankfurt.  In 
1769  Mercier  adapted  Lillo's  play  under  the  title  Jenneval  ou  le  Barnevelt 
frangais,  permitting  the  title  character  to  experience  repentance  and 
avoid  retribution  ere  it  was  quite  too  late.  Thus  he  made  of  his  material 
a  comedie  larmoyante,  which  was  played  by  the  Seyler  company  in  Wei- 
mar and  Gotha  seven  times  during  1772-1775  and  then  no  more.15 
Schroder  next  took  Mercier's  play  in  hand,  compared  it  with  the  original, 
and  produced  a  "Ruhrstuck"  called  Die  Gefahren  der  Verfiihrung,  1778, 

13  Hans  Devrient,  /.  F.  Schoenemann  und  seine  Schauspielergesellschaft,  ThF,  XI 
(1895)  241,  note  396.  Devrient  adds:  "Eine  Unkenntnis  des  damals  beruhmten  Na- 
mens  scheint  mir  ausgeschlossen."  Herein,  however,  he  was  mistaken,  as  shown  above. 

14  Von  Weilen  [402],  Price  [405]  and  [406]. 

15  R.  Schlosser  in  ThF,  XIII  (1895). 


152      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

which  was  at  least  an  improvement  on  Mercier's  piece.  The  motivation 
was  better  and  the  tedious  speeches  were  reduced  in  length. 

Eloesser  says:  "Der  Kaufmann  von  London  .  .  .  hielt  sich  auf  den  deut- 
schen  Buhnen  mit  grower  Zahigkeit  bis  an  das  Ende  des  Jahrhunderts."16 
The  available  data  support  the  assertion  most  inadequately.  Nor  can  it 
be  said  that  Schroder's  Die  Gefahren  der  Verfuhrung  crowded  its  prede- 
cessor oft"  the  stage.  Performances  of  Lillo's  tragedy  had  become  rare 
before  1778  and  Schroder's  comedy  enjoyed  a  moderate  success  only 
during  the  years  1781-1782.17 

Almost  simultaneously  with  The  London  Merchant  a  somewhat  similar 
middle-class  tragedy  became  known  to  the  German  public.  This  was 
Moore's  The  Gamester,  1753.  Translated  by  Bode  in  1754,  it  was  played 
by  the  Ackermann  troupe,  then  by  Schonemann's  troupe  in  Hamburg, 
1754,  with  Ekhof  as  Beverley  the  gamester,  and  later  on  by  the  Koch 
troupe.  In  fact  it  appeared  on  nearly  every  important  stage  in  Germany, 
though  not  in  Berlin,  it  is  true,  until  1785.  In  this  play  Beverley,  having 
gambled  away  his  money  and  all  the  property  of  his  wife,  ends  his  career 
by  suicide.  A  similar  denouement  is  also  to  be  found  in  Young's  Revenge, 
a  weak  imitation  of  Othello,  and  in  Brawe's  Freygeist,  which  presents 
many  points  of  similarity  to  the  foregoing  two.  In  the  Freygeist,  1758, 
Clerdon,  a  young  Englishman,  loves  Amalia,  the  sister  of  his  friend 
Granville.  Henley,  his  rival,  plans  a  slow  revenge;  he  leads  Clerdon  into 
dissipation  and  crime,  persuading  him  there  is  no  God  and  no  future  life, 
while  Granville  tries  to  rescue  him  from  his  wild  course  of  life.  The  situa- 
tion is  typical.  In  both  these  plays  and  in  Miss  Sara  Sampson  as  well, 
we  have  a  moral  formula,  in  which  the  good  and  evil  principles  struggle 
for  the  mastery  of  the  chief  character. 

Moore's  tragedy  suffered  in  France  a  dilution  similar  to  Lillo's.  Bever- 
lei,  tragedie  bourgeoise,  appeared  in  1768.  Influenced  by  the  theories  of 
Diderot,  Saurin  decided  in  the  next  year  to  invent  for  the  play  a  happy 
ending.  The  alteration  found  some  favor  in  Germany,  and  from  now  on 
the  "Rtihrstuck"  competed  with  the  tragedy.  The  imitations  of  the  en- 
suing period  are  of  the  poorest  sort,  such  as  J.  G.  Dyck's  comedy,  Das 
Spielergliick,  1773,  and  Die  verddchtige  Freundschaft  (anon.),  1784.  Klin- 
ger  wrote  a  five-act  comedy,  Die  falschen  Spieler,  1780,  published  two 
years  later.  David  Beil  wrote,  1785,  a  five-act  piece  Die  Spieler,  later 
called  Die  Gauner.  Iffland  raised  the  theme  to  a  mediocre  height  with  his 
Der  Spieler,  1796.  It  sank  to  its  former  level  in  Kotzebue's  Blinde  Liebe, 
1806.18 

16  Eloesser  [163]  32. 

17  Price  [404]. 

18  Fritz  [444]. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  153 

Another  treasure  trove  was  offered  by  the  moral  novels  of  Richardson, 
but  it  is  needful  here  to  make  a  distinction.  Lillo  offered  a  warning 
example  of  public  crime  and  public  punishment.  Richardson  more  subtly 
offered  winning  examples  of  domestic  virtue  for  private  emulation. 
Lillo's  achievement,  though  crasser,  was  more  essentially  dramatic,  and 
more  susceptible  of  direct  imitation  than  Richardson's.  In  fact  Richard- 
son's theme  was  essentially  undramatic,  yet  more  in  harmony  with  the 
delicate  morality  that  began  to  pervade  Germany  in  the  1760's  and 
1770's.  Miss  Sara  Sampson,  1755,  is  of  the  sentimental  type.  The  scenes 
are  private.  The  crime  is  forgiven  and  leads  to  no  public  punishment. 
The  vogue  of  the  Lillo  type  between  1755  and  1777  showed  itself  in  such 
plays  as  Martini's  Rhynsolt  und  Sapphire,  Pfeil's  Lucie  Woodvil,  Lieber- 
kuhn's  Lissaboner,  Brawe's  Freygeist,  Breithaupt's  Renegat,  Baumgar- 
ten's  Carl  von  Drontheim,  Diericke's  Edward  Montrose,  von  Gebler's 
Adelheid  von  Siegmar,  Brandes's  Olivie  and  Schink's  Giannetta  Montaldi, 
Ludwig  der  Strenge,  and  Caroline  von  Rothenburg. 

In  general  novelistic  themes  made  a  greater  demand  upon  the  "Theater- 
dichter,"  for  they  required  adaptation  and  the  invention  of  dramatic 
scenes.  They  provided  chiefly  two  dramatic  situations — paternal  com- 
pulsion and  seduction.  The  former  motif  was  used  in  Weisse's  Die 
Flucht,  in  Sturz's  Julie  (founded  on  Frances  Brooke's  novel  Julia  Mande- 
ville),  in  Heuf eld's  Julie  oder  der  Wettstreit  der  Liebe  und  Pflicht  (based  on 
Rousseau's  La  Nouvelle  Heloise),  in  Grossmann's  Henriette  oder  sie  ist 
nicht  verheiratet,  in  Gotter's  Mariane  and  his  Romeo  und  Julia,  and  in 
Brandes's  Alderson  I. 

The  seduction  theme  was  utilized  in  Mme.  Hensel's  Die  Familie  auf 
dem  Lande  (founded  on  Frances  Sheridan's  Memoirs  of  Miss  Sidney 
Bidulph),  in  Pfeffel's  Eugenia,  in  Brandes's  Alderson  III,  and  also  in 
Rost's  Miss  Obre  oder  die  gerettete  Unschuld  (based  on  Cumberland's  The 
Fashionable  Lover).  The  theme  of  seduction  too  is  more  dramatic  than 
theatrical,  being  by  convention  an  "off-stage"  element.  In  Miss  Sara 
Sampson  and  Beaumarchais's  Eugenie,  it  is  disposed  of  as  "Vorge- 
schichte."19 

The  public  drama  was  gradually  giving  way  to  the  domestic  dramas  of 
Richardsonian  atmosphere,  when  the  "Sturm  und  Drang"  movement 
intervened  with  a  renewed  demand  for  public  themes.  These  reappeared, 
but  with  a  decided  modification :  In  Emilia  Galotti,  Kabale  und  Liebe,  and 
certain  less  notable  dramas,  public  misdeeds  were  allowed  to  go  publicly 
unpunished  in  order  that  the  feeling  of  oppression  might  not  be  relieved. 

The  foreign  origin  of  many  of  the  plays  just  mentioned  is  sufficiently 

19  Meinecke  [508]. 


154      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

obvious  from  their  setting.  In  several  the  scene  of  action  is  England,  in 
others  English  characters  play  a  role.  Sauer  has  called  attention  to  the 
limited  range  of  English  names.  From  Lessing's  characters  Marwood  and 
Waitwell  several  combinations  were  made:  Southwell  and  Woodvil  in 
Woodvil,  Welwood  in  Der  Renegat,  Well  in  Miss  Fanny,  Breitwell  in 
Breitwell,  Blackville  in  Drontheim  and  Greville  in  Miss  Fanny.  Sauer 
accounts  similarly  for  Granville  in  Der  Freigeist,20  but  here  it  is  well  to 
recall  that  Granville  was  already  known  to  the  Germans  as  the  author 
of  Die  weiblichen  Liebhaber,  1751,  a  translation  of  The  She-gallants.  The 
names  Steele,  Steeley,  and  Steley  probably  go  back  to  Richard  Steele, 
rather  in  his  capacity  as  anecdote  narrator,  than  as  the  author  of  some 
of  the  earliest  sentimental  comedies.21 

The  earliest  edition  of  Gottsched's  Critische  Dichtkunst  finds  no  room 
for  the  middle-class  tragedy,  the  fourth  edition,  however,  goes  so  far  as 
to  recognize  it  as  a  justifiable  genre,  but  after  the  appearance  of  Lessing's 
Miss  Sara  Sampson  and  the  translation  of  Lillo's  The  London  Merchant, 
it  returns  to  its  original  principles  with  their  strict  division  lines  and 
class  discriminations.22 

Lessing  began  to  broaden  his  knowledge  of  the  history  of  the  develop- 
ment of  the  drama  about  1750  with  the  publication  of  his  Beytrdge  zur 
Historie  und  Aufnahme  des  Theaters,  1750,  followed  by  his  Theatralische 
Bibliothek,  1754.  The  mention  of  Cibber  in  the  Bey tr age  among  the 
authors  to  be  considered  is  probably  accidental  and  indicative  of  no  new 
convictions.23  By  1754,  however,  Lessing  had  freed  himself  from  certain 
older  taboos.  In  that  year  he  translated  for  the  Theatralische  Bibliothek 
the  essay  of  the  Frenchman  Chevrier  in  opposition  to  the  comedie  lar- 
moyante,  followed  by  Gellert's  "Habilitationsschrift,"  Pro  Comoedia 
commovente,  concluding  with  his  own  opinion.  "Das  Possenspiel  will  nur 
zum  Lachen  bewegen;  das  weinerliche  Lustspiel  will  nur  rlihren;  die 
wahre  Komodie  will  beydes."24  In  the  same  year  Lessing  published  the 
third  and  fourth  volumes  of  his  Schriften,  in  the  introduction  to  which 
he  commented  on  the  success  of  his  Der  junge  Gelehrte,  as  presented 
formerly  by  the  Neuber  troupe,  made  some  ironic  comments  on  "aus- 
landischer  Witz,"  and  the  German  habit  of  imitating  the  French,  and 
warned:  "Aber  man  gebe  Acht,  ob  ich  nicht  gleich  wieder  alles  verderben 
werde."  No  doubt  he  had  in  mind  the  writing  of  Miss  Sara  Sa7npson. 

The  influence  of  The  London  Merchant  on  German  literature,  particu- 
larly on  Lessing,  has  been  overstressed  until  very  recently.  Eloesser 

20  Sauer  [217]  92  f. 

21  Price  [573]. 

22  Waniek  [238]  412. 

23  Lessing,  Schriften,  IV  52  f.;  cf.  p.  226,  below. 

24  Ibid.,  IV  52. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  155 

summed  up  the  prevailing  opinion  of  his  time  when  he  wrote  in  1898: 
"Lessings  Sara  ist  aus  einer  Kombination  von  Richardsons  Familien- 
roman  Clarissa  und  George  Lillos  biirgerlichem  Trauerspiel  George 
Barnwell  or  the  Merchant  of  London  entstanden."25  Erich  Schmidt  at 
about  the  same  time  wrote:  "Die  Anregungen  des  .  .  .  Lillo  und  .  .  . 
Richardson,  sollten  mit  anderen  nahen  und  fernen,  literarischen  und 
erlebten  Motiven  verkniipft  dem  Werke  zu  Gute  kommen,  das  [Lessing] 
im  Fnihjahr  .  .  .  1755  abschlofi."26  Some  relationship  of  Richardson's 
best  novel  and  Lessing's  play  is  not  to  be  gainsaid.  The  virtuous  Clarissa 
and  Miss  Sara  Sampson  have  been  led  astray  by  the  libertines,  Lovelace 
and  Mellefont.  But  the  parallel  hardly  goes  beyond  this  first  situation. 
The  plots  of  The  London  Merchant  and  Miss  Sara  Sampson  are  widely 
divergent.  The  chief  point  of  connection  lies  in  the  similarity  of  the 
villainesses.  It  might  seem  that  Marwood  and  Millwood  were  sisters 
under  the  skin,  but  they  are  only  cousins  widely  removed.  The  similarity 
of  names  proves  no  close  kinship.  Nearly  all  the  names  in  Miss  Sara 
Sampson  are  borrowed  from  various  plays  of  Congreve  or  from  Clarissa. 
Lady  Solmes,  Arabella,  and  Norton  come  from  Clarissa,  Mellefont  comes 
from  Congreve's  The  Double  Dealer,  Sir  Sampson  from  Love  for  Love,  Mrs. 
Marwood  and  her  maid  Betty  from  The  Way  of  the  World.27 

The  relationship  between  Miss  Sara  Sampson  and  Richardson's  novel 
is  undeniable  but  is  of  a  rather  general  nature.  Goethe  said  all  that  is 
needful  on  this  subject : 

Schon  die  Richardson'schen  Romane  hatten  die  biirgerliche  Welt  auf  eine  zartere 
Sittlichkeit  aufmerksam  gemacht.  Die  strengen  und  unausbleiblichen  Folgen  eines 
weiblichen  Fehltritts  waren  in  der  Clarisse  auf  eine  grausame  Weise  zergliedert. 
Lessings  Miss  Sara  Sampson  behandelte  dasselbe  Thema.28 

Paul  Kies  has  demonstrated  that  the  chief  source  of  Miss  Sara  Samp- 
son is  Shadwell's  The  Squire  of  Alsatia.29  His  arguments  are  gradu- 
ally overcoming  a  well-established  literary  tradition.  It  is  necessary  here 
only  to  quote  Shadwell's  description  of  Mrs.  Termagant  in  his  Dramatis 
Personae.  "A  neglected  Mistress  of  Belford  Junior,  by  whom  she  has  a 
child ;  A  furious,  malicious  and  revengeful  woman ;  perpetually  plaguing 
him,  and  crossing  him  in  all  his  designs,  pursuing  him  with  her  malice 
even  to  attempting  his  life."  Mrs.  Termagant  is  even  more  drastic  than 
Marwood.  If  Marwood  threatens  to  kill  Arabella,  "mit  begieriger  Hand 
Glied  von  Glied,  Ader  von  Ader,  Nerve  von  Nerve  losen,"  Mrs.  Terma- 
gant threatens  to  kill  Belford's  child  and  send  it  to  him  "baked  in  a  pye." 

25  Eloesser  [163]  18. 
2«  Schmidt  [255 ]2  1  273. 

27  Oehlke,  Lessing  .  .  .,  Miinchen,  1919,  I  292. 

28  Goethe,  Werke,  I  (28)  193. 

29  Kies  [259]. 


156      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Kies  seemed  reluctant  to  push  his  discovery  to  its  final  conclusion.  In 
1926  he  listed  The  London  Merchant  as  one  of  the  domestic  tragedies 
which  Lessing  certainly  knew.30  In  a  later  essay  he  took  it  for  granted 
that  Lessing  knew  Lillo's  tragedy,  "so  well  known  in  England"  at  Les- 
sing's  time,  but  added:  "One  should  bear  in  mind,  however,  that  there 
is  no  actual  proof  of  his  knowledge  of  Lillo's  drama  before  the  production 
of  Miss  Sara  Sampson."31  Unimpressed  by  the  demonstration  of  Kies, 
A.  Ludwig  wrote  as  late  as  1933:  "Ohne  Lillo  und  Richardson  gabe  es 
wahrscheinlich  keine  Miss  Sara  Sampson,"  and  dismissed  the  question 
of  other  possible  sources  as  "belanglos."3'-  It  may  be  noticed,  however, 
that  Oehlke,  in  an  edition  of  Miss  Sara  Sampson  refers  to  The  London 
Merchant  as  a  tragedy,  "die  Lessing  vielleicht  nicht  gekannt  hat."33  As 
this  edition  appeared  in  1925,  he  must  have  arrived  at  his  conclusion 
independently  of  Kies.  The  burden  of  proof  is  now  upon  those  who  would 
insist  on  Lessing's  knowledge  of  Lillo's  work  before  1755. 34  They  must 
account  for  the  absence  of  any  reference  by  Lessing  to  the  play  before 
1755  as  well  as  for  the  outburst  of  enthusiasm  in  1756. 

The  evidence  of  this  enthusiasm  consists  of  two  observations.  Lessing 
wrote  to  Mendelssohn  on  December  18,  1756: 

Gedenken  Sie  an  den  alten  Vetter  im  Kaufmann  von  London;  wenn  ihn  Barnwell 
ersticht,  entsetzen  sich  die  Zuschauer,  ohne  mitleidig  zu  sein,  weil  der  gute  Charakter 
des  Alten  nichts  enthalt,  was  den  Grund  zu  diesem  Ungltick  abgeben  konnte.  Sobald 
man  ihn  aber  fur  seinen  Morder  und  Vetter  noch  zu  Gott  beten  hort,  verwandelt  sieh 
das  Entsetzen  in  ein  recht  entztickendes  Mitleiden.35 

At  about  the  same  time  Lessing  wrote  in  an  introduction  to  a  translation 
of  James  Thomson's  Tragedies,  1756: 

So  wie  ich  unendlich  lieber  den  allerungestaltesten  Menschen,  mit  krummen  Beinen, 
mit  Buckeln  hinten  und  vorne  erschaffen,  als  die  schonste  Bildseule  eines  Praxiteles 
gemacht  haben  wollte:  so  wollte  ich  auch  unendlich  lieber  der  Urheber  des  Kaufmanns 
von  London,  als  des  Sterbenden  Cato  seyn,  gesetzt  auch  dafi  dieser  alle  die  mechanischen 
Richtigkeiten  hat,  derenwegen  man  ihn  zum  Muster  fur  die  Deutschen  hat  machen 
wollen.  Denn  warum?  Bey  einer  einzigen  Vorstellung  des  erstern  sind,  auch  von  den 
unempfindlichsten,  mehr  Thranen  vergossen  worden,  als  bey  alien  moglichen  Vor- 
stellungen  des  anderen,  auch  von  den  Empfindlichsten,  nicht  konnen  vergossen  wer- 
den.  Und  nur  diese  Thranen  des  Mitleids,  und  der  sich  fiihlenden  Menschlichkeit, 
sind  die  Absicht  des  Trauerspiels,  oder  es  kann  gar  keine  haben.36 

30  Ibid.,  185. 

31  Kies  [263]  141. 

32  ASNS,  CLXIV  (1933)  94. 

33  Lessing,  Werke,  ed.  Petersen  und  Olshausen,  Berlin  [1925],  I  223. 

34  Vail  [268]  133,  points  out  that  Nicolai  miswrites  Marwood  for  Millwood  in  a 
letter  to  Lessing,  but  the  letter  was  not  written  until  November,  1756.  It  indicates 
no  knowledge  on  the  part  of  Lessing,  or  even  of  Nicolai,  of  Lillo's  tragedy  before  the 
spring  of  1755.  Cf.  Lessing,  Schriften,  XIX  45. 

35  Lessing,  Schriften,  XVII  86. 

36  Ibid.,  VII  68. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  157 

The  question  arises :  Whence  came  Lessing's  apparently  recent  knowl- 
edge of  Lillo's  tragedy?  There  are  four  possibilities :  The  English,  French, 
and  German  versions  of  the  play,  and  attendance  at  a  performance.  Of 
the  first  three  the  third  is  the  most  likely.  There  were  by  this  time  at 
least  three  German  editions  of  "Tillo's"  tragedy.  If  Lessing  had  men- 
tioned Tillo  by  name,  we  could  be  certain  of  his  source.  If  he  had  men- 
tioned Lillo,  we  might  suspect  he  had  read  the  English  original  or  the 
French  translation,  but  nowhere  in  his  works  does  he  refer  either  to 
Lillo  or  to  Tillo.  Lessing,  however,  lays  stress  in  both  passages  on  the 
effect  of  the  play  upon  the  spectators.  A  diligent  search  has  resulted  in 
the  discovery  of  no  performance  of  the  tragedy  which  Lessing  could  have 
attended  before  Miss  Sara  Sampson  was  finished  at  Potsdam.  We  do 
know,  however,  that  the  Koch  company  played  in  Leipzig  after  Lessing's 
arrival  there,  and  that  Der  Londoner  Kaufmann  was  one  of  the  plays  it 
carried  in  its  repertoire.  But  it  cannot  be  shown  that  it  was  actually 
played  in  Leipzig. 

In  view  of  this  incomplete  evidence,  a  curious  parallel  in  English 
literature  may  be  of  interest  and  just  possibly  of  significance.  The  Cato 
Lessing  refers  to  is  of  course  Gottsched's.  The  English  reference  below 
is  to  Addison's  Cato.  In  Sarah  Fielding's  Life  of  David  Simple,  which  was 
translated  into  German  in  1746,  there  takes  place  a  discussion  among 
certain  gentlewomen  regarding  Cato  and  George  Barnwell.  One  of  the 
ladies  remarked  that  she  actually  knew  people  who  sat  through  a  per- 
formance of  Cato  with  dry  eyes  and  yet  had  shed  tears  at  George  Barnwell. 
The  ladies  exclaimed  in  chorus:  "Oh,  intolerable!  Cry  for  an  odious 
apprentice  boy,  who  murdered  his  uncle  at  the  instigation  of  a  common 
woman  and  yet  be  unmoved  when  even  Cato  bled  for  his  country."  An 
old  lady  thereupon  said : 

That  is  no  wonder,  I  assure  you,  ladies,  for  I  once  heard  my  Lady  Know-all  posi- 
tively affirm  George  Barnwell  to  be  one  of  the  best  things  ever  wrote ;  for  that  Nature 
is  Nature  in  whatever  station  it  is  placed,  and  that  she  could  be  as  much  affected  with 
the  distresses  of  a  man  in  low  life,  as  if  he  were  a  Lord  or  a  Duke. 

During  the  time  that  Lessing  was  in  Berlin  he  reviewed  many  English 
novels,  using  the  works  of  Richardson  and  Fielding  as  his  standard  of 
judgment.  Among  others  he  reviewed  in  1753  Eliza  Haywood's  History 
of  Miss  Betsy  Thoughtless  (Geschichte  des  Frl.  Eliza  Thoughtless  "von  dem 
Verfasser  der  Begebenheiten  des  Thomas  Jones").  Lessing  accepted  the 
attribution  as  correct  and  reviewed  the  novel  accordingly.37  It  seems 
reasonable  to  suppose  that  he  would  read  a  novel  by  Sarah  Fielding  as 

37  Ibid.,  V  432. 


158      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

well;  if  so,  the  passage  regarding  Cato  and  George  Barnwell  might  well 
have  been  stored  up  in  his  retentive  memory  for  future  use. 

If  The  London  Merchant  was  in  no  sense  the  progenitor  of  Miss  Sara 
Samspon,  it  follows  that  its  importance  in  the  history  of  the  development 
of  the  German  middle-class  drama  has  in  the  past  been  greatly  over- 
stated. Its  connections  with  Goethe  and  Schiller  remain  to  be  mentioned. 

When  Goethe  was  eight  years  of  age  The  London  Merchant  came  to 
Frankfurt.  The  young  boy  was  much  impressed.  Some  time  later  he  had 
an  argument  with  his  father,  who  maintained  that  the  theater  was  a 
trivial  institution.  The  son  used  Lillo's  tragedy  and  Miss  Sara  Sampson 
as  his  strongest  arguments  in  behalf  of  the  moral  influence  of  the  stage.38 
A  few  years  later  as  a  nineteen-year-old  student,  he  saw  the  play  again 
at  Leipzig.  As  befitted  his  new  dignity  he  now  wrote  to  his  sister  affecting 
a  superior  tone.  "Dein  Leibstiick,  den  Kaufmann  von  London,  habe  ich 
spielen  sehen.  Beym  groEten  Theil  des  Stiickes  gegahnt,  aber  am  Ende 
doch  geweint."39  Soon  after  that  Goethe  himself  wrote  a  middle-class 
drama,  Die  Mitschuldigen,  based,  as  he  asserted,  on  moral  conditions  in 
middle-class  life  which  he  had  had  opportunity  to  observe.  What  oppor- 
tunities he  may  have  had  is  not  too  clear  and  it  has  been  suggested  that 
perhaps  the  impulse  may  have  come  from  literature  rather  than  from 
life,  but  beyond  the  approximation  of  their  genre  there  are  few  resem- 
blances between  his  drama  and  Lillo's. 

In  1805  Henry  Crabb  Robinson  was  in  Germany  interviewing,  as  was 
his  wont,  the  German  men  of  letters.  Suspecting  perhaps  that  Schiller's 
Die  Braut  von  Messina  bore  some  relation  to  Lillo's  fate  drama  Fatal 
Curiosity,  he  mentioned  that  work,  but  Schiller  seemed  to  know  nothing 
of  it.  He  said,  however,  that  he  knew  Lillo's  London  Merchant  and  had 
once  thought  of  writing  a  similar  play.  Robinson  apparently  neglected 
to  ask  when  this  idea  occurred  to  him  or  what  the  nature  of  the  play 
might  have  been.40 

Lessing  saw  his  Miss  Sara  Sampson  in  Frankfurt  an  der  Oder,  July  10, 
1755.  Ramler  was  able  to  report  by  letter  to  Gleim:  "Die  Zuschauer 
haben  drey  und  eine  halbe  Stunde  zugehort,  stille  geseBen  wie  Statiien 
und  geweint."41  A  similar  reception  seems  to  have  been  accorded  the  new 
play  in  Gottsched's  own  Leipzig.  The  new  drama  took  first  place  in 
public  favor  from  the  outset.  Gottsched  could  only  console  himself  with 
the  reflexion  that  popularity  signified  no  merit  in  a  play.  The  success  of 
Miss  Sara  Sampson  coupled  with  that  of  The  London  Merchant  invited  a 

38  Goethe,  Werke,  I  (26)  166. 

39  Ibid.,  IV  (1)  126. 

40  Robinson,  Diary,  I  213. 

41  BLVS,  CCXLIV  (1907)  206. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  159 

flood  of  imitations,  but  the  influence  of  the  English  middle-class  drama 
was  restricted  because  the  middle  class  in  Germany  was  not  yet  socially 
self-conscious,  as  in  England.  When  a  George  Barnwell  robbed  his  master 
and  slew  his  uncle,  all  apprentices  felt  humiliated.  The  gambling  of 
Clerdon  was  not  his  own  private  affair,  punishable  only  with  ridicule, 
but  a  vice  that  injured  the  standing  of  the  entire  middle  class.  Because 
this  broader  social  basis  was  lacking  in  Germany,  the  middle-class  plays 
tended  to  become  domestic  comedies  or  tragedies.  Thus  Miss  Sara  Samp- 
son would  be  content  (I,  5)  with  a  marriage  that  served  only  to  appease 
her  conscience,  a  marriage  known  only  to  herself,  her  God,  and  her  father. 
Such  a  conception  tends  to  make  vice  and  virtue  abstract  and  at  the  same 
time  positive,  not  relative  to  society  at  large.  Between  good  and  bad 
there  was  no  compromise. 

Minna  von  Barnhelm  signalizes  a  break  with  this  sentimentalized, 
abstract  world  of  virtue  and  vice.  It  returns  us  to  a  world  that  is  more 
realistic  in  its  externals  and  more  plausible  in  its  moral  principles,  a  world 
in  which  circumstances  alter  cases.  The  idea  of  making  a  condition  of  life 
or  an  occupation  a  theme  for  a  play  derives,  no  doubt,  chiefly  from 
Diderot;  and  as  usual  Lessing  had  a  storehouse  of  dramatic  incidents  to 
start  with,  incidents  taken  from  Goldoni,  Nivelle  de  la  Chaussee, 
Diderot,42  and  many  others,  and  his  own  personal  observations.  But  he 
laid  contribution  on  recent  English  dramatic  literature  as  well,  with 
which,  as  his  comments  and  dramatic  fragments  show,  he  was  by  this 
time  quite  familiar,  in  its  whole  range  from  the  moralizing  Lillo  and 
Moore  to  the  cavalier  Wycherley  and  Shadwell,43  but  of  all  the  number, 
Farquhar,  one  of  the  least  ribald  of  the  Restoration  dramatists,  seemed 
most  congenial  to  him.  The  numerous  parallels  of  Minna  von  Barnhelm 
with  The  Constant  Couple  and  The  Beaux'  Stratagem  have  been  pointed 
out  by  such  scholars  as  J.  G.  Robertson  and  Erich  Schmidt.44  Farquhar's 
feminine  characters  could  have  conversed  with  Minna  and  Franziska 
without  embarrassment.  Minna  von  Barnhelm  too  is  a  moralizing  play, 
but  not  of  the  stuffy  Richardson-Lillo  type.  It  owes  much,  as  we  have 
seen,  to  the  serene  ethics  of  Shaftesbury,45  and  it  shows  that  English 
models  did  not  necessarily  lead  to  undue  moralizing  and  sentimentalizing. 

Emilia  Galotti,  strangely  enough,  tends  to  revert  to  the  seemingly  out- 
moded type  represented  by  Miss  Sara  Sampson,  perhaps  because  its 
beginnings  antedate  Minna  von  Barnhelm.  Between  Emilia  Galotti  and 

42  J.  Wihan,  "Lessings  Minna  von  Barnhelm  und  Goldonis  Lustspiel  Un  Curioso 
Accidente."  Programm,  Prag,  1903.  Cf.  Kettner  [2571  82. 
43Kies  [262]. 

44  Schmidt  [255]2 1  465,  Robertson  [365]. 

45  See  p.  91,  above. 


160      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Richardson's  Clarissa  there  is  again  a  close  relation.  We  hear  of  Lessing 
being  at  work  on  the  theme  of  the  Roman  Virginius  in  January,  1758.46 
At  this  time  he  had  already  broken  with  the  Gottsched  school  and,  three 
years  before,  had  completed  Miss  Sara  Sampson,  but  the  story  of  Vir- 
ginius needs  only  a  little  of  the  eighteenth-century  atmosphere  to  become 
typically  Richardsonian.  Between  the  characters  of  Hettore  Gonzaga  and 
Lovelace  there  are  general  and  specific  resemblances,  as  well  as  between 
Emilia  and  Clarissa,  both  of  whom  must  struggle  against  an  unwilling 
admiration  for  the  wanton  lovers.  Moreover  pure  accident  plays  a  large 
if  unequal  part  in  the  undoing  of  both,  and  the  death  of  both,  in  different 
ways,  represents  their  moral  victory.  There  are  still  reminiscences  of 
Richardson's  style  in  Emilia  Galotti  despite  the  great  progress  that 
Lessing  had  made  in  dramatic  technique  since  1755. 

During  1767-1777  almost  fifty  English  comedies  were  translated  into 
German.  Many  of  these,  to  be  sure,  were  Restoration  rather  than  moral 
plays.  One  man  alone,  Christian  Heinrich  Schmid,  translated  nineteen 
comedies  during  these  years,47  but  the  public  demanded  also  adaptation 
and  among  the  adaptors  Schroder  was  preeminent.  He  too  included  many 
of  the  ruder  English  plays.  Goethe  commended  these  as  "ein  heimliches 
Gegengewicht  jener  allzuzarten  Sittlichkeit"  (sc.  of  Richardson,  Diderot, 
and  Lillo) . 

The  chief  adaptor  was  Schroder.  His  task  was  a  difficult  one.  He  had 
to  treat  his  material  freely,  for,  as  Goethe  said : 

Die  Originale  sind  meistens  formlos,  und  wenn  sie  auch  gut  und  planmafiig  anfangen, 
so  verlieren  sie  sich  doch  zuletzt  in's  Weite.  Es  scheint  ihren  Verfassern  nur  darum  zu 
thun,  die  wunderlichsten  Scenen  anzubringen,  und  wer  an  ein  gehaltenes  Kunstwerk 
gewohnt  ist,  sieht  sich  zuletzt  ungern  in's  Granzenlose  getrieben.  UeberdieB  geht  ein 
wildes  und  unsittliches,  gemeinwiistes  Wesen  bis  zum  Unertraglichen  so  entschieden 
durch,  dafi  es  schwer  sein  mochte,  dem  Plan  und  den  Charaktern  alle  ihre  Unarten  zu 
benehmen.  Sie  sind  eine  derbe  und  dabei  gefahrliche  Speise,  die  blofi  einer  grofien  und 
halbverdorbenen  Volksmasse  zu  einer  gewissen  Zeit  geniefibar  und  verdaulich  gewesen 
sein  mag.  Schroder  hat  an  diesen  Dingen  mehr  gethan,  als  man  gewohnlich  weifo;  er 
hat  sie  von  Grund  aus  verandert,  dem  deutschen  Sinne  angeahnlicht,  und  sie  mog- 
lichst  gemildert.  Es  bleibt  ihnen  aber  immer  ein  herber  Kern,  weil  der  Scherz  gar  auf 
MiChandlung  von  Personen  beruht,  sie  mogen  es  verdienen  oder  nicht.48 

Unfortunately  Schroder,  despite  his  better  taste,  was  compelled  to 
submit  Shakespeare's  plays  to  a  similar  mitigating  process.  Othello  was 
acceptable  to  the  Hamburg  public  only  on  condition  that  Desdemona 
be  allowed  to  live,  and  the  weakened  Hamlet  of  1776  was  regarded  as  a 
success.49  Thus  Shakespeare's  plays  were  brought  down  to  the  level  of 

46  Lessing,  Schriften,  III  359.  Identified  by  Roethe  [338]  as  a  translation  of  a  pas- 
sage from  Crisp's  drama  of  1754.  Cf.  Lessing,  Schriften,  XVII  132. 

47  Cf.  Price  [168]. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  161 

the  tearful  comedy.  Richard  II  and  Henry  IV  met  with  the  disfavor  of 
the  public  in  1778.  Schroder  proceeded  therefore  with  the  utmost  caution 
in  his  version  of  Macbeth,  which  was  to  follow.  More  properly  one  may 
speak  of  the  Stephanie-Fischer-Schroder  Macbeth,  for  Schroder  built  upon 
the  Macbeth  stage  tradition  in  Vienna  and  Germany  rather  than  on  the 
English  original,  but  even  so  "die  Karaktere  des  Macbeth,  und  seiner 
Frau  waren  dem  Hamburger  Publikum  zu  abscheulich"50  and  the  piece 
was  received  without  enthusiasm.  It  remained  for  Burger  to  make  Mac- 
beth popular  for  the  first  time,  but  his  version  too,  despite  its  great 
merits,  belongs  to  the  then  established  tradition.  Schiller  tried  "to  change 
a  heathen  temple  into  a  Christian  church"  and  his  Macbeth,  which  was 
produced  in  Weimar  in  May,  1800,  is  a  landmark  in  the  history  of  the 
moralizing  drama,  one  might  almost  say  even  in  the  middle-class  drama 
of  Germany,  for  the  kings  are  unfree  individuals,  whose  morality  is  that 
of  the  middle  class.  The  fate  of  Shakespeare  at  the  hands  of  Schiller  helps 
to  make  it  clear  why  the  moralizing  dramas  of  England  found  so  con- 
genial a  soil  in  Germany. 

One  might  expect  to  discover  that  the  dramas  of  the  "Sturm  und 
Drang"  period  proved  to  be  the  means  of  leading  the  public  to  demand 
a  sounder  theatrical  fare.  This  came  about  in  time,  it  is  true,  but  much 

48  Goethe,  Werke,  I  (28)  194  f.;  Hauffen  [286]  classified  some  of  Schroder's  plays  as 
follows : 

I.  Plays  closely  dependent  on  the  original: 

Der  Arglistige,  1771.  Double  Dealer.  Congreve. 

Irrtum  auf  alien  Ecken,  1784.  She  Stoops  to  Conquer.  Goldsmith. 

Gluck  bessert  Thorheit,  1782.  Chapter  of  Accidents.  Miss  Lee. 

Inkle  und  Jariko,  1788.  Incle  and  Yarico  (opera).  Colman. 

II.  Plays  abbreviated  or  concentrated: 

Wer  ist  sie?  1786.  The  Foundling.  Moore. 

Die  ungluckliche  Heirat,  1784.  Isabella  or  The  Fatal  Marriage. 

Southern. 
Die  unmogliche  Sache,  1773.  Sir  Courtly  Nice  or  It  Cannot  be. 

Crown. 

III.  Scene  transferred  to  Germany: 

Das  Blatt  hat  sich  gewendet,  1775.  The  Brothers.  Cumberland. 

Die  Wankelmutige  oder  Der  weib-  She  Would  and  she  Would  not.  Cibber. 

liche  Betriiger,  1782. 

Die  Eifersiichtigen  oder  Keiner  hat  All  in  the  Wrong.  Murphy. 

d       ;    '    j     V>     o    ■  7      i»7oe  (The  Gamester.  Moore. 

Beverley  oder  Der  Spieler,  1785.  {(Beoerlei.  Saurin.) 

Stille  Wasser  sind  tief,  1784.  Rule  a  Wife  and  Have  a  Wife.  Beau- 

mont and  Fletcher. 
Victorine  oder  Wohlthun  tragt  Zinsen,      Evelina.  A  novel  by  Miss  Burney. 
1784. 
Schroder's  plays,  Der  Ring,  1783,  Das  Portrat  der  Mutter,  1786,  and  Die  ungluckliche 
Ehe  durch  Delikatesse,  1788,  are,  on  the  other  hand,  almost  original,  though  their 
themes  are  taken  respectively  from  Farquhar's  The  Constant  Couple,  Sheridan's  School 
for  Scandal,  and  Farquhar's  Sir  Harry  Wildair.  See  also  Pfenniger  [287]. 

49  Koster  [902].  Litzmann  [920]  198,  Joachimi-Dege  [763],  Merschberger  [916]. 

50  Berliner  Litteratur-  und  Theater-Zeitung,  1774,  523,  728.  Cf.  Koster  [902]  67,  299. 


162      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

later  than  has  sometimes  been  imagined.  The  trial  and  conviction  of 
Adelheid  at  the  hands  of  a  "Vehmgericht"  in  Gotz  von  Berlichingen  is 
un-Shakespearean,  nor  is  it  otherwise  in  Schiller's  first  drama.51  Karl 
Moor  acts  as  a  free  Shakespearean  hero,  only  to  bow  to  collective  justice 
in  the  end.  Karl  Moor  has  even  been  compared  with  Beverley,  Franz 
Moor  with  Stukely,  and  Amalia  with  Beverley's  wife.  Die  Rduber  has 
motifs  in  common  with  two  other  German  middle-class  dramas,  Brawe's 
Freygeist  and  Christian  Felix  Weisse's  Amalia,  both  of  which,  however, 
were  in  their  turn  dependent  upon  Moore's  Gamester.  Karl  Moor  has 
more  in  common  with  Fielding's  Tom  Jones  than  with  Beverley,  but 
Beverley  too  owes  many  of  his  traits  to  Tom  Jones.52 

As  a  matter  of  fact  the  classic  dramas  and  the  plays  of  Shakespeare  in 
their  modified  form  could  make  little  headway  against  the  established 
position  of  the  "Ruhrcomodie,"  and  even  the  most  enlightened  directors 
of  the  theater  used  their  influence  in  favor  of  the  good  as  against  the 
better.  Iffland  reports  that  Ekhof  advised  against  Shakespearean  plays, 
saying: 

Das  ist  nicht,  weil  ich  nichts  dafur  empfande,  oder  nicht  Lust  hatte,  die  kraftigen 
Menschen  darzustellen,  die  darin  aufgestellt  sind;  sondern  weil  diese  Stiicke  unser 
Publikum  an  die  starke  Kost  verwohnen,  und  unsere  Schauspieler  ganzlich  verderben 
wiirden.  Das  Entzucken,  das  Shakespear  erregt,  erleichtert  dem  Schauspieler  alles.  Er 
wird  sich  alles  erlauben  und  ganz  vernachlassigen.63 

Iffland  adds:  "Leider  hat  er  nicht  sehr  Unrecht  gehabt." 

The  tone  of  the  stage  did  not  change  perceptibly  before  the  end  of  the 
century  and  the  geniuses  were  viewed  with  misgivings  by  the  professional 
men  of  the  theater.  When  Schiller's  Kabale  und  Liebe  was  about  to  be 
played  at  Mannheim  Schroder  wrote  to  Dalberg,  May  22,  1784: 

Es  ist  schade  um  Schillers  Talent,  dafi  er  eine  Laufbahn  ergreift,  die  der  Ruin  des 
deutschen  Theaters  ist.  Die  Folge  is  deutlich:  wird  der  Geschmack  an  diesen  Sturm- 
und  Drangstiicken  allgemein,  so  kann  kein  Publikum  ein  Stiick  goutieren,  das  nicht 
wie  ein  Raritatenkasten  alle  ftinf  Minuten  etwas  anderes  zeigt,  in  welcher  nicht  alle 
Leidenschaften  aufs  hochste  gespannt  sind.  Wir  werden  in  70  Jahren  keine  Schau- 
spieler mehr  haben,  denn  diese  Sachen  Spielen  sich  selbst;  und  wer  die  zuerst  spielt, 
ist  ein  Roscius  und  ein  Garrick.  Ich  hasse  das  franzosische  Trauerspiel — als  Trauer- 
spiel  betrachtet — ,  aber  ich  hasse  auch  diese  regellosen  Schauspiele,  die  Kunst  und 
Geschmack  zu  Grunde  richten.  Ich  hasse  Schillern,  dafi  er  wieder  eine  Bahn  eroffnet, 
die  der  Wind  schon  verweht  hatte.64 

The  Theater  Almanach  filr  das  Jahr  1777  attempts  to  give  a  complete 

list  of  all  the  theatrical  representations  of  fourteen  German  companies 

61  Walz  [407]. 
52  Wihan  [445]. 

63  Iffland,  Meine  theatralische  Laufbahn,  1798;  in  DLD,  XXIV  (1886)  36. 

64  J.  Minor,  Schiller,  Berlin,  1889,  II  191. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  163 

during  the  preceding  year.  About  four  hundred  titles  are  given  in  all. 
Plays  of  Lessing  were  produced  50  times,  of  Goethe  46  times,  and  of 
Shakespeare  31  times — 127  performances  in  all.  During  that  same  year 
Mercier's  Der  Schubkarren  des  Essigmachers  (La  Brouette  du  vinaigrier) 
was  played  40  times  and  plays  adapted  from  works  of  Marmontel  114 
times.  We  have  purportedly  almost  complete  statistics  for  Munich  from 
1772  to  the  end  of  the  century.  These  indicate  a  slight,  but  only  a  slight, 
turn  toward  the  classical  drama.  Marmontel  appeared  on  80  evenings, 
i.e.  about  eight  per  cent  of  the  whole,  Lessing  on  38,  Goethe  on  7, 
Shakespeare  on  67,  Schiller  on  none.  When  the  French  comedie  larmoyante 
began  to  wane  in  popularity  it  was  succeeded  not  by  Shakespeare  and 
the  classic  dramas  but  by  new  "Riihrstucke." 

To  come  to  a  later  period,  from  1789-1813,  in  Dresden,  IfHand  was 
represented  by  143  pieces,  Kotzebue  by  334,  Goethe,  Lessing,  and  Schiller 
together  by  58  out  of  1471  evenings  while  Shakespeare  scarcely  appeared 
at  all  on  the  program.55  In  Mannheim  during  the  same  years  the  per- 
centage was  much  the  same.56 

In  short  the  French  comedie  larmoyante  in  part  absorbed  the  English 
middle-class  tragedy,  then  crowded  it  out  of  popularity  and  held  its  own 
against  Shakespeare,  Goethe,  and  Schiller,  until  it  had  called  into  life 
an  abundance  of  German  "Ruhrstucke"  which  in  turn  held  first  place  in 
popularity  well  into  the  beginning  of  the  next  century. 

65  Martersteig,  Das  deutsche  Drama  im  19.  Jahrhundert,  Leipzig,  1904,  12  f. 

66  Ibid.,  120. 


Chapter  XIII 
RICHARDSON  AND  THE  MORALIZING  NOVEL 

Moral  weeklies,  moralizing  dramas,  and  moralizing  novels  appeared 
in  like  sequence  in  England  and  in  Germany,  the  precedence  in  time  re- 
maining always  with  England.  All  were  products  of  the  age  of  reason  and 
democracy,  of  the  age  that  believed  that  all  men  were  teachable  and 
would  act  nobly  if  taught  to  see  the  nobler  way.  Richardson  was  in  many 
ways  the  successor  of  Addison  rather  than  of  Defoe  and  Swift.  The  moral 
weeklies  had  dealt  with  the  ethical  problems  of  the  average  man  in  brief 
narrative  form.  In  the  moralizing  dramas  the  treatment  was  enlarged 
and  intensified,  and  finally  in  the  roomy  volumes  of  his  novels  Richard- 
son could  analyze  human  motives  with  a  fineness  of  detail  hitherto  im- 
possible. In  England  Richardson's  first  novel  promptly  called  forth  the 
opposition  of  Fielding  and  his  school.  In  Germany  a  like  opposition  was 
slower  in  getting  under  way  and  Richardson's  novels  had  more  time  in 
which  to  establish  themselves. 

Richardson's  Pamela  of  1740  was  doubly  translated  soon  after  its 
appearance.1  Hagedorn  wrote  of  it  to  Bodmer  in  1745  saying:  "Ich 
konnte  Ew.  Hochedelgeboren  jemand  nennen,  der  nicht  ein  weibisches 
Herz  hat,  der  aber  dieses  Buch  nicht  ohne  viel  Thranen  [hat]  lesen 
konnen. . . .  Ich  wiirde  mich  beklagen,  wenn  es  mir  nicht  gefiel."2  Bodmer 
included  Pamela  in  his  list  of  recommended  reading  in  the  Discourse  der 
Mahlern  in  1746,3  and  Brockes,  in  the  little-read  ninth  volume  of  his 
Irolisches  Vergnilgen  in  Gott,  praises  Pamela  extravagantly  and  assigns 
to  the  virtuous  serving-maid  an  almost  Messianic  role : 

Das,  was  man  von  der  wahren  Tugend,  in  hundert  tausend  Biichern  lehret, 

Wird  durch  der  Pamela  Betragen,  auf  eine  solche  Weis'  erklaret, 

Dafi  der  nicht  nur  kein  tugendhaftes,  kein  menschliches  Herz  im  Busen  hegt, 

Den  diese  tugendhafte  Schone  zur  Tugendliebe  nicht  bewegt. 

Die  Tugend  war  den  Sterblichen,  doch  nur  dem  Namen  nach  bekannt, 


1  First  by  Mattheson,  Hamburg,  1742,  second  by  Jacob  Schuster,  Leipzig,  1743,  of 
which  there  was  a  "neue  verbesserte  Auflage,"  Leipzig  and  Liegnitz,  1772.  The  "Ver- 
besserer"  was  apparently  F.  Schmid.  It  is  furthermore  said  that  Kastner  participated 
in  the  translation  of  one  part  of  Pamela  and  the  first  part  of  Grandison;  see  Abraham 
Gottfried  Kastners  Selbstbiographie,  ed.  Eckert,  Hannover,  1909,  21.  Cf.  Wicke  [237] 
79. 

2  "Ungedruckte  Briefe  von  Friedrich  von  Hagedorn  an  J.  J.  Bodmer,"  Ziirich, 
Universitats-Bibliothek.  Letter  of  May  11,  1745.  Cf.  Hagedorn  to  Bodmer,  September 
28,  1749  re  Clarissa:  "Es  enthalt  alles,  was  die  Tugend  verehren  und  das  Laster 
verabscheuen  und  beklagen  lehrt."  Hagedorn,  Werke,  V  111. 

3  Loc.  cit.,  xxx ;  but  this  hardly  justifies  the  assertion  of  Joseph  Texte,  Jean  Jacques 
Rousseau  et  le  cosmopolitanisme  litteraire,  Paris,  1909,  178:  "Les  Discours  des  peintres 
s'enflammaient  pour  ce  pieux  roman." 

[164] 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  165 

Bis  sie,  uns  Menschen  zu  begliicken,  beschloB,  zu  uns  herab  zu  steigen, 
Und  uns  mit  allem  ihren  Reiz,  sich  in  der  Pamela  zu  zeigen. 

Kurz :  will  ein  jeder  auf  der  Erden 
Vergniigt,  geehrt,  geliebet  werden, 
Die  Lehr  ist,  nebst  dem  Beyspiel  da, 
Man  les'  und  folge  Pamela.4 

Brockes  died  too  soon  to  be  further  uplifted  by  the  reading  of  Clarissa, 
which  however  found  a  more  competent  exponent  in  Haller.  Clarissa  be- 
gan to  appear  in  England  in  1747  and  Michaelis  of  Gottingen  commenced 
his  translation  in  the  following  year,  but  became  discouraged  and  allowed 
another  to  finish  it.  Two  eighteenth-century  reviewers  attributed  the 
continuation  to  Haller  himself,5  as  did  also  the  editor  of  Richardson's 
correspondence  in  the  index  to  the  volumes,  basing  her  conclusion  on  the 
fact  that  Haller  sent  Richardson  a  complete  set  of  the  translation.6  Cer- 
tain it  is  that  Haller  along  with  his  university  work  and  his  twelve  hun- 
dred reviews  in  the  Gottingische  gelehrte  Anzeigen  found  time  to  translate 
at  least  one  other  English  novel,  hoping  that  it  might  have  "eben  das 
Gliick  und  die  Reizungen  .  .  .  welche  ihre  Schwestern,  Pamela,  Clarissa 
und  Amalia  fur  die  deutschen  Leser  gehabt  haben."7 

Part  of  Haller's  criticism  of  Richardson  was  of  an  esthetic  nature.  The 
letter  form  of  the  novel,  Haller  says,  introduces  a  certain  unplausibility, 
for  it  is  unlikely  that  a  young  girl  in  a  period  of  such  great  distress  could 
find  the  composure  to  write  such  revealing  letters  as  are  here  quoted,8 
but  the  novel  itself  he  commends  as  "ein  Meisterstlick  in  der  Abschil- 
derung  der  Sitten,  der  Art  zu  denken  und  sich  naturlich  und  dennoch 
wizig  auszudriiken,"  and  as  "ein  Muster  der  neuesten,  reinsten,  und 
zugleich  der  wizigsten  und  blumenreichsten  englischen  Schreibart."9  He 
prefers  Clarissa  as  a  character  to  Pamela. 

Sie  ist  noch  viel  wiziger,  sie  verfallt  nicht  in  ernsthafte  und  trockne  Regeln,  sie  hat 
insbesondere  sich  keine  solchen  Fehler  wieder  die  Schaamhaftigkeit  vorzuwerfen,  als 
wohl  die  Pamela  bey  ihrer  sonst  guten  Absicht  sich  zur  Last  hat  legen  lassen  miissen.10 

4  Op.  cit.,  IX  554  f.;  quoted  more  fully  in  Price  [510]  13  ff. 

5  AUgemeine  Liter  atur-Zeitung,  III  (1790),  163-767  and  NADB,  XIV  (1795)  161, 
quoted  in  Price  [510]  21.  The  review  is  signed  D.  Re  the  later  translations  of  Kose- 
garten  and  Schmid,  see  pp.  179,  below. 

6  The  Correspondence  of  Samuel  Richardson,  ed.  A.  L.  Barbauld,  London,  1804,  V 
297. 

7  Felicia  oder  Natur  und  Sitten  in  der  Geschichte  eines  adeligen  Frauenzimmers  auf  dem 
Lande,  a.  d.  E.  von  Haller,  Hamburg  and  Leipzig,  1753.  The  author's  name,  appar- 
ently unknown  to  the  translator,  was  Mary  Collyer.  The  English  title  was  Felicia  to 
Charlotte,  Being  Letters  from  a  Young  Lady  in  the  Country  to  her  Friend  in  Town, 
London,  1749.  Mary  Collyer  was  also  the  translator  of  Gessner's  Der  Tod  Abels  and 
the  first  part  of  Klopstock's  Messias. 

8  GGA,  1748,  274;  1755,  161. 

9  Ibid.,  1749,  201  f.  Cf.  Haller,  Tagebuch,  I  60  f. 

10  Ibid.,  1748,  274. 


166      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

The  novel  too  is  superior.  The  absence  of  all  implausible  adventure  is 
especially  commended.9  "Die  Charaktere  sind  zahlreicher,  lebhaft  abge- 
mahlt,  vollkommen  wohl  erhalten,  und  durch  der  Personen  eigene  Reden 
wizig  und  dennoch  naturlich  ausgedriikt"8  or  "durch  ihre  Ausdriike, 
Vorhaben  und  Thaten  abgemahlt."11  Their  characteristics  are  consist- 
ently maintained  throughout  the  work,  and  even  their  styles  of  writing 
are  so  precisely  differentiated,  "da!3  wir  es  eben  nicht  fur  schwer  halten 
bey  einer  jeden  Seite  zu  sagen,  welche  Person  den  Brief  geschrieben 
habe,"9  but  with  this  Haller  mingles  the  moralizing  criticism  of  the  time 
and  distinguishes  between  harmful  novels  and  the  rare  good  ones, 
namely,  "die  da  .  .  .  durch  ihren  angenehmen  Vortrag  ergotzen,  auch  zu- 
gleich  auf  eine  niitzliche  Art  belehren."  Under  this  head  he  classes  "Der 
Telemach,  Die  Reisen  des  Cyrus,  Die  Prinzessin  von  Cleve  und  die  Zaide 
der  Frau  von  Faiette,  Die  Marianne,  Die  Pamela,  Die  Clarissa,  die  Ro- 
manen  des  Herrn  Prevot,  Die  Geschichte  der  schwedischen  Grdfin  und  in 
der  That  kaum  noch  flinf  andere."12 

Haller's  chief  disquisition  on  Clarissa  first  saw  the  light  in  the  Biblio- 
theque  raisonnee  of  Amsterdam  in  1749.13  It  was  translated  into  English 
shortly  after  in  the  Gentleman's  Magazine,1*  and  finally  into  German  in 
Haller's  Kleine  Schriften.lb  In  this  essay  Haller  rises  to  a  defense  of  the 
middle-class  novel  in  principle.  "All  the  readers  we  know,"  Haller  says, 
"concur  in  giving  it  [Clarissa]  the  first  rank  among  romances."  The 
French,  he  says,  may  indeed  take  exception  to  this  judgment,  but  French 
novels  for  the  most  part  are  presentations  of  the  illustrious  actions  of 
illustrious  persons.  All  the  incidents  of  private  life  are  suppressed.  The 
hero  is  exhibited,  a  being  who  has  neither  wants,  nor  manners,  nor  vir- 
tues, nor  vices  in  common  with  the  rest  of  mankind.  His  characteristics 
are  courage,  generosity,  constancy,  devotion.  Who  can  but  smile  to  see 
Cyrus  fill  Asia  with  his  conquests  only  in  search  of  his  mistress.  Mari- 
vaux,  to  be  sure,  has  endeavored  to  bring  his  countrymen  back  to  nature. 
His  Marianne  and  his  Paysan  parvenu  are  paintings  after  life.  In  these 
the  author  speaks  less  and  his  characters  more,  but  his  genius  could  not 
wholly  cure  himself  of  the  fashion,  nor  did  he  dare  to  entertain  his 
countrymen  with  private  and  domestic  occurrence.  In  Clarissa  we  see  a 
virtuous  character  in  the  same  station  of  life  with  ourselves  who  suffers 
with  an  immovable  and  unshaken  constancy.  "The  misfortunes  of  an 
Ariane  move  me  not  at  all,"  he  says,  "those  of  a  Princess  of  Cleves  but 

11  Ibid.,  1748,  659. 

12  Introduction  to  Felicia  oder  Natur  und  Sitten  .  .  . 

13  hoc.  cit.,  XLII  (1749)  325  ff. 

14  hoc.  cit.,  XIX  (1749)  245  f.,  345  f. 

15  Sammlung  kleiner  Hallerscher  Schriften2,  ed.  Zimmermann,  Bern,  1772,  I  292  ff. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  167 

faintly.  The  heroes  there  are  beings  too  different  from  myself  and  the 
misfortunes  which  happen  to  them  bear  no  proportion  to  anything  that 
may  happen  to  me.  I  cannot  but  know  it  to  be  a  fable  and  the  necessary 
effect  of  this  knowledge  is  insensibility."14 

Haller's  name  is  not  attached  to  this  translation  in  the  Gentleman's 
Magazine.  He  is  variously  referred  to  as  the  French  author  and  the  in- 
genious foreigner.  Haller  takes  exception  to  some  minor  details.  The 
Gentleman's  Magazine  devotes  several  pages  to  the  task  of  overruling 
the  objections.  According  to  Hirzel,  the  ardent  defender  of  Richardson 
is  Richardson  himself.16 

Haller  suggested  in  1750:  "Das  der  Clarissa  begegnete  und  fur  ein  so 
himmlisches  Frauenzimmer  fast  alzu  demiitigende  Ungliick  ist  vielleicht 
die  Ursache,  worum  in  Frankreich  ein  sonst  so  ausnehmendes  Buch  noch 
keinen  Eingang  gefunden  hat"17  and  he  is  no  doubt  right,  for  when  the 
Abbe  Prevost  translated  it  the  next  year  he  sacrificed  just  such  passages. 
There  were,  to  be  sure,  some  critics  in  Germany  who  favored  such  mitiga- 
tion. Uz  wrote  to  Gleim  that  he  found  the  conclusion  of  the  novel  un- 
justifiably sad.18  Richardson  expressed  his  vexation  over  the  Abbe  Pro- 
vost's suppressions  in  a  letter  to  Clairaut.19  Diderot  objected  to  the  pro- 
cedure in  an  Eloge  written  at  the  time  of  Richardson's  death  for  the 
Journal  Stranger.20  Its  editor,  Suard,  added  a  translation  of  the  suppressed 
account  of  Clarissa's  death.  Haller  approved  the  ruthlessness  of  the  nar- 
ration both  on  moral  and  esthetic  grounds :  it  served  to  impress  the  lesson 
the  more  effectively21  and  "Es  ist .  .  .  wie  eine  Dissonanz  in  einer  kunst- 
lichen  Music,  die  das  nachfolgende  vortrefliche  erhohet,"  and  he  called 
Prevost's  reserve  "falsche  Klugheit."22 

When  Haller  learned  that  Richardson  was  about  to  write  another 
novel  he  wrote  to  him  asking  that  he  might  have  the  proof  sheets  as  they 
came  out,  in  order  to  translate  the  novel  into  German.23  This  perhaps 
strengthens  the  supposition  that  he  had  a  hand  in  the  translation  of 
Clarissa.  Richardson  wrote  to  Clairaut,  however,  that  he  did  not  intend 
to  enter  into  any  business  relations  with  any  foreigners  regarding  trans- 
lations.24 When  Grandison  appeared  Haller  was  ready  to  promise  to  it  as 
sure  an  immortality  as  to  the  noblest  of  poetry.  "Marivaux,"  he  said, 

16  Haller,  Gedichte,  cccxiii. 

17  GGA,  1750,  610. 

18  BLVS,  CCXVIII  (1899)  233. 

19  Alan  D.  McKillop,  "A  letter  of  Richardson  to  Clairaut,"  MLN  LXIII  (1948)  111. 

20  Translation  in  the  Hamburgische  Unterhaltungen  I  (1766)  118. 

21  GGA,  1749,  201  f. 

22  GGA,  1750,  610. 

23  McKillop  (see  fn.  19,  above)  112. 

24  Ibid.,  119. 


168      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

"istnurein  Nachspiel  dagegen."25  The  first  German  translation  of  Grandi- 
son  appeared  in  1754-1755,  immediately  after  its  publication  in  Eng- 
land.26 

Another  constant  advocate  of  the  novels  of  Richardson  was  Christian 
Furchtegott  Gellert  in  Leipzig.  One  critic  ventured  to  say:  "Richardson 
was  the  founder  of  the  German  novel  and  Gellert  was  his  sole  prophet."27 
Gellert  himself  yielded  precedence  to  Haller  and  referred  his  students  to 
Haller's  criticism  and  praise  of  Clarissa,  which  he  said,  "in  ganz  Deutsch- 
land  unter  den  grolten  Gelehrten  nur  ein  Haller  hat  verfertigen  konnen."28 

Gellert  was  however,  no  doubt  the  most  influential  of  the  early  advo- 
cates of  Richardson  in  Germany.  In  his  Moralische  Vorlesungen  he  fre- 
quently seized  the  opportunity  to  recommend  the  reading  of  Richard- 
son's novels:  "Ich  habe  ehedem  liber  den  siebenten  Theil  der  Clarissa 
und  den  fiinf ten  des  Grandisons  mit  einer  Art  von  sufier  Wehmuth  einige 
der  merkwurdigsten  Stunden  fiir  mein  Herz  verweinet;  dafiir  danke  ich 
dir  noch  itzt  Richardson."29  According  to  the  best  evidence  Gellert  was 
the  translator  of  Grandison,30  and  Gellert  celebrated  Richardson  in  ex- 
travagant terms  in  his  "Sinngedicht  iiber  Richardsons  Bildnis." 

Dies  ist  der  schopferische  Geist, 
Der  uns  durch  lehrende  Gedichte 
Den  Reiz  der  Tugend  fiihlen  heifit, 
Der  durch  den  Grandison  selbst  einem  Bosewichte 
Den  ersten  Wunsch,  auch  fromm  zu  sein,  entreiBt. 
Die  Werke,  die  er  schuf,  wird  keine  Zeit  verwiisten, 
Sie  sind  Natur,  Geschmack,  Religion. 
Unsterblich  ist  Homer,  unsterblicher  bei  Christen 
Der  Britte  Richardson.31 

The  comparison  was  much  in  vogue  at  the  time.  In  his  "Eloge," 
written  on  the  occasion  of  Richardson's  death,  Diderot  had  said: 

O  Richardson,  Richardson,  homme  unique  a  mes  yeux,  tu  seras  ma  lecture  dans  tous 
les  temps!  Force  par  des  besoins  pressants,  si  mon  ami  tombe  dans  l'indigence,  si 
la  m^diocrite  de  ma  fortune  ne  suffit  pas  pour  donner  a  mes  enfants  les  soins  necessaires 
a  leur  Education,  je  vendrai  mes  livres;  mais  tu  me  resteras  sur  le  meme  rayon  avec 
Moi'se,  Homere,  Euripide  et  Sophocle;  et  je  vous  lirai  tour  a  tour.32 

25  GGA,  1755,  161. 

26  Later  translations:  1780,  presumably  by  Schwabe,  and  1789,  translator  unknown. 
"Robertson  [507]  185. 

28  Gellert,  Samtliche  Schriften  .  .  .,  Leipzig,  1784,  VI  258. 

29  Ibid.,  VI  258. 

30  See  letter  of  the  librarian  Reich  to  Richardson,  May  10, 1754,  in  The  Correspond- 
ence of  Samuel  Richardson  (cf.  fn.  6,  above),  V  297;  and  Gellert  in  his  "Husarenbrief," 
Gellert,  Werke,  ed.  Klee,  VIII  262:  "[Graf  Dohnau],  der  alle  meine  Schriften,  selbst 
den  Grandison  auswendig  wuste."  The  edition  in  question  appeared  in  Leipzig  1754- 
1755.  Later  printings:  1764,  1770,  1780. 

31  Almanach  der  deutschen  Musen,  1771,  57. 

32  Diderot,  Oeuvres  completes,  Paris,  1875-1877,  V  216. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  169 

Ramler's  Critische  Nachrichten,  in  a  series  of  letters  plagiarized  from  the 
Ziircher  freymilthigen  Nachrichten,  also  came  to  the  conclusion:  "So 
schatze  ich  den  Dichter  der  Pamela  und  Clarissa  so  hoch  als  den  Dichter 
der  Ilias  und  der  Odyssee.'m 

Lessing's  comments  on  Richardson  are  disappointing  because  of  their 
lack  of  esthetic  discrimination.  In  a  review  of  Felicia  in  1763  he  says  the 
novel  belongs  in  the  same  group  as  Pamela,  Clarissa,  and  Amalia.  In  it 
examples  of  human  conduct  are  chosen,  "welche  die  Tugend  und  Sitten 
angenehm  machen,  und  die  Laster  lacherlich  und  hassenswiirdig  dar- 
stellen."34  In  a  review  of  Don  Quixote  im  Reifrocke  written  in  the  same 
year,  Lessing  notes  with  pleasure  that  Cervantes  has  made  the  old  his- 
torical novels  ridiculous  and  that  Marivaux  and  his  more  successful  fol- 
lowers, Richardson  and  Fielding,  have  introduced  real  human  beings. 
Lessing  adds:  "Es  ist  zu  wunschen,  dafl  sie  die  einzigen  waren,  welche 
gelesen  wiirden,  wenn  man  einmal  Romane  lesen  will."35  In  a  review  of 
Grandison,  written  the  next  year,  he  says  "blofie  Ergotzung"  has  never 
been  Richardson's  object.  "Ein  viel  edlerer  Zweck  ist  von  je  her  der 
Gegenstand  des  unterrichtenden  Richardson  gewesen."  Richardson  has 
always  understood  the  art  of  adorning  "die  scharffste  Moral  mit  so  viel 
reitzenden  Bluhmen."36  His  comments  on  the  successive  issues  of  the 
Grandison  volumes  stress  only  the  moral  lessons  and  all  is  summed  up  in 
the  challenge  of  1757: 

Wer  wird  sich  auch  einkommen  lassen,  etwas  fur  mittelmafiig  zu  halten,  wobey  der 
unsterbliche  Verfasser  der  Pamela,  der  Clarissa,  des  Grandisons  die  Hand  angelegt? 
Derm  wer  kann  es  besser  wissen,  was  zur  Bildung  der  Herzen,  zur  Einflofiung  der 
Menschenliebe,  zur  Beforderung  jeder  Tugend  das  zutraglichste  ist,  als  er?  Oder  wer 
kann  es  besser  wissen,  als  er,  wie  viel  die  Wahrheit  iiber  menschliche  Gemuther  ver- 
mag,  wenn  sie  sich,  die  bezaubernden  Reize  einer  gefalligen  Erdichtung  zu  borgen 
herablaCt.37 

The  critic  Lessing  appears  in  a  somewhat  different  light  in  an  anecdote 
of  1776.  According  to  it  Lessing  defended  a  love-stricken  girl  of  thirteen 
when  her  tutor  Mendelssohn,  with  the  approval  of  her  father,  threw  out 
of  the  window  a  copy  of  Werther  with  which  she  was  consoling  herself. 
The  afflicted  maiden,  Sara  von  Grotthus,  twenty  years  later,  quoted 
Lessing  from  memory  as  saying : 

Du  wirst  einst  erst  fuhlen  .  .  .  was  fur  ein  Genie  Gothe  ist  . . .  Ich  habe  immer  gesagt, 
ich  gabe  10  Jahre  von  meinem  Leben,  wenn  ich  Sternens  Lebenslauf  um  ein  Jahr 

33  Price  [509]  173. 

34  Lessing,  Schriften,  V  166. 

36  Ibid.,  V  201 .  Re  a  German  translation  of  The  Female  Quixote  by  Charlotte  Lang. 
The  translator  was  H.  A.  Pistorius. 

36  Ibid.,  V  399. 

37  Ibid.,  VII  75.  Cf.  V  433  and  VII  18  f. 


170      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

hatte  verlangern  konnen,  aber  Gothe  trostet  mich  einigermaften  iiber  seinen  Verlust. 
Ich  kann  das  Gewasche  von  Verderben,  Schwarmerei  usw.,  gar  nicht  horen,  elendes 
Rasonnement,  malt  fiir  Eure  Kleisterpuppen  lauter  Grandisone,  damit  sie  nicht  am 
Feuer  der  Empfindung  springen!  Soil  man  denn  gar  nicht  fiir  Menschen  schreiben, 
weil  Narren  narrisch  sind.38 

More  fully  even  than  its  two  predecessors,  Richardson's  Grandison 
satisfied  the  rationalists'  ideal  of  the  perfect  novel.  Gottsched,  for  exam- 
ple, wrote  in  a  letter  to  his  niece  Victoria : 

Ich  bin  ihn  ganz  durch  und  die  beiden  letzten  Bande  gefallen  mir  ungemein.  Unstreitig 
ist  dies  der  beste  Roman,  der  jemals  geschrieben  worden,  und  nach  ihm  will  ich  keinen 
mehr  lesen.  Er  erhebt  die  menschliche  Natur  zu  ihrer  wahren  Wiirde,  und  das  beyder 
Geschlechter.  Henriette  namlich  ist  in  dem  ihrigen  so  vollkommen  als  Grandison  in 
dem  seinigen.  Lesen  Sie  ihn  also  in  dem  guten  Vorsatz,  alles  liebenswurdige  dieses 
trefflichen  Frauenzimmers  nach  Ihren  Umstanden  nachzuahmen.  Allein  was  fiir  ein 
seltsames  Geschopf  ist  Charlotte  Grandison  oder  Lady  G. !  Ich  habe  mich  oft  iiber  sie 
geargert  und  hatte  sie  priigeln  mogen.  .  .  .  Sie  haben  etwas  aus  meiner  Philosophie 
behalten,  und  das  ist  mir  lieb.  Fahren  Sie  fort  den  zweiten  Band  zu  lesen,  so  werden 
Sie  urtheilen  konnen,  ob  ich  nicht  recht  Grandisonische  Grundlehren  langst  gehabt 
und  nach  Moglichkeit  ausgeiibt  habe.39 

As  might  be  expected  the  criticism  of  Richardson's  novels  in  the  moral 
weeklies  was  also  of  a  rationalistic  nature.  The  earliest  discussions  were 
almost  without  exception  favorable.  Gottsched,  Bodmer,  and  the  "Bre- 
mer Beytrager"  in  their  organs  all  urged  the  reading  of  Richardson  and 
the  same  is  true  of  two  of  the  Nuremberg  editors.40  Der  Sammler  of 
Strassburg  and  Die  Ziircher  freymuthigen  Nachrichten  discussed  earnestly 
and  at  length  problems  arising  out  of  Pamela  and  Clarissa  respectively,41 
and  Der  nordische  Auf seller  of  Copenhagen  formally  debated  the  ques- 
tion: "ob  in  Grandisons  Geschichte  Clementine  oder  Henriette  Byron 
den  Vorzug  verdiene,"  awarding  the  decision  to  Henrietta  Byron  because 
her  emotions  always  remain  under  perfect  control.42 

To  be  sure  there  were  some  critics  for  whom  Richardson  was  not 
rational  enough.  Joseph  von  Sonnenfels  was  in  some  respects  the  Gott- 
sched and  the  Lessing  of  Vienna.  In  his  second  journal,  Theresie  und 
Eleanore,  1767,  the  novels  of  Richardson  came  under  consideration.  A 
certain  widow  is  represented  as  writing  to  the  journal  to  inquire  which 
of  the  works  of  Richardson  she  shall  first  put  into  the  hands  of  her 
daughter  Constantine.  The  answer  of  the  journal  is  bluntly,  none  of 

38  Biedermann,  "Zu  Lessings  Gesprachen,"  in  Lessing-Buch,  ed.  Jellinek  and  Mar- 
bach,  Berlin,  1926,  16-20. 

39  Waniek  [238]  675. 

40  Von  Murr,  Der  Zufnedene,  1764,  and  Friedrich  Schmit,  Das  Wochenblatt  ohne 
Titel,  1770.  Cf.  Price  [509]  180  f. 

"Price  [509]  173  f. 
42  hoc.  cit.,  Ill  369. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  171 

them.  Pamela  is  out  of  the  question:  "Die  Dime  verliebt  sich  in  ihren 
Herrn,  der  so  weit  liber  sie  ist.  Das  ist  schon  nicht  erbaulich.  Dann,  so 
werden  dem  Madchen  gewisse  Antrage  gemacht  ..."  Clarissa  is  a  little 
better.  She  enters  into  a  secret  correspondence  with  a  man.  Because  her 
relatives  treat  her  badly  she  runs  away  from  home.  The  rascally  Lovelace 
is  described  as  charming  and  handsome  in  appearance  while  the  virtuous 
Hickman  is  a  pitiable  figure  in  comparison  with  him.  The  final  scene  is 
unsuitable  for  young  girls.  Grandison  is  better  in  this  regard:  "Da  die 
Manner  nun  einmal  bestimmt  sind,  das  Haupt  der  Familie  und  unsere 
gebietenden  Herren  zu  werden,  so  ist  es  nothwendig  .  .  .  dafi  man  sie 
hochachten  lerne,"  but  Henriette  Byron  is  with  all  her  virtues  a  vain, 
sometimes  impertinent,  and  always  disdainful  person.  Instead  of  these 
modern  works  Constantine  should  read  the  older  novels,  which  teach 
young  girls  to  expect  the  severest  standards  of  honor  from  their  lovers.43 
A  second  group  of  rationalistic  critics  condemned  Richardson's  novels, 
not  on  moral  but  rather  on  esthetic  grounds.  Here  belong  among  others 
Blankenberg,  Wieland  in  his  second  literary  phase,  Musaus,  and  Abbt. 
These  objectors  took  exception  to  Richardson's  "perfect  characters." 
They  were  theoretical  and,  some  of  them,  practical  followers  of  Fielding 
and  as  such  may  be  reserved  for  the  next  discussion,  but  here  it  may  be 
said  that  the  line  must  not  be  drawn  too  sharply.  Richardson's  charac- 
ters were  not  always  unmixed,  and  Mendelssohn  at  least  implied  this 
in  one  of  the  Litter aturbriefe. 

Die  vollkommen  tugendhaften  Charactere  aber  machen  dem  Dichter  die  wenigsten 
Schwierigkeiten.  Ich  weifS,  da!3  Richardson  mit  seinem  vollkommenen  Grandison 
leichter  fertig  geworden  als  mit  seiner  Clementina;  und  vielleicht  auch  mit  der 
Clarissa  leichter  als  mit  dem  Lovelace.44 

Furthermore  a  reviewer  of  Blankenberg's  Versuch  uber  den  Roman 
challenged  the  author's  attack  on  Richardson's  manner  of  drawing  char- 
acters saying:  "Unserem  Bediinken  nach  hat  Richardson  in  der  Clarisse 
den  Forderungen  des  Verfassers  recht  sehr  Gnuge  getan,  denn  er  zeigt 
auf  eine  anschauende  Art  wie  Clarisse  das  worden  ist,  was  sie  ist."45 

We  now  approach  a  group  of  critics  who  can  best  be  described  nega- 
tively as  of  the  nonrationalistic  school.  Here  come  chiefly  under  consider- 
ation Klopstock,  Herder,  and  Gellert.  Goethe  requires  a  separate  con- 
sideration. It  was  the  emotional  rather  than  the  moral  Richardson  which 
appealed  to  Klopstock  and  his  wife.  Meta  wrote  to  Richardson  admiring 
letters,46  and  Klopstock  once  tried  to  secure  a  position  in  the  English 

43  Sonnenfels,  Gesammelte  Schriften,  Wien,  1783,  IV  138  ff. 

44  hoc.  cit.,  Stuck  66. 

45  Tlr.  in  ADB,  XLIII  2  (1775)  348. 

46  The  Correspondence  of  Samuel  Richardson  (see  fn.  6,  above)  III  139-157. 


172      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

service  in  order  to  be  near  Richardson.  His  ode  "Die  todte  Clarissa"  was 
well  known  to  the  "Empfindsamen."47  Gerstenberg's  colder  ode  on  the 
same  subject  seems  to  have  made  but  little  impression  in  his  time48  and 
his  lurid  cantata  on  Clarissa  was  first  published  in  1916. 49 

Diderot's  Eloge,  as  translated  in  the  Hamburgische  Unterhaltungen, 
caught  Herder's  attention.  In  1767  he  quoted  at  length  from  it  and 
expressed  a  desire  to  see  the  French  original.50  The  following  year  he 
took  Abbt  to  task  for  commending  Musaus's  Grandison  der  Zweite.  He 
would  prefer  to  be  the  author  of  Grandison  rather  than  its  parodist,  and 
to  write  "ein  Diderotsches  Ehrendenkmal,"  rather  than  "eine  eckligte 
Critik."51  In  his  Journal  meiner  Reise  im  Jahre  1769  he  aspired  to  become 
a  "Menschenkenner"  and  to  study  "die  Menschheitsschriften,"  among 
which  he  included  the  works  of  Richardson.52  In  a  review  of  Lessing's 
Wie  die  Alien  den  Tod  gebildet  he  makes  a  touching  reference  to  the  dead 
Clarissa,  too  good  for  this  earth.53  But  during  his  stay  in  Darmstadt  in 
1770  he  must  not  have  mentioned  Richardson  to  Caroline,  for  in  a  letter 
from  Strassburg,  September  20,  1770,  he  wrote  to  her: 

Die  unschuldige  Welt  Ihres  GefSners  ist  schon;  nur  ist  sie  nicht  die  Unsrige — sie  ist 
zu  wenig  im  Kreise  der  Leidenschaften,  die  doch  die  Triebfedern  der  Menschheit 
sind  .  .  .  Apropos !  haben  Sie  nichts  von  Richardsons  Romanen  gelesen?  Pamela,  Gran- 
dison, ClariBa? 

He  limits  his  praise  to  Clarissa:  "Grandison  ist  ein  steifer,  kalter,  un- 
menschlicher  Charakter,  und  Pamela  oft  eine  langweilige  Puppe  von 
Unschuld,"55  but  the  death  of  Clarissa  is  the  greatest  loss  of  sorrowing 
nature:  "Ein  menschlicher  Engel,  durch  den  kleinsten  Schatten  von 
Fehler,  eine  Ungluckliche."54 

In  April  of  the  following  year  Herder  revisited  Caroline  at  Darmstadt, 
but  still  she  had  not  read  Clarissa.  In  November  of  1771  she  read  Klop- 
stock's  ode,  "Die  todte  Clarissa,"  and  it  was  this  apparently  that  finally 
led  her  to  take  up  Richardson's  Clarissa:  "Ich  bin  iiber  mich  unwillig, 
da.6  ich  nicht  eher  ein  so  edles,  unschuldiges  erhabenes  Herz  kennen 
lernte."  She  compares  Clarissa  with  Sophie  La  Roche's  "Sternheim," 
not  at  all  to  the  disadvantage  of  the  latter:  "Sind  nicht  Sternheim  und 
Clarifia  zwey  Engelsschwestern?"55  But  at  just  about  the  same  time 

47  Klopstock,  Oden,  ed.  Muncker  and  Pawel,  Stuttgart,  1889,  I  89  ff. 

48  Gerstenberg,  Vermischte  Schriften,  Altona,  1815,  II  255. 

49  ASNS,  CXXXIV  (1916)  3  f. 

50  Herder,  Werke,  IV  226. 
61  Ibid.,  II  326. 

52  Ibid.,  IV  367. 

63  Ibid.,  V  657. 

54  Herders  Briefwechsel,  XXXIX  (1926)  52. 

56  Ibid.,  382. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  173 

Herder  was  reading  Clarissa  in  its  entirety  for  the  first  time  and  to  his 
disillusionment.  What  he  had  previously  written  was  based  on  uncertain 
memories  of  an  earlier  reading  of  the  last  part  only.  Much  after  the 
fashion  of  the  moral  weeklies  he  now  takes  the  heroine  to  task  for 
her  clandestine  correspondence  with  Lovelace,  whose  evil  reputation 
she  knew,  and  for  running  into  his  arms  and  deceiving  her  father  and 
mother,  her  friend  Miss  Howe,  and  herself.56 

Not  all  of  Herder's  criticism  is  moralizing  however:  "Jetzt  weiB  ich 
nicht,  wie  man  das  Buch  als  ein  feines  Gewebe  etc.  anpreisen  kann:  fur 
mich  ist  alles  so  grob,  und  plump  und  zusammengezwungen."57  Again 
he  says : 

Mich  diinkt,  der  Autor  hat  von  der  Canzleisprache  der  Liebe  und  aller  Affekten 
und  Blendwerke  und  Charaktere  des  Menschlichen  Herzens  viel — von  ihrem  Cabinet 
aber  nichts  gewust.  Das  Eine  ...  ist  sein  Ausmalen  der  Situationen,  und  das  kann  er 
vortreflich,  und  eben  daher  erinnere  ich  mich,  sind  auch  die  Thranen,  die  es  uns  in 
den  letzten  Theilen  auspreflt,  so  hart:  es  sind  recht  herausgewundne  Thranen.58 

In  a  letter  of  December  16,  Caroline  agrees  with  Herder: 

Ich  bin  herzlich  froh,  dafi  ich  Ihr  Urtheil  iiber  die  ersten  Theile  der  ClariBa  habe. 
Lachen  Sie  nur  iiber  mich,  ich  hatte  nicht  das  Herz,  etwas  gegen  den  grofien  Mann 
Richardson  zu  sagen,  da  mich  doch  so  oft  das  kalte  Madchen  mit  ihrem  boshaften 
Lovelac,  dem  sie  auf  die  narrischte  Art  in  die  Arme  lief,  argerte.  Sie  ist  ein  heiliger, 
heiliger  Engel,  das  ist  wahr,  und  auf  dieser  Seite  hat  sie  mich  ganz  an  sich  gezogen, 
aber  das  kalte  wunderliche  ruckhaltende  Herz  war  immer  ein  Stein  des  Anstofies. 
Ich  glaube  gar,  sie  halts  fur  Siinde,  einen  Freund  zu  lieben!69 

This,  and  much  more  which  might  be  quoted,  is  evidence  that  Richard- 
son was  by  no  means  the  idol  of  the  Darmstadt  saints  and  of  kindred 
souls  elsewhere.  Most  of  Herder's  comments  on  Richardson  in  later  life 
are  either  neutral  or  critical  of  perfect  characters  in  general.  At  one  time 
he  made  the  remark:  "Richardsons  drei  Romane  haben  ihre  goldene  Zeit 
erlebet;  Youngs  Nachtgedanken,  Tom  Jones,  Der  Landpriester  haben  in 
Deutschland  Sekten  gestiftet."60  In  other  words  there  was  no  Richardson 
sect  in  Germany.  It  is  clear  that  Agathon  and  Wilhelm  Meister  owe  more 
to  Fielding  than  to  Richardson,  and  it  follows  that  the  German  "Bil- 
dungsroman"  might  well  have  developed  to  its  full  compass  without  the 
stimulation  of  Richardson. 

Gellert  wrote  but  one  novel.  To  its  composition  he  was  no  doubt  in- 
spired by  Pamela.  Richardson's  later  novels  had  not  yet  appeared. 
Gellert's  Leben  der  schwedischen  Grdfin  von  G***,  1747,  shares  with 
Pamela  its  moral  intent,  and  almost  nothing  more.  It  differs  from  Pamela 

66  Ibid.,  390.  59  Ibid.,  400. 

57  Ibid.,  392.  6°  Herder,  Werke,  XVIII  208. 

68  Ibid.,  393. 


174      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

in  construction,  in  content,  and  in  tone,  and  its  disregard  of  accepted 
conventions  would  have  shocked  Richardson.  After  their  marriage  two 
lovers  discover  that  they  are  brother  and  sister  but  yet  continue  to  dwell 
together.  The  Grafin  von  G.  had  not  long  been  married  when  a  royal 
rival  summoned  her  husband  to  the  wars  and  placed  him  maliciously  in 
a  dangerous  position.  The  news  of  death  was  brought  to  his  wife,  who 
after  a  certain  length  of  time  married  "Herr  R.,"  the  best  friend  of  her 
former  husband,  and  lived  with  him  in  Christian  contentment,  until,  to 
the  surprise  of  all,  her  supposedly  dead  husband  returned  uninjured. 
The  Graf  von  G.,  her  just  and  true  husband,  was  restored  to  his  rights 
without  struggle  or  emotion  on  her  part,  but  Herr  R.  was  persuaded  to 
remain  in  the  city  and  visit  often  in  the  house  as  the  good  friend  of  both, 
and  when  the  Graf  von  G.  died  he  commended  his  wife  to  the  care  of 
their  friend  R. 

The  episode  was  condemned  or  ridiculed  in  the  nineteenth  century.61 
Perhaps  the  twentieth  would  regard  it  more  tolerantly,  but  at  all  events 
it  harmonized  with  the  social  thought  of  its  own  time.  Shaftesbury  had 
taught  that  the  "real  true  gentleman"  was  ever  content  with  his  position 
in  life  and  always  bore  with  grace  whatever  fate  brought  to  him.  Richard- 
son and  after  him  Gellert  subscribed  to  a  certain  middle-class  transposi- 
tion of  this  principle.  This  ideal  of  resignation,  "Gelassenheit,"  is  repre- 
sented and  with  dignity  by  count  and  countess  and  by  Herrn  R.  A  like 
problem  was  less  deftly  solved  in  Werther  and  in  Stella. 

Richardson  and  Gellert  found  no  worthy  successor  in  Germany  until 
1766,  when  Hermes  began  his  Miss  Fanny  Wilkes,  closely  followed  by 
Sophiens  Reise,  1769-1773.  The  chief  characters  in  Miss  Fanny  Wilkes 
are  Handsom  and  Miss  Jenny.  Handsom  is  a  German  Sir  Charles  Grandi- 
son  and  Miss  Jenny  a  Richardsonian  paragon,  though  more  sentimental 
than  her  English  models.  The  troubled  courtship  of  Handsom  and  Miss 
Jenny  nears  a  happy  conclusion  when  the  prospect  is  ruined  by  the  dis- 
covery of  blood  relationship.  In  other  words  Miss  Fanny  Wilkes  owes  its 
plot  as  much  to  Gellert  as  to  Richardson.  It  may  be  noted  that  in  this 
novel  as  well  as  in  its  successor  Hermes  made  use  of  chapter  headings 
after  the  manner  of  Fielding. 

In  composing  Miss  Fanny  Wilkes,  Hermes  was  partly  motivated  by 
the  desire  to  gain  popularity,  but  in  writing  Sophiens  Reise  von  Memel 
nach  Sachsen  he  lays  claim  to  the  most  admirable  intentions.  Professor 
Arnold  of  Konigsberg  had  put  Grandison  into  his  hands  and  had  advised 
him  to  cloak  his  moralizings  in  a  pleasing  gown  and  thus  become  a  Ger- 
man Richardson.  Voices  from  the  public  had  strengthened  his  resolu- 
tions: "Manche  Mutter,"  he  says,  "und  zwar  die  verehrungswtirdigsten, 

61  Schmidt  [513]  32. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  175 

manche  Prediger,  haben  mir  zugerufen:  'Will  denn  kein  Christ  etwas 
schreiben,  was  so  ausseh  wie  ein  Roman  und  so  meine  Kinder  fessele!' 
Das  jammerte  mich  und  ich  schrieb."62  Sometimes  Hermes  seems 
slavishly  dependent  on  his  masters.  Approaching  a  climax  he  exclaims 
in  effect:  "What  a  situation!  What  would  not  Richardson  and  Gellert 
do  with  this!"  and  therewith  he  is  content  to  leave  the  possibilities  un- 
developed, but  again  he  takes  a  critical  attitude,  is  scornful  of  "Biron- 
sches  Zimpern,"  indicates  that  on  earth  no  Grandison  exists,  and  as  an 
orthodox  Protestant  theologian  he  is  compelled  to  protest  against 
Clementina  von  Porretta's  infidelity  to  her  faith  and  calls  her  "ein 
Unding,  eine  erkenntnislose,  glaubenslose  Romerin."63  In  the  4000  pages 
of  Sophiens  Reise  Hermes  had  ample  room  to  make  use  of  motifs  drawn 
from  Richardson.  Mr.  Less  is  at  hand  to  play  the  part  of  Grandison  when 
called  upon  and  the  seduction  scene  resembles  the  Pamela-Mr.  B.  situa- 
tion in  its  beginnings  but  the  Lovelace-Clarissa  situation  in  its  further 
development.  Hermes  had  at  least  a  theoretic  appreciation  of  the  merit 
of  "developing  characters"  and  delighted  Blankenburg  with  the  promise 
of  a  Geschichte  des  Herrn  GroB,  which  should  show  "einen  werdenden 
Grandison,"  but  this  promise  was  never  fulfilled. 

The  next  important  landmark  in  the  history  of  Richardson  in  Germany 
is  represented  by  Sophie  La  Roche's  Geschichte  des  Frduleins  von  Stern- 
heim,  1771,  so  much  admired  by  Herder,  Caroline  Flachsland,  and 
Goethe.  An  enthusiastic  review  in  the  Frankfurter  gelehrte  Anzeigen  de- 
clared: "Die  Herren  irren  sich,  wenn  sie  glauben,  sie  beurtheilen  ein 
Buch — es  ist  eine  menschliche  Seele."64  The  weight  of  evidence  seems  to 
show  that  this  review  was  written  by  Goethe.  In  this  novel  the  author 
kept  rather  close  to  the  one  model,  Clarissa,  providing  for  her,  however,  a 
happy  marriage  with  Lord  Seymour  after  her  deception  by  Lord  Derby. 

Even  the  satirical,  anti-Richardsonian  novels  of  the  period  bear  wit- 
ness to  the  popularity  of  the  type,  and  often  jestingly  borrow  motifs  from 
Richardson.  This  is  true  of  Nicolai's  Sebaldus  Nothanker,  1773,  and  of 
Musaus's  Grandison  der  Zweyte,  1760-1762,  later  revised  and  published  as 
Der  deutsche  Grandison,  1781-1782.  The  theme  of  the  best-known  and 
most  widely  read  novels  of  the  next  decade  was  virtue — virtue  in  the 
Richardsonian  sense,  chastity  bordering  on  prudery.  Situations  and  ideas 
of  Richardson  are  imitated  or  varied  in  these  novels  with  a  repetitious- 
ness  that  left  the  readers  still  desiring  more.  There  are  scenes  of  virtue 
triumphant  and  virtue  rewarded,  of  seduction  and  attempted  seduction, 
of  deaths  after  the  manner  of  Clarissa,  and  of  madness  after  the  manner 

62  Ibid.  39. 

63Buchholz  [518]  45. 

64  hoc.  cit.,  no.  13,  1772,  in  DNL  VI  (1882)  85. 


176      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

of  Clementina  von  Porretta.  The  stage  is  frequently  set  for  simple  rural 
Pamelas  to  touch  the  heart  of  sophisticated  aristocrats  in  garden  scenes, 
and  a  summer  house  is  the  frequent  setting  for  an  idyll,  a  declaration  of 
love,  or  an  attempted  seduction.  Grandisons  too  are  not  lacking  and  the 
topic  of  dueling  is  frequently  brought  up  by  some  suitable  altercation. 
The  Richardsonian  mode  is  recognizable  in  such  characters  as  Gellert's 
Grafin  von  G.,  Hermes's  Miss  Fanny  Wilkes,  Sophie,  and  Mr.  Less, 
Goethe's  Charlotte  Buff,  Wieland's  Clementine  von  Porretta,  Sophie 
La  Roche's  Fraulein  von  Sternheim,  Muller's  Therese  (Siegwart)  and 
Wagner's  Evchen  (Die  Kindermorderinn) .  All  this  has  been  admirably 
summed  up  in  the  recent  monograph  of  Liljegren,  The  English  Sources 
of  the  Gretchen  Tragedy — A  Study  of  the  Life  and  Fate  of  Literary  Motives 
[493],  the  best  treatment  we  have  of  the  influence  of  Richardson  in 
Germany. 

Unfortunately  the  work  of  Liljegren  came  out  just  in  time  to  have  the 
suitability  of  its  main  title,  though  not  of  its  subtitle,  diminished.  The 
chief  "source"  of  the  Gretchen  tragedy  can  no  longer  be  in  doubt  since 
the  discovery  in  the  "Hausarchiv"  of  the  Goethe  family  of  the  documents 
relating  to  the  trial  of  Susanna  Margarethe  Brandt  and  her  execution  in 
January,  1777,66  but  Susanna  Brandt  was  too  unintelligent,  perhaps  too 
unattractive  and  slatternly,  to  be  presented  as  the  tragic  victim  of  Faust. 
She  needed  to  be  decked  out  with  some  of  the  naivete  of  the  Pamela 
mode.  So  "sitt-  und  tugendreich"  she  is,  she  is  still  attracted  by  the 
handsome  stranger,  who  must  certainly  be  of  good  family,  "er  war  auch 
sonst  nicht  so  keck  gewesen."  For  his  part  Faust  is  deeply  affected  by 
Gretchen's  simplicity  and  domesticity. 

Ich  fiihl',  O  Madchen,  deinen  Geist 

Der  Fiill'  und  Ordnung  um  mich  sauseln. . . . 

Die  Hiitte  wird  durch  dich  ein  Himmelreich, . . . 

Wie  atmet  rings  Gefuhl  der  Stille, 

Der  Ordnung  und  Zufriedenheit! 

This  leads  presently  to  a  summer-house  scene  which  had  become  almost 

conventional  since  the  time  of  Richardson's  Pamela  but  which,  despite 

Richardson,  leads  to  the  triumph  of  libertinage  over  virtue. 

It  does  not  appear  that  Goethe  in  his  Leipzig,  Strassburg,  or  "Sturm 

und  Drang"  years  was  ever  an  enthusiast  for  an  unmodified  Richardson. 

The  letters  he  wrote  from  Leipzig  to  his  sister  convey  the  impression 

that  he  had  outgrown  such  a  sentiment  even  though  in  old-fashioned 

Frankfurt  the  Grandison  ideal  still  held  sway.  In  a  poem  "Unschuld," 

65  Beutler  in  Essays  um  Goethe3,  Wiesbaden,  1946,  I.  First  published  in  the  Frank- 
furter Zeitung,  May  4,  1939. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  177 

Goethe  praised  a  virtue  that  was  "mehr  als  Byron,  als  Pamele,"66  and  in 
a  bantering  tone  he  wrote  to  Cornelia  December  6,  1765:  "Du  bist  eine 
Narrin  mit  deinem  Grandison  .  .  .  aber  mercke  dirs,  du  sollst  keine 
Romanen  mehr  lesen,  als  die  ich  erlaube."  Then  he  adds  consolingly: 
"LaB  dirs  nicht  Angst  seyn.  Grandison,  Clarissa  und  Pamela  sollen  viel- 
leicht  ausgenommen  werden."67  A  little  later  he  urges  her  to  read  medi- 
tatively the  Zuschauer.  "Dieses  ist  besser  und  dir  niitzlicher,  als  wenn  du 
20  Romanen  gelesen  hat  test.  Diese  verbiete  ich  dir  hiermit  vollig,  den 
einzigen  Grandison  ausgenommen,  den  du  noch  etlichemahl  lesen  kannst, 
aber  nicht  obenhin  sondern  bedachtig."68  This,  too,  is  probably  persi- 
flage. On  May  14,  1766,  he  wrote:  "Mais  je  ne  pense  pas  que  je  preche 
envain.  Tu  ne  veux  que  tes  Romans.  Eh  bien,  lis  les.  Je  m'en  lave  les 
mains.  Pour  Clarisse  je  n'ai  rien  a  contredire."69  There  is  no  reason  to 
suppose  the  last  remark  was  meant  else  than  seriously.  From  dreary 
Frankfurt  he  wrote  a  versified  letter  to  Friederike  Oeser,  November  6, 
1768,  telling  her  that  only  the  Grandison  ideal  here  prevailed. 

Bin  ich  bei  Madchen  launisch  froh; 

So  sehen  sie  sittenrichtrisch  straflich, 

Da  heist's :  der  Herr  ist  wohl  aus  Bergamo? 

Sie  sagen's  nicht  einmal  so  hoflich. 

Zeigt  man  Verstand,  so  ist  auch  das  nicht  recht. 

Denn  will  sich  einer  nicht  bequemen 

Des  Grandisons  ergebener  Knecht 

Zu  sein,  und  alles  blindlings  anzunehmen 

Was  der  Dictator  spricht, 

Den  lacht  man  aus,  den  hort  man  nicht.70 

To  Friederike's  father  he  wrote  a  little  later,  November  24,  1768,  that 
the  girls  of  Frankfurt  only  cared  for  the  astonishing  and  for  the  beautiful, 
naive,  or  humorous  but  little.  "DeJBwegen  sind  alle  Meerwunder:  Grandi- 
son, Eugenie,  der  Galeerensclave,  und  wie  die  ganze  fantastische  Fa- 
milie  heilSt,  hier  im  groflen  Ansehen."71  In  fact,  Grandison  soon  becames 
for  the  convalescent  in  Frankfurt  practically  synonymous  with  "Schwar- 
merei."  He  wrote  to  Friederike  Oeser  on  February  13,  1769  telling  of  a 
young  girl  whom  he  had  met.  "She  pleased  me  so  well,"  he  said,  "dafi 
mir's  war  wie's  einem  jungen  Madchen  wird,  die  den  Grandison  liefit;  das 
ist  ein  feines  Biflgen  von  einem  Menschen,  so  einen  mocht'st  du  auch 
haben,  denckt  sie."72 

The  idyllic  days  in  Sesenheim  and  even  their  almost  tragic  conclusion 
were  stylized  after  the  manner  of  The  Vicar  of  Wakefield.  There  has  been 
a  tendency  to  overemphasize  the  relation  of  Richardson  to  the  Wetzlar 

66  Goethe,  Werke,  I  (1)  52.  7°  Ibid.,  I  (5:1)  59. 

«7  Ibid.,  IV  (1)  20.  71  Ibid.,  IV  (1)  182. 

68  Ibid.,  IV  (1)  27.  72  Ibid.,  IV  (1)  192. 

69  Ibid.,  IV  (1)  54  f. 


178      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

episode  and  what  came  of  it.  The  letter  form  of  Werther  is  properly  con- 
nected with  Richardson  and  Rousseau  but  the  setting,  the  mood,  and 
the  ideals,  are  those  of  Rousseau  and  not  of  Richardson. 

In  Wetzlar  Goethe  translated  "The  Deserted  Village"  in  competition 
with  Gotter;  Charlotte  Buff  preferred  such  novels  as  The  Vicar  of  Wake- 
field, the  story  of  Miss  Jenny,  probably  Mme.  Riccoboni's  novel,  and  an 
unnamed  novel  which  could  be  identified  as  Sophie  La  Roche's  Fraulein 
von  Sternheim,™  in  short,  domestic  novels  "in  dem  ich  meine  Welt  wieder- 
flnde,  bei  dem's  so  geht  wie  um  mich."  Kestner  read  Sterne  to  Lotte. 
Specific  reference  to  Richardson  is  missing.  Of  the  three  characters  in- 
volved in  the  situation,  Charlotte  only  less  than  Werther  would  have 
been  frowned  upon  by  Richardson,  and  Kestner  alone  would  have  met 
his  full  approval.  Kestner's  ethical  system  was  based  on  Gellert's  Mora- 
lische  Vorlesungen  and  his  Leben  der  schwedischen  Grdfin  von  G***.  His 
conduct  in  the  whole  affair  was  as  poised  as  that  of  her  husband. 

It  was  the  death  of  Cornelia  in  1777  which  brought  Goethe  to  a  realiza- 
tion of  merits  in  Richardson  he  had  not  fully  recognized  before. 

Da  ich  dieses  geliebte,  unbegreifliche  Wesen  nur  zu  bald  verlor,  fuhlte  ich  genugsamen 
Anlafi,  mir  ihren  Werth  zu  vergegenwiirtigen,  und  so  entstand  bei  mir  der  BegrifT 
eines  dichterischen  Ganzen,  in  welchem  es  moglich  gewesen  ware,  ihre  Individuality 
darzustellen:  allein  es  lieC  sich  dazu  keine  andere  Form  denken  als  die  der  Richard- 
son'schen  Romane.  Nur  durch  das  genaueste  Detail,  durch  unendliche  Einzelnheiten, 
die  lebendig  alle  den  Charakter  des  Ganzen  tragen  und,  indem  sie  aus  einer  wunder- 
samen  Tiefe  hervorspringen,  eine  Ahnung  von  dieser  Tiefe  geben;  nur  auf  solche 
Weise  hatte  es  einigermafien  gelingen  konnen,  eine  Vorstellung  dieser  merkwirrdigen 
Personlichkeit  mitzutheilen:  denn  die  Quelle  kann  nur  gedacht  werden,  in  sofern  sie 
flieBt.  Aber  von  diesem  schonen  und  frommen  Vorsatz  zog  mich,  wie  von  so  vielen 
anderen,  der  Tumult  der  Welt  zurlick.74 

In  Wilhelm  Meister  Goethe  finds  sanction  in  Pamela,  Clarissa,  and 
Grandison,  as  well  as  in  Tom  Jones  for  his  assertion  that  the  main  char- 
acters of  a  novel  should  be  passive  rather  than  active,  and  should  serve 
as  a  retarding  factor  in  the  development  of  the  plot,  and  there  are  recog- 
nizable reminiscences  of  Richardson  in  the  "Bekenntnisse  einer  schonen 
Seele"  and  in  Die  Wahlverwandtschaften. 

Toward  the  end  of  the  century  literary  happenings  in  France  and  Eng- 
land served  to  call  the  attention  of  German  readers  to  Richardson.  In 
1786  appeared  a  tragedy,  Clarisse  Harlowe,75  and  a  complete  French 
translation  of  Clarissa,  to  take  the  place  of  the  abridgement  that  Diderot 
had  decried.  Martin  Sherlock's  Letters  on  Several  Subjects,  1781,  was 

"  Price  in  GR,  VI  (1931)  1-7. 

74  Goethe,  Werke,  I  (27)  23. 

75  C.  Brenner,  Bibliographical  List  of  Plays  in  the  French  Language,  1700-1789; 
Berkeley,  1947;  entry  [9424]. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  179 

translated  into  German  the  following  year.  In  these  letters  Sherlock 
made  several  comments  which  were  more  plausible  than  sound.  True, 
he  argued,  there  are  no  such  paragons  as  Clarissa  and  Grandison,  but 
neither  is  there  so  perfect  a  woman  as  the  Venus  de  Medici.  Her  beauty 
is  made  up  of  many  perfections  from  many  different  women,  yet  we 
never  grow  tired  of  contemplating  her;  why  then  should  we  tire  of 
Richardson's  perfect  characters?  The  greatest  attempt  of  human  genius, 
he  said,  was  the  making  of  the  plan  for  Clarissa.  The  second  greatest  was 
its  execution.  In  1782  Archenholz,  on  his  return  from  his  travels,  wrote 
his  England  und  Italien.  He  reported  that  in  England  Clarissa  was  re- 
garded as  the  best  British  novel  and  he  called  for  a  new  and  modern 
translation  of  a  classic,  which,  he  said,  the  Germans  had  half  forgotten.76 
However  that  may  have  been,  it  is  true  that  Clarissa  had  been  translated 
under  the  aegis  of  rationalism,  before  Werther,  Siegfried  von  Lindenberg, 
Frdulein  von  Sternheim,  and  other  novels  had  developed  the  language  of 
sensitivity. 

In  1789  two  German  translations  of  Clarissa  appeared,  followed  by  a 
controversy  between  Christian  Heinrich  Schmid  and  Ludwig  Kosegarten 
regarding  the  merits  of  their  respective  efforts.77  Lenore  Schmidt,  an 
adaptation  of  Pamela,  appeared  in  1789,  and  Albertina,  Richardsons 
Clarissa  nachgebildet,  by  Schulz  a  year  before.  Both  works  placed  their 
characters  and  scenes  in  Germany.  A  new  translation  of  Grandison  was 
condemned  by  the  Allgemeine  Litter atur-Zeitung  for  not  being  abridged 
and  for  being  superfluous  in  addition.78  On  the  whole  the  critical  public 
seemed  to  take  the  view  that  Pamela  and  Grandison  were  tedious  works, 
and  that  the  text  of  Clarissa  alone  was  sacred. 

Richardson's  contribution  to  the  continental  stage  was  almost  neg- 
ligible. Voltaire's  Nanine  was  but  remotely  related  to  Pamela,  the  French 
drama  Clarisse  Harlowe  was  not  a  success,  and  Wieland's  Clementine  von 
Porretta  was  distinctly  a  failure.  A  greater  stage  success  was  Goldoni's 
Pamela  nubile,  which  was  translated  into  French  and  German  and  which 
found  favor  in  both  countries.  In  this  work  Goldoni  avoided  the  social- 
leveling  tendency  of  his  model.79 

It  has  already  been  mentioned  that  many  minor  German  plays  took 
up  the  dramatic  themes  of  paternal  compulsion  and  of  seduction.  In  a 
more  drastic  and  naturalistic  manner  the  "Genies"  of  the  Sturm  und 
Drang  period  treated  of  the  subject  of  seduction,  Lenz  in  his  Der  Hof- 
meister  and  Die  Soldaten,  and  Wagner  in  his  Die  Kinder  mor  der  inn  are 
strongly  reminiscent  of  Richardson  in  certain  scenes. 

76  ADB,  LXXXVIII  2  (1789)  162-168. 

77  Schmid  [505]  and  Price  [509]. 

78  hoc.  cit.,  1790  IV  1194. 
79Purdie  [511]. 


Chapter  XIV 

FIELDING  AND  THE  REALISTIC  NOVEL 

Two  years  after  the  publication  of  Richardson's  Pamela  Fielding  entered 
the  lists  against  it  with  his  Joseph  Andrews,  1742.  In  the  introduction 
and  in  the  first  chapter  of  the  third  book  he  took  issue  with  Richardson. 
According  to  his  original  plan  at  least,  the  novel  was  to  be  an  indirect 
criticism,  a  parody  of  Richardson's  work;  as  the  virtuous  Pamela  resists 
the  intrigues  of  her  vicious  master,  so  Joseph  Andrews  resists  the  guile 
of  his  employer,  Lady  Booby.  In  the  introduction  Fielding  says  that 
affectation  is  the  sole  source  of  the  comic  for  him.  Introduction  and  novel 
together  exhibit  the  main  cause  of  Fielding's  antipathy  to  Richardson, 
namely  the  perfect  characters  of  the  latter's  novels,  "the  monsters" 
against  which  Shaftesbury  had  already  protested.  Fielding's  later  works, 
especially  his  Tom  Jones,1  showed  how  developing  characters  were  to  be 
substituted  for  perfect  ones. 

German  critics  failed  to  grasp  immediately  this  fundamental  difference 
between  the  two  authors,  and  remained  unintelligently  impartial,  looking 
for  Richardsonian  morality  in  Fielding's  novels.  This  was  true  at  least 
of  Bodmer  and  of  Gottsched,  who  recommended  Pamela  and  Joseph 
Andrews  in  their  moral  weeklies,2  and  at  first  even  of  Haller,  the  great 
advocate  of  Clarissa.  To  his  mind  the  superiority  of  Torn  Jones  over 
Joseph  Andrews  lay  in  the  character  of  Allworthy,  whose  "edle  Erhaben- 
heit  .  .  .  das  ganze  Gedicht  reizend  macht."  He  also  noted:  "Die  zer- 
streuten  Betrachtungen  iiber  die  Vortrefflichkeit  der  Religion  erheben 
sich  auch  iiber  das  Niedre  der  meisten  Begebenheiten."3  Not  until  later 
did  he  define  the  essential  difference  between  Fielding  and  his  rivals. 

Herr  Fielding  besitzt  eine  grofie  Kenntnifi  des  menschlichen  Herzens.  Nur  gehort  er 
zu  den  Mahlern,  die  lieber  getreue  als  schone  Gemalde  liefern,  und  es  fiir  keinen  Fehler 
ansehen,  der  Gegenstand  sey  auch  schon  hafilich,  wenn  nur  die  Aehnlichkeit  getroffen 
ist.  Er  ist  ein  flammischer  Mahler.4 

Similarly  Herder  in  his  "Preisschrift,"  Uber  die  Wirkung  der  Dichtkunst 
auf  die  Sitten  der  Volker  in  alien  und  neuen  Zeiten,  1778,  distinguished 
"zwo  Gattungen  der  Romanklasse:  die  eine  .  .  .  idealisch,  die  andere  treue 

1  Tom  Jones,  1749,  was  translated  into  German  first  by  Wodarch,  1749-1751  (later 
editions  1750,  1758,  1764,  1771) ;  review  in  ADB,  XLIII  (1780)  152-158  by  B  [lanken- 
burg?] ;  see  also  Teutscher  Merkur,  1779,  II  183  f.  and  1780,  II  294  f.  Later  translations 
by  Fr.  Schmid,  1780,  and  by  Bode,  1786-1788.  For  details  see  Wood  [366]. 

2  Cf.  Wood  [366]  and  Price  [509]  171. 

3  Haller,  Tagebuch,  I  61  f. 

4  GGA,  1750,  123  f. 

[ISO] 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  181 

Natur."5  After  pointing  out  the  dangers  of  overstrained  idealism,  he 
said:  "Die  Fieldingsche  Gattung  des  Romans  .  .  .  off  net  das  Auge  unge- 
mein  fur  Wahrheit,"  but  he  objected:  "Soil  der  Dichter  schwachen 
Seiten,  bosen  Sitten  seines  Jahrhunderts  frohnen  oder  soil  er  sie  bessern?" 
He  concludes  by  deploring  the  lack  of  moral  purpose  in  novels  generally 
in  England  and  elsewhere  and  says  they  should  not  be  taken  for  more 
than  what  they  are,  "Dichtung  und  Roman,"6  hence  the  predominatingly 
moral  standard  he  at  first  applied  to  Clarissa  in  his  letters  to  Caroline. 

Lessing  was  familiar  with  the  novels  of  Richardson  and  Fielding.  Miss 
Sara  Sampson  testifies  as  to  the  former  and  the  reference  in  the  Ham- 
burgische  Dramaturgic  to  Partridge  as  a  critic  of  Garrick  and  Quin  testifies 
to  the  latter,7  but  in  his  journalistic  criticism  he  frequently  refers  to  them 
as  a  pair  and  makes  no  distinction  regarding  their  aims,  methods,  or  art. 
He  cannot  have  studied  Fielding's  style  closely  for  he  reviewed  Eliza 
Haywood's  History  of  Miss  Elizabeth  Thoughtless  accepting  the  common 
belief  that  it  was  by  Fielding.8  His  only  discriminating  observation  was 
found  after  his  death  on  a  loose  sheet  bearing  the  caption  "Delicatesse." 
Here  he  defends  the  use  of  the  word  "Hure"  in  Minna  von  Barnhelm: 
"So  ist  es  auch  mit  Fildingen  [sic]  und  Richardson  gegangen,"  he 
writes,  "die  groben  plumpen  Ausdriicke  in  des  erstern  Andrews  und  Tom 
Jones  sind  so  sehr  gemiBbilliget  worden,  da  die  obsconen  Gedanken, 
welche  in  der  Clarissa  nicht  seiten  vorkommen,  niemanden  geargert 
haben.  So  urtheilen  Englander  selbst."9  It  appears  then  that  Lessing 
was  at  least  somewhat  familiar  with  the  English  criticism  of  both 
novelists. 

About  twenty  years  after  the  publication  of  Richardson's  novels  the 
opposition  to  him  began  to  find  voice  in  Germany.  Musaus,  Mendelssohn, 
and  Abbt,  questioned  the  value  of  perfect  characters  in  fiction,  preferred 
portraits  drawn  from  life,  and  objected  to  novels  which  preached  di- 
rectly. In  his  reviews  in  the  Allgemeine  deutsche  Bibliothek,  Musaus 
constantly  held  Tom  Jones  before  the  public  as  an  object  of  emulation,10 
and  if  for  fifteen  years  no  such  novel  appeared  this  was  certainly  not  due 
to  the  overwhelming  influence  of  Richardson.  Gellert's  partially  Richard- 
sonian  Grdfin  had  not  established  a  new  mode  and  Hermes's  Sophiens 
Reise  existed  only  in  the  mind  of  its  author.  Then  Resewitz  came  forward 
in  1764  with  a  demand  for  a  German  Fielding.  He  recognized  not  humor 
but  realism  as  the  essential  element  of  Fielding's  works  and  called  for  a 

6  Herder,  Werke,  VIII  422. 

6  Ibid.,  VIII  424^26. 

7  Lessing,  Schriften,  IX  212. 

8  Ibid.,  V  31. 

9  Ibid.,  XV  62. 

10  ADB,  IV  1  (1769)  281. 


182      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

genius,  "der  die  Sitten  der  Deutschen  eben  so  genau  zeichnete,  als  jener 
die  Sitten  der  Engellander  gezeichnet  hat .  .  .  Dann  und  dann  erst  werden 
wir  Fieldings  haben."  Ready  enough  to  imitate  other  authors,  the  Ger- 
mans have  been  unable  to  vie  with  Fielding: 

Ohne  Kenntnifi  der  Welt,  und  ohne  KenntniC  ihrer  Nation,  oft  kaum  mit  ihrer  kleinen 
Geburtsstadt  recht  bekannt,  befinden  sie  sich  gleich  in  einer  diirren  Wiiste,  sobald  sie 
auch  nur  die  Anlage  zur  Geschichte  eines  Romans  machen  sollen.  Der  Herr  Schrift- 
steller  hat  aufter  seines  Vaters  Hause  eine  Universitat  gesehen,  ein  paar  Schulfreunde 
gekannt,  ein  paar  Professoren  in  ihrer  akademischen  Wiirde  von  Feme  erblickt;  und 
nun  will  er  Sitten  mahlen,  und  Charaktere  schildern.  Wo  soil  er  sie  hernehmen?  Die 
Franzosen  und  Engellander  bestehlen?  Recht  gut;  wenn  man  nur  eine  Geschichte 
dazu  hatte,  wo  man  sie  anbringen  konnte.  Verzweifelt,  daC  keine  aufzutreiben  ist! 

Many  an  author,  Resewitz  imagines,  intended  at  the  first  attack  of 
writer's  fever,  to  compose  a  novel  of  the  Fielding  type  but  was  diverted 
to  an  easy  imitation  of  Young. 

Ein  Roman  geht  gut  ab;  der  Verleger  nimmt  ihn  gern;  solch  ein  Thomas  Jones  ist  doch 
ein  drollichtes  Ding,  das  sich  bey  mufiigen  Stunden  bald  hinschreiben  lafit.  Die  Feder 
wird  angesetzt;  das  kleine  Schulleben,  auf  dessen  Schwanke  man  noch  mit  so  vielem 
Wohlwollen  zuriickblickt,  wird  beschrieben;  der  Held  geht  auf  die  Universitat,  ver- 
liebt  sich  der  Himmel  weifi,  in  wen,  und  nun — ja  nun,  gerath  die  Arbeit  ins  Stecken! 
Der  arme  Schriftsteller  martert  sich.  Was  sollen  nun  fur  Begebenheiten  folgen?  In 
welche  Situationen  soil  er  seinen  Helden  setzen?  Wie  die  Geschichte  verwickeln  und 
den  Leser  interessieren?  Er  martert  sich  vergebens.  Endlich  wirft  er  aus  Verzweiflung 
die  Feder  hin,  ergreift,  mit  zerknirschtem  Geiste  liber  die  miBlungene  Arbeit,  Youngs 
Nachtgedanken,  wird  wehmiithig,  vermuthlich  iiber  den  fehlgebohrnen  Roman?  Nicht 
doch;  es  sind  moralische  Empfindungen,  hohe  Begeisterungen !  Sie  durchwiihlen  Kopf 
und  Herz;  der  Mann  muli  sich  Luft  schaffen.  Die  Feder  wird  ergriffen;  und  die  mifj- 
gebohrnen  Wesen,  die  den  Kopf  verwirrten  und  das  Herz  abdriicken  wollten,  flieBen 
stromweise  in  die  Feder. 

He  pictures  the  author  then  as  bringing  the  product  of  his  meditations 
to  the  publisher,  who  accepts  his  "Empfindungen"  readily,  for  such 
things  also  have  a  sale.  "Und  so  kommen  denn  Empfindungen  zur  Welt, 
und  niemand  la!3t  es  sich  traumen,  da.fi  es  Nachgeburten  von  einem  fehl- 
gebohrnen Roman  sind."11 

Between  the  years  1774  and  1778  at  least  283  German  novels  were 
published,  of  which  50  or  more  bore  a  chief  or  secondary  title  "Ge- 
schichte des"  or  "Geschichte  der."  One  critic  estimates  that  at  least 
one-third  of  these  novels  were  written  primarily  under  the  influence  of 
Richardson.12  This  is  in  need  of  substantiation  since  similar  titles  were 
favored  by  Fielding  as  well  as  Prevost,  and  were  common  in  England  and 
France  as  well  as  Germany  at  the  time.  Die  Geschichte  des  Herrn  Wilhelm 

11  Brief e  die  neueste  Litteratur  betreffend,  Brief  294,  XIX  (1764)  159-163. 

12  Heine  [186]  33. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  183 

von  Hohenberg  und  der  Frdulein  Sophia  von  Blumenthal,  1758,13  describes 
itself  specifically  as  "nach  dem  Geschmacke  von  Fielding."  Between  1760 
and  1780  several  novelists  produced  works  showing  a  recognition  of  the 
distinctive  features  of  Fielding's  art.  We  may  consider  here  Musaus, 
Wieland,  Nicolai,  Miiller,  and  finally  Goethe. 

Musaus's  novel  Grandison  der  Zweyte  oder  Geschichte  des  Herrn  von  N., 
1760-1762,  satisfied,  to  some  extent,  the  prime  demand  of  Resewitz,  in 
that  it  offered  a  picture  of  German  life.  It  is  written  in  a  peculiar  mixture 
of  the  style  of  Cervantes,  Fielding,  and  Richardson.  Joseph  Andrews 
shares  with  Don  Quixote  its  satricial  and  parodistical  qualities.  The 
satire  of  Grandison  der  Zweyte,  as  of  Joseph  Andrews,  is  directed  against 
Richardson.  The  "Landbesitzer,"  Herr  von  N.,  has  fallen  under  the  spell 
of  Richardson's  last  novel  and  has  determined  to  become  a  Grandison 
himself.  A  cousin  happens  to  be  in  England.  Herr  von  N.  insists  that  he 
make  the  acquaintance  of  the  Grandison  circle.  The  cousin  agrees  and 
soon  finds  himself  writing  letters  to  Herr  von  N.  under  the  names  of 
Richardson's  characters.  The  jest  reaches  its  climax  when  the  cousin 
reports  that  Richardson  has  just  visited  the  Grandison  family,  has 
learned  of  the  admirable  intentions  of  Herr  von  N.,  and  has  asked  for  the 
entire  correspondence.  Herr  von  N.  is  delighted  with  the  thought  that 
these  letters  will  form  the  basis  for  a  fourth  novel  by  Richardson.  Such 
a  plan  gave  Musaus  the  opportunity  to  parody  Richardson's  characters 
as  Fielding  had  done  in  Joseph  Andrews,  but  there  still  remain  some  of 
the  Richardsonian  types  in  his  novel. 

The  work  found  favor  where  it  might  have  been  expected.  Abbt  de- 
clared: "Nirgends  ist  der  deutsche  Charakter  wohl  besser  geschildert 
worden,"14  but  Herder  demanded  that  a  critic  should  take  care  "das 
Aeffchen  nicht  in  die  Gesellschaft  seines  groBen  Originals  zu  fiihren."15 

The  Richardson-Fielding  contest  was  reenacted  in  Wieland's  person. 
Wieland  learned  French  by  reading  Pamela  in  French  translation,  1747- 
1749,  and  English  by  reading  The  Pilgrim's  Progress.16  In  1754  he  read 
Grandison.  In  1757  he  wrote  to  Kiinzli  that  he  was  rereading  Clarissa 
and  was  endeavoring  not  to  let  Lovelace  influence  his  Araspes  und  Pan- 
thea  too  greatly.17  In  1759  he  planned  Brief e  von  Karl  Grandison  an  seine 
Pupille  Emilia  Jervois18  and  the  next  year  he  completed  his  tragedy 
Clementina  von  Porretta.  There  was  a  fragment  of  real  life  in  this  drama, 
for  the  friend  of  his  youth,  Sophie  Gutermann,  later  Sophie  La  Roche, 

13  Copy  in  the  library  of  the  University  of  California,  Berkeley. 

14  Thomas  Abbt,  Vermischte  Werke,  I-VI,  Berlin  and  Stettin,  1768-1781,  II  57. 

15  Herder,  Werke,  II  320  f. 

16  Robinson,  Diary,  I  216. 

17  Wieland,  Briefe,  I  242. 

18  Ibid.,  I  371. 


184      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

was  betrothed  to  a  Catholic,  but  as  with  Grandison  and  Clementina, 
religion  proved  an  insuperable  obstacle  and  the  engagement  was  broken 
off.  Wieland's  drama  based  on  this  unpromising  theme,  proved  a  failure, 
and  an  unnecessary  one,  since  Wieland  was  already  an  admirer  of  Shaftes- 
bury, but  Wieland  had  not  yet  become  a  consistent  opponent  of  perfect 
characters.  His  conversion  took  place  while  he  was  at  work  on  his 
Agathon.  That  it  was  Fielding  who  opened  Wieland's  eyes  to  this  incon- 
sistency in  human  conduct,  is  suggested  by  his  review  of  Hermes's  So- 
phiens  Reise  von  Memel  nach  Sachsen:  "Fielding  belehrt  uns,  dafi  nicht 
alles  lauter  Gold  sey,  was  gleifit,  dafi  Engelreinigkeit  von  Sterblichen 
nicht  gefodert  werden  sollte,  dafi  man  um  einzelner  Handlung  willen 
niemanden  ganz  verdammen  musse.19 

But  all  this  indicates  no  slavish  imitation  on  Wieland's  part.  It  is  well 
to  remember  that  Agathon,  begun  in  1764,  was  in  no  small  degree  a  pic- 
ture of  its  author.  Wieland  wrote  to  Zimmermann:  "Ich  schildere  darin 
mich  selbst,  wie  ich  in  den  Umstanden  Agathons  gewesen  zu  seyn  mir 
einbilde,  und  mache  ihn  am  Ende  so  gliicklich,  als  ich  zu  seyn  wunschte."20 
Wieland,  like  Agathon,  had  grown  up  in  an  atmosphere  of  austere  virtue ; 
he  experienced  a  change  of  heart,  succumbed  to  the  attractions  of  a  sen- 
sual existence,  and  was  destined  later,  like  Agathon,  to  strike  the  balance 
between  these  extremes.  Though  he  laid  the  scene  in  Greece,  the  conflict 
of  ideas  was  the  same  as  that  between  the  Puritans  and  their  opponents 
in  England  and  the  adherents  of  Richardson  and  Fielding  in  Germany. 
Wieland  himself  admitted  his  indebtedness  to  Fielding  in  the  introduc- 
tion to  his  Agathon.  He  concedes  "dafi  unser  Held  sich  in  einem  sehr 
wesentlichen  Stiicke  von  dem  Xenofontischen  ebensoweit  entfernt,  als 
er  dem  Fieldingischen  naher  kommt."21  References  to  Fielding  are  also 
to  be  found  in  the  text  itself  of  Agathon  and  perhaps  some  conclusions 
might  be  drawn  from  a  letter  of  Wieland  to  Zimmermann  in  which  he 
expresses  a  desire  to  know  "les  sentiments  de  Mile  B[ondeli]  et  de  Mr. 
Tscharner  sur  'the  most  pleasant  conceited  and  true  Chronicle  [History] 
of  the  Life  and  marvellous  Adventures  of  Agathon.'  "22 

The  tone  of  Agathon  is  predominatingly  serious  and  it  bore  its  moral 
intent  on  the  title  page  with  the  motto:  "Quid  virtus  et  quid  sapientia 
possit,  utile  proposuit  nobis  exemplum."  Die  Abentheuer  des  Don  Sylvio 
von  Rosalva,  1764,  though  published  before  Agathon,  was  begun  after  it, 
and  was  consequently  anti-Richardsonian  from  first  to  last.  Wieland 
announced  it  as  an  imitation  of  Don  Quixote  and  its  subtitle  was  Der  Sieg 

19  Teutscher  Merkur,  II  1773,  80  f. 

20  Wieland,  Briefe,  II  164;  January  5,  1762. 

21  Wieland,  Schnften,  I  (6)  13. 

22  Wieland,  Briefe,  II  205.  The  letter  is  erroneously  dated  January  19,  1752. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  185 

der  Natur  uber  die  Schwdrmerei.  Musaus  said  of  it:  "Es  herrscht  hier 
freylich  keine  Originalmanier;  die  Stellung  ist  von  Cervantes  und  die 
Farbenmischung  ist  von  Fielding."23  He  could  have  said  the  same  of  his 
own  novel. 

Wieland's  style  in  both  these  novels  is  strongly  reminiscent  of  Field- 
ing's. He  frequently  breaks  the  course  of  his  narration  in  order  to  address 
the  reader  directly.  He  asserts  that  he  is  telling  history,  not  inventing 
stories,  and  must  not  improve  upon  the  truth;  that  he  must  depict 
human  character  as  it  is,  with  its  mixtures  of  virtues  and  vices  and  its 
inconsistencies,  rather  than  create  those  monstrosities,  perfect  charac- 
ters; and  in  truth  his  characters  like  Fielding's  perform  apparently 
laudable  acts  from  base  motives  and  apprently  reprehensible  acts  from 
good  motives. 

Wieland's  Agathon  led  to  a  fuller  appreciation  of  the  merits  of  Field- 
ing's work.  Blankenburg's  Versuch  uber  den  Roman,  1774,  was  the  first 
extensive  theoretical  work  on  its  subject  in  the  German  language.  Here 
at  last  criticism  stands  at  the  parting  of  the  ways.  Richardson's  novels 
and  the  novel  of  Gellert  serve  him  as  examples  of  incorrect  novel  writing, 
Agathon  and  Tom  Jones  of  all  that  is  good.  Blankenburg  says  in  his 
introduction : 

Noch  ehe  ich  daran  dachte,  diesen  Versuch  zu  schreiben,  las  ich  die  Wielandschen 
und  Fieldingschen  Romane,  den  Agathon  und  den  Tom  Jones,  zu  meinem  Unterricht 
und  meinem  Vergniigen,  sah  bey  jedem  Schritt,  der  darinn  geschieht,  zuriick  auf  die 
menschliche  Natur  und  fand  bey  ihnen  das,  was  Pope  von  Homer  sagt:  "Nature  and 
they  were  the  same." 

Thereby  Blankenburg  did  not  mean  to  imply  that  the  novels  were  of 
equal  merit:  "Unstreitig  hat  Wieland  einen  Schritt  zur  Vollkommenheit 
voraus;  aber  Fielding  verdient  nach  ihm  gestellt  zu  werden."  Both 
authors  created  real  rather  than  perfect  characters,  and  both  undertook 
the  difficult  task  of  showing  how  these  characters  came  to  be  as  they 
were. 

Freilich  mag  die  Aufsuchung,  die  Aufklarung  dieses  Wie,  die  Entwicklung  einer 
Begebenheit  auf  diese  Art  ein  schwerer  Geschaft  sein,  als  die  blofie  Erzahlung  der- 
selben.  Es  erfordert  einen  aufmerksamen  Beobachter  der  menschlichen  Natur,  einen 
Kenner  des  menschlichen  Herzens.  Aber  diese  Art  von  Behandlung  einer  Begebenheit 
ist  es  auch,  die  die  Lessinge,  Wielande,  Fieldinge,  Sterne  und  einige  andere  mehr  so 
sehr  tiber  die  gewohnlichen  erhebet.24 

23  ADB,  I  2  (1765)  97. 

24  Blankenburg  [376]  272.  Comparisons  between  Agathon  and  Tom  Jones  were  not 
infrequent  at  the  time.  Kastner  lets  Tom  Jones  come  off  better  than  Agathon  in  a 
long  debate  regarding  their  respective  virtues.  See  Kastner,  Gesammelte  .  .  .  Werke, 
Berlin,  1841,  IV  153.  The  same  volume  contains,  pp.  3-5,  a  letter  in  which  the  charac- 
ter of  Fielding's  Amelia  is  compared  unfavorably  with  that  of  Richardson's  Pamela. 


186      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Of  further  interest  in  Blankenburg's  Versuch  is  the  caution  with  which 
he  criticizes  Richardson:  "Ich  furchte  die  Verwunderung  vieler  meiner 
Leser  liber  meine  Kiihnheit,  den  Richardson  zu  tadeln,"  but  he  adds: 
"In  England  hat  er  unter  dem  wichtigsten  Theil  des  Volkes  nie  den  Bey- 
fall  gehabt,  den  man  ihm  in  Deutschland  gegeben.  Sie  haben  ihm  den 
Fielding  von  jeher  vorgezogen  .  .  .  Dies  habe  ich  von  mehr  als  einem 
Englander  gehort."25  Blankenburg  attempted  to  carry  out  his  program 
the  following  year  with  his  novel  Beytrdge  zur  Geschichte  teutschen  Reiches 
und  teutscher  Sitte. 

Merck  supported  Blankenburg's  views.  When  Dusch's  Karl  Ferdners 
Geschichte  began  to  appear  in  1766  he  wrote: 

Die  Manier  nahert  sich  eher  der  Richardsonischen  als  der  Fieldingischen.  Mochte 
es  doch  unsern  Dichtern  dieses  Orts  endlich  einmal  einfallen,  daB,  da  sie  das  Bild  des 
menschlichen  Lebens  liefern  wollen,  ihr  Beruf  dahin  gehe,  daI5  groCe  Haus  Gottes 
abzudecken,  und  uns  in  alle  Kammern  und  Winkel  zu  fiihren,  um  zu  schauen,  was  da 
vorgeht.26 

Hardly  had  Wieland  completed  his  Agathon  when  he  received  from  his 
friend  and  protegee,  Sophie  La  Roche,  a  disturbing  letter.  She  announced 
that  she  was  about  to  write  a  novel,  evidently  a  Richardsonian  novel 
and  asked  him  to  introduce  it  to  the  public.  He  consented  but  with  re- 
luctance, and  wrote  to  her,  March  20,  1770: 

Je  ne  Vous  ai  jamais  cache  que  je  ne  pense  pas  tout-a-fait  comme  Vous  sur  bien  des 
choses  relatives  a  la  partie  morale  de  notre  etre;  p.e.,  que  je  n'aime  pas  les  Clarisses, 
les  Charles  Grandisons,  les  Henriettes  Byrons  par  la  seule  raison,  qu'ils  sont  trop 
parfaits  pour  moi.27 

He  might  have  quoted  from  his  own  Agathon : 

Vielleicht  ist  kein  unfehlbareres  Mittel,  mit  dem  wenigsten  Aufwand  von  Genie, 
Wissenschaft  und  Erfahrenheit  ein  gepriesener  Schriftsteller  zu  werden,  als  wenn  man 
sich  damit  abgiebt,  Menschen  (denn  Menschen  sollen  es  doch  seyn)  ohne  Leiden- 
schaften,  ohne  Schwachheit,  ohne  alien  Mangel  und  Gebrechen,  durch  etliche  Bande 
voll  wunderreicher  Abenteuer,  in  der  einformigsten  Gleichheit  mit  sich  selbst,  herum 
zu  fuhren.28 

Both  of  these  assertions  echo  Shaftesbury's  opinion:  "In  a  poem, 
(whether  Epick  or  Dramatick)  a  compleat  and  perfect  Character  is  the 
greatest  Monster."29 

Wieland's  words  fell  on  deaf  ears.  Sophie  La  Roche's  Geschichte  des 
Frauleins  von  Sternheim  became  the  reigning  favorite  of  the  public  and 

25  jfod    351. 

26  Teutscher  Merkur,  1776,  III  261. 

27  Wieland,  Auswahl  denkwilrdiger  Briefe,  ed.  L.  Wieland,  Wien,  1815,  I  150. 

28  Wieland,  Schriften,  I  (6)  13,  in  Agathon  V  6. 

29  Shaftesbury,  Characteristicks,  London,  1728,  III  262. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  187 

was  praised  extravagantly  by  such  critics  as  Herder  and  Goethe.  No 
wonder  that  the  author  pursued  her  course  and  wrote  in  the  same  manner 
Der  Eigensinn  der  Liebe  und  Freundschaft,  1772,  Rosaliens  Brief e,  1779- 
1781,  and  others  little  known  today.  As  late  as  March,  1789,  Wieland 
wrote  to  her : 

Nur  wtinsche  ich,  daB  Sie  wenigstens  .  .  .  aus  Ihrer  idealischen  Vorstellungsart  von 
Menschen  und  menschlichen  Dingen  herauskommen  und  beyde  mochten  sehen  kon- 
nen,  wie  sie  sind,  nicht  wie  Sie  sich  nun  einmal  zur  anderen  Natur  gemacht  haben, 
sie  sehn  zu  wollen.30 

Sophie  La  Roche's  conversion  came  almost  too  late:  "Ach,  was  hatte 
ich  nicht  alles  aufzeichnen  konnen!"  she  wrote  in  1791,  "aber  ich  sam- 
melte  nur  die  Ziige  und  Auftritte,  welche  mir  nach  meinem  Charakter  die 
liebsten  waren,  und  gewift  habe  ich  dariiber  vieles  versaumt,  das  andern 
nutzlich  und  angenehm  gewesen  ware."31 

For  the  moment  the  good  example  of  Fielding  and  Wieland  was  fruit- 
less; Nicolai's  Sebaldus  Noihanker,  1773-1776,  was  planned  almost  from 
the  first  as  a  religious  satire  and  Thomas  Amory's  John  Buncle  was  well 
fixed  in  the  author's  mind  as  a  model  to  be  followed  or  modified.  He 
wrote  to  Lessing,  March  8,  1771 :  "Ich  brute  seit  einiger  Zeit  auch  liber 
einen  Roman,  der  zwar  kein  Buncle  werden  wird,  aber  in  Absicht  auf 
die  heterodoxen  Satze  auch  nichts  besser."32  Wieland's  opinion  of  the 
novel  was  most  unfavorable.33  Amory's  novel  was  already  well  known  to 
Nicolai's  circle,  to  Lessing,  Mendelssohn,  and  Kastner,  and  also  to 
Wieland  and  Uz.34  Lessing  planned  to  prepare  a  translation  of  it  in  the 
summer  of  177135  but  soon  gave  up  the  idea  and  Nicolai  engaged  von 
Spieren  in  his  stead.  The  translation  appeared  in  1778. 

Sebaldus  Noihanker  was  a  frank  picture  of  real  life  and  character,  de- 
void of  pose  and  affectation,  and  was  one  of  the  signs  of  the  increasing 
ascendency  of  Fielding's  taste  over  Richardson's.  Nicolai  did  not  lack 
admirers  who  classed  his  work  with  that  of  the  best  English  humorists. 
Prince  Friedrich  von  Waldeck  wrote  to  Nicolai,  May  10,  1773:  "Les 
Fielding  et  les  Sterne  Vous  ont  prete  leurs  crayons,"36  but  Blankenburg 
regretted  that  Sebaldus  was  so  unplausibly  drawn  and  wished  that  the 
author  had  profited  more  by  the  example  of  Fielding,  Sterne,  and  Gold- 
smith,37 while  an  anonymous  critic  of  1775  placed  Sebaldus  lower  than 

30  Hassenkamp,  Brief e  an  Sophie  La  Roche,  Stuttgart,  1820,  279. 

31  La  Roche,  Briefe  uber  Mannheim,  1791,  356;  cf.  p.  362. 

32  Lessing,  Schriften,  XX  24. 

33  See  the  long  venomous  review  in  the  Teutscher  Merkur  1778,  II  75-90,  164-172, 
III  55-75,  158-173,  248-260. 

34  Schwinger  [282]  162,  165,  213,  265. 

35  Lessing,  Schriften,  XV  491. 

36  Quoted  by  Schwinger  [282]  190. 

37  NBSWFK,  XVII  (1775)  257  ff. 


188      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Humphrey  Clinker.3*  A  similar  view  is  expressed  in  a  quip  in  the  Halber- 
stadter  Dichterbuch : 

Thorn  Jones,  Don  Quixot  und  Peregrine  Pickel 
Sahn  sich  nach  ihres  Gleichen  urn. 
Nothanker  kam;  "wie  dumm,  wie  dumm!" 
Sprach  Jones  zu  dem  langen  Nikkei, 
"Das  traurige  Geschopf  in  weichem  Loschpapier 
Ware  ein  Geschopf  wie  wir?"39 

A  conservative  group,  to  which  Nicolai  also  belonged,  was  not  lacking 
in  esteem  for  Fielding  but  inveighed  against  the  often  all  too  imitative 
"Originalgenies."  Lichtenberg,  who  was  one  of  these  rationalists,  said: 

Sterne  steht  auf  einer  sehr  hohen  Staffel,  nicht  auf  dem  edelsten  Wege.  Fielding 
steht  nicht  ganz  so  hoch  auf  einem  weit  edleren  Wege,  den  derjenige  betreten  wird, 
der  einmal  der  grofSte  Schriftsteller  der  Welt  wird;  und  sein  Findling  [Tom  Jones]  ist 
gewifi  eines  der  besten  Werke,  die  je  geschrieben  worden  sind.40 

Lichtenberg  planned  a  satirical  novel  which  was  to  have  been  called 
"Parakleta  oder  Trostgriinde  fur  die  ungllicklichen,  die  keine  Original- 
genies sind."  Because  of  his  theories  and  because  of  this  never-completed 
novel  Lichtenberg  was  sometimes  called  the  German  Fielding.  He  him- 
self, not  only  once  but  several  times  passed  the  compliment  on  to  the  like 
minded  Johann  Gottwerth  Mtiller  (Muller  von  Itzehoe)  the  author  of 
Siegfried  von  Lindenberg,  1779. 41  Muller  made  clear  his  indebtedness  to 
Fielding.  He  had  determined,  he  said,  "treulich  auszumalen,  was  die 
Mutter  Natur  vorgezeichnet  hatte,"  and  so  had  developed  the  method: 
"Studiere  den  Tom  Jones  und  schreib  nicht  eher,  bis  du  den  beurteilen 
und  nahe  an  ihn  dich  emporschwingen  kannst.  Es  ist  eine  Schande  fur 
einen  Romandichter,  nur  mittelmaBig  oder  wenig  mehr  zu  sein,  seitdem 
dieses  Meisterstuck  existieret."42 

Mliller's  Siegfried  von  Lindenberg  belongs  in  the  same  group  with  Mu- 
saus'  Grandison  der  Zweyte.  Though  both  are  inspired  by  Fielding,  both 
are  satirical  novels  of  character  rather  than  novels  of  action.  Siegfried 
is  a  good-natured,  rough,  narrow-minded  "Junker"  with  a  tendency  to 
megalomania  and  is  easily  led  by  the  country  school  teacher  to  exceed 
his  authority  until  he  learns  a  better  way  from  another  guide.  As  in 
Wieland's  Don  Sylvio  there  is  a  little  of  the  technique  of  Cervantes  along 
with  that  of  Fielding.  Siegfried  is  made  attractive  to  the  reader  in  spite 
of  his  faults,  and  a  comparison  with  Grandison  der  Zweyte  reveals  the 

38  Revision  der  teutschen  Literatur,  1776,  II  239  and  III  204  ff. 

39  See  Prohle  in  AL,  IV  (1875)  344. 

40  Lichtenberg,  Ausgewdhlte  Schriften,  ed.  Wilbrandt,  Stuttgart,  1893,  73. 

41  Lichtenberg,  Briefe,  ed.  Litzmann  and  Schuddekopf,  Leipzig,  1901-1904,  I  364, 
II  167,  III  123-125. 

42  Muller,  Siegfried  von  Lindenberg,  Hamburg,  1779,  263. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  189 

progress  that  has  been  made  in  the  interim.  Mliller's  vein  of  invention 
was  soon  exhausted  yet  Lichtenberg  wrote  to  him  as  late  as  1794:  "Tiber 
die  Unerschopflichkeit  Ihres  Genies,  theurester  Freund,  muB  ich  in 
Wahrheit  erstaunen.  Sie  tragen  in  dem  kleinen  Itzehoe  ein  gantzes 
London  in  Ihrem  Kopf."43 

Twenty  years  after  the  appearance  of  Musaus's  Grandison  der  Zweyte 
the  edition  was  exhausted  and  the  publishers  called  for  a  new  one.  A 
literary  satire  soon  grows  old.  Tastes  had  changed  notably  in  Germany 
between  1760  and  1780  and  new  favorites  had  crowded  Richardson  tem- 
porarily somewhat  into  the  background.  Musaus  had  to  exert  himself  in 
what  he  called  "die  Verheutigung  meines  alten  Grandisons,  .  .  .  das  Buch 
relevant  zu  machen."44  The  revision  was  called  Der  deutsche  Grandison, 
auch  eine  Familiengeschichte,  1781.  Musaus  was  often  clearly  in  a  quan- 
dary, fearing  his  readers  would  fail  to  recall  the  details  of  Richardson's 
novels,  but  he  declined  to  impute  to  his  public  "eiserne  Ignoranz"  of 
their  one-time  vogue. 

Wiedie  beyden  Extremen,  Werther  und  Siegwart,  .  .  .  auf  unsere  gegenwartige 
Generation  gewirkt  haben  .  .  .  eben  so  wirkten  bey  der  nachstvorhergehenden,  diese 
auslandischen  Droguen  auf  Geist  und  Herz.  .  .  .  Es  gab  eben  so  viele  vaterlandische 
Pamelen,  Clarissen,  Lovelacen,  Grandisons,  als  es  jetzt  Lotten,  Werther,  Siegwarte, 
Sontheime,  Adolphe  giebt.45 

In  more  than  one  instance  Musaus  is  forced  to  the  awkward  expedient 
of  explaining  the  point  of  his  parodistical  passages.  He  is  more  fortunate 
when  he  is  able  to  turn  his  shafts  against  the  novels  of  the  German  senti- 
mentalists. Thus  the  two  editions  of  his  work  stand  as  convenient  land- 
marks in  the  history  of  the  German  novel. 

Wieland's  Agathon  pointed  to  Goethe  the  way  from  Richardson  to 
Fielding,  from  "Helden  ohne  Schwachheiten  und  Mangel,  Tugendpuppen 
von  staunenswerther  Kaltblutigkeit"  to  "reizbare,  empfmdliche,  bil- 
dungsfahige  Junglinge,  [die]  auf  einer  Reihe  von  Proben  und  Ver- 
suchungen  mit  ihren  iiberspannten  Idealen  Schiffbruch  leiden,  durch  die 
Erfahrungen  kalter  werden  und  den  Bedingungen  des  wirklichen  Lebens 
sich  fiigen."46  When  Wilhelm  Meister  wavers  between  the  sensual,  soul- 
less Philine  and  the  all-too-emotional  Mignon  to  find  happiness  finally 
in  the  well-balanced  Nathalie  one  is  reminded  of  Agathon's  experience, 
but  also  of  Tom  Jones's.  Goethe  planned  a  novel  in  which  the  hero 
should  be  a  rather  passive  character  and  should  develop  as  a  result  of 
outside  experiences.  To  this  end  the  narrow  limits  of  time  and  space,  so 

43  Lichtenberg,  Briefe,  III  125.  Cf.  II  168. 

44  Musaus,  Nachgelassene  Schriften,  ed.  A.  von  Kotzebue,  Leipzig,  1781,  189-190. 

45  Op.  cit.,  I-II,  Eisenach,  1780-1781,  introduction. 

46  Minor  [371]  153. 


190      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

advantageous  to  Werther  had  to  be  extended.47  If  Wilhelm  Meister  seems 
less  modern  than  Tom  Jones  it  is  chiefly  because  it  makes  more  frequent 
use  of  certain  seventeenth-century  paraphernalia,  chance  encounters, 
unplausibly  concealed  identities  tardily  revealed,  and  unlikely  coinci- 
dences and  because  the  background  is  less  realistic.  The  Theatralische 
Sendung  is  more  reminiscent  of  Fielding  than  is  the  Lehrjahre,  from  which 
many  of  the  cruder  elements  characteristic  of  the  English  humorous 
novel  were  eliminated.48 

Fielding  must  stand  here  almost  alone  as  the  representative  of  his  type 
of  novel  although  he  had  his  imitators  in  England  and  several  of  their 
works  were  translated  into  German.  Of  the  followers  of  Fielding,  Smollett 
was  best  known  in  Germany.  The  novels  of  Fielding  are  in  the  tradition 
of  the  Spanish  picaresque  novel,  but  tinged  with  contemporary  reflection 
on  problems  of  morality,  from  which  Smollett's  novels  are  comparatively 
free.  Partly  for  that  reason  they  found  less  favor  in  Germany.  Roderick 
Random,  1748,  was  translated  in  1754;  Peregrine  Pickle,  1751,  and 
Humphrey  Clinker,  1791,  both  within  two  years  after  their  appearance 
in  England,  the  other  novels  only  after  a  longer  interval.  Lessing  ranked 
Smollett  far  below  Fielding,  Richardson,  and  Lesage  and  classified 
Roderick  Random  as  a  useless  book  which  provided  neither  the  intellect 
with  occasion  for  useful  reflections,  nor  the  heart  for  good  resolutions.49 
Blankenburg  commended  Smollett's  novels  because  they  gave  true  pic- 
tures of  English  customs  not  excluding  even  those  of  low  life.60  Herder 
admired  the  manifold  possibilities  of  prose  fiction  and  granted  Smollett's 
novel  the  right  to  exist  side  by  side  with  the  works  of  Fielding,  Richard- 
son, and  other  masters.51  Goethe  told  Eckermann  in  1827  that  he  had 
never  read  Roderick  Random.52  The  evidence  Jahn  presents  to  indicate 
he  had  read  Humphrey  Clinker  before  he  wrote  Theatralische  Sendung  is 
not  convincing.63 

Fielding's  comedies  proved  ill-suited  to  the  needs  of  the  German 
stage.  Seven  of  them  were  translated,  but  only  The  Wedding  Day  had  a 
long  stage  career.  Stephanie  der  Jiingere  adapted  it  for  the  Vienna  stage 
in  1765,  and  Schroder  for  the  Hamburg  stage  under  the  title  Um  sechs 
Uhr  ist  Verlobung,  1785. 

On  the  other  hand  the  adventures  of  Tom  Jones  long  interested  play- 
wrights and  public.  The  first  to  dramatize  the  novel  was  George  Colman 

47  Goethe,  Werke,  I  (22)  128. 

48  Jahn  [226]  173. 

49  Lessing,  Schriften,  VII  27. 

60  Blankenburg  [376]  240  and  388. 

61  Herder,  Werke,  XIX  109. 

62  Eckermann,  Gesprache,  239. 

63  Jahn  [226]  230. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  191 

the  elder  under  the  title  The  Jealous  Wife,  1761.  Bode  translated  this 
comedy  the  following  year  and  it  was  played  in  Hamburg,  1765-1770. 
Stephanie  der  Jungere  adapted  it  for  the  Vienna  stage  in  1771.  A  version 
under  the  title  Das  Hausregiment  was  written  in  Mannheim  in  1781  and 
produced  there  as  late  as  1801.  It  has  been  attributed  to  W.  Chr.  D. 
Meyer.  Kotzebue's  version  of  1819  was  played  in  Vienna  thirty-five 
times  between  1819  and  1846. 

The  operetta  Tom  Jones  by  Poinsinet,  translated  by  Gotter  in  1772, 
was  also  popular.  The  comedies  of  Steffens,  1765,  and  of  Heufeld,  1767, 
both  under  the  name  of  Tom  Jones  fell  rather  flat.  A  dramatization  by 
Beck  placed  the  action  in  German  surroundings.  It  was  first  called  Natur 
und  Heucheley,  then  Lohn  der  Liebe  and  was  finally  presented  as  Verirrung 
ohne  Laster,  1793.  The  play  is  somewhat  original,  but  on  the  whole 
tedious.54 

Regarding  the  dramatizations  of  Smollett's  novels  I  have  reported 
elsewhere.  Stephanie  der  Jungere  drew  upon  The  Expedition  of  Hum- 
phrey Clinker  for  two  dramatic  plots,  and  Peregrine  Pickle  provided  a 
plot  for  an  anonymous  playwright.  None  of  these  comedies  is  important.55 

The  young  "Genies"  greeted  Fielding  with  enthusiasm.  In  his  critical 
opinions  Fielding  sometimes  appears  as  one  of  their  predecessors.  He 
wanted  to  retain  Punch  and  Judy  as  Goethe  and  Moser  would  have  re- 
tained Hanswurst.  Like  the  "Sturm  und  Drang"  dramatists  he  despised 
book-learning  and  held  observation  of  real  life  to  be  the  foundation  of  all 
true  character  representation.  Fielding  was  furthermore  an  individualist 
in  his  art.  'T  am  the  founder  of  a  new  province  in  writing,"  he  said,  "so 
I  am  at  liberty  to  make  what  laws  I  please  therein."56  The  ideal  state  of 
Fielding  and  of  the  "Sturm  und  Drang"  is  neither  a  republic  nor  a 
constitutional  monarchy,  but  an  enlightened  despotism  in  which  the 
ruler  is  guided  not  so  much  by  reason  as  by  the  dictates  of  a  great  and 
sympathetic  heart. 

The  realistic  dramatists  of  the  "Sturm  und  Drang"  preferred  Fielding's 
life-like  portraits  to  Richardson's  idealizations.  Schiller  defended  his  own 
mixed  characters  in  Die  Rduber  with  a  certain  side  thrust  at  Richardson. 
He  desired  to  offer,  he  said,  "eine  Copie  der  Wirklichen  Welt,  und  keine 
idealischen  Affektationen,  keine  Kompendien-Menschen."57  Similarly 
Lenz  said:  "Was  ist  Grandison,  der  abstrahierte,  der  getraumte,  gegen 
einen  Rebhuhn  der  dasteht?"58 

54  For  details  see  Price  [369]. 

55  For  details  see  Price  [571]. 

56  Tom  Jones,  Book  II,  chap.  2. 

67  Schiller,  Werke,  IV  49. 

68  Lenz,  Gesammelte  Schriften,  ed.  Blei,  Munchen,  1909,  I  235. 


192      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

The  rivalry  of  brothers  of  opposite  types  was  a  subject  favored  by  the 
young  geniuses,  and  a  connection  of  Tom  Jones  with  Die  Rduber  is 
demonstrable,  for  the  chief  source  of  Schiller's  tragedy  was  a  narrative 
related  by  Schubart  in  Schwdbisches  Magazin  in  1775.  Its  very  title,  Zur 
Geschichte  des  menschlichen  Herzens,  is  reminiscent  of  the  subtitle  of  Tom 
Jones  in  its  first  translation  into  German.  At  the  close  of  the  story  Schu- 
bart himself  refers  to  Fielding's  novel  saying:  "Die  Geschichte,  die  aus 
glaubwiirdigen  Zeugnissen  zusammengeschlossen,  beweist,  dafi  es  auch 
deutsche  Jones  und  deutsche  Blifil  gebe."  The  treatment  of  a  similar 
theme  by  Leisewitz  in  Julius  von  Tarent  and  Klinger  in  Die  Zwillinge 
one  year  after  the  publication  of  Schubart's  story  is  more  than  a  coinci- 
dence. 

Schiller  remained  steadfast  in  his  admiration  for  Fielding,  for  he  con- 
sidered him  a  moralist.  "Welch  ein  herrliches  Ideal  mufite  nicht  in  der 
Seele  des  Dichters  leben,  der  einen  Tom  Jones  und  eine  Sophia  erschuf  ."59 
He  describes  the  true  "Genie"  as  "schamhaft  aber  nicht  decent  .  .  .  ver- 
standig  aber  nicht  listig"  and  says  that  what  little  we  know  of  the  great 
geniuses,  Sophocles,  Archimedes,  Hippocrates,  Ariosto,  Dante,  Tasso, 
Raphael,  Dlirer,  Cervantes,  Shakespeare,  Fielding,  Sterne,  supports  this 
assertion.60 

69  Schiller,  Werke,  XVII  516. 
60  Ibid.,  XVII  491. 


Chapter  XV 

STERNE  AND  THE  SENTIMENTAL  NOVEL 

Richardson  and  Fielding  were  followed  by  Sterne  and  Goldsmith,  who 
were  in  no  sense  opposites  like  their  predecessors,  but  displayed  in  hu- 
maner  form  the  characteristics  of  both ;  with  them  excessive  contrast  of 
good  and  bad  on  the  one  hand,  and  ridicule  on  the  other,  became  good- 
natured  raillery  at  human  failings  with  an  occasional  forgiving  tear. 
Sterne  first  bade  defiance  to  novelistic  pedantry  in  The  Life  and  Opinions 
of  Tristram  Shandy,  Gentleman,  1759-1767,  and  then  under  the  guise  of 
a  rambling  sketch  of  travel  produced  a  novel  of  a  new  sort,  A  Sentimental 
Journey  through  France  and  Italy,  1768,  which  had  unity  only  of  mood. 
With  a  stricter  sense  of  form,  Goldsmith  offered  his  one-volume  novel, 
The  Vicar  of  Wakefield,  1766.  The  works  of  both  authors  had  a  simul- 
taneous vogue  in  Germany  and  appealed  to  the  same  group  of  readers. 

Laurence  Sterne,  like  Richardson,  proved  to  be  a  larger  factor  in 
German  than  in  English  literary  history.  The  beginnings  of  his  literary 
career  hardly  portended  this  outcome.  His  Tristram  Shandy  began  to 
appear  at  the  end  of  1759,  and  by  March,  1760,  he  found  himself  lionized 
in  London,  yet  in  spite  of  this  his  novel  waited  three  years  before  it  found 
a  German  translator  in  Ziickert,  1763-1767.  The  Allgemeine  deutsche 
Bibliothek  in  1768  spoke  of  Sterne  as  an  author  almost  unknown  in 
Germany,1  and  Wieland  in  a  letter  to  Zimmermann  described  a  recent 
review  in  the  Neue  Bibliothek  der  schonen  Wissenschaften  und  freyen 
Kilnste2  as  "kaltsinnig,  perfunctorisch  und  kleinfugig."3  The  many  di- 
gressions may  have  discouraged  German  readers,  who  were  further  handi- 
capped by  their  lack  of  familiarity  with  the  background  of  English  life. 

Tristram  Shandy  won  several  notable  friends  in  Germany  almost  im- 
mediately. However,  Sterne's  widespread  popularity  began  in  Germany 
when,  less  than  three  years  before  his  death,  he  published  his  Sentimental 
Journey.  This  work  found  a  translator  almost  immediately  in  Bode. 
Lessing  and  Ebert  encouraged  Bode  in  his  work  and  Lessing  coined  for 
him  the  word  "empfmdsam."4  Yoricks  empfindsame  Reise  appeared  in 

1  ADB,  Anhang  zu  Bdn.  I-XXV,  898. 

2  hoc.  tit.,  1776,  III  1. 

3  Wieland,  Brief e,  II  287. 

4  Lessing,  Schriften,  XVII  256.  Cf.  Wiegand,  Deutsches  Worterbuch:  "empfindsam." 
Bode  was  one  of  the  most  prolific  translators  from  the  English  of  his  time.  His  trans- 
lations (see  Wihan  [188])  include:  Moore,  The  Gamester  (1753)  in  1754;  Hoadley,  The 
Suspicious  Husband  (1747)  in  1754;  Colman,  The  Jealous  Wife  (1761)  in  1762;  White- 
head, The  School, for  Lovers  (1762)  in  1771;  Cumberland,  The  West  Indian  (1771)  in 
1772;  Congreve,  The  Way  of  the  World  (1698)  in  1787;  Sterne,  A  Sentimental  Journey 
(1768)  in  1769;  Sterne,  Yorick's  Sentimental  Journey,  continued  by  Eugenius  (1769), 

[193] 


194      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

1768  and  passed  into  a  second  edition  the  next  year.  Another  translation 
in  1769  by  Mittelstedt  had  an  almost  equally  good  fortune.  In  this  way 
popular  attention  was  again  attracted  to  the  almost  neglected  Tristram 
Shandy,  which  Bode  also  translated,  1774,  with  a  list  of  subscribers 
appended.  The  list  contained  more  than  six  hundred  names,  among  them 
Boie,  Claudius,  Gerstenberg,  Gleim,  Frl.  von  Gochhausen,  Goethe, 
Hamann,  Herder,  Hippel,  Jacobi,  Klopstock,  Schummel,  Wieland  (five 
copies),  and  Zimmermann.  Bode's  merit  as  a  translator  rests  chiefly  upon 
his  very  free  renderings  of  Sterne.  He  has  even  been  accused  of  translat- 
ing Tom  Jones  after  the  manner  of  Sterne  rather  than  of  Fielding. 

So  delayed  was  the  translation  of  Tristram  Shandy  that  the  English 
original  was  known  to  many  of  the  German  literati  long  before  it  became 
common  property.  Mendelssohn  testifies  to  Lessing's  early  enthusiasm 
for  Sterne,5  and  Lessing  retained  his  admiration  in  later  years  in  spite  of 
the  crop  of  trashy  imitations  that  had  sprung  up  everywhere,  and  in  spite 
of  the  ensuing  attacks  upon  the  originator.  Lessing  declared  on  hearing 
of  Sterne's  death  that  he  would  gladly  have  resigned  to  him  five  years 
of  his  own  life,  even  though  he  had  but  ten  left,  on  condition  that  he  keep 
on  writing  no  matter  what,  life  and  opinions,  or  sermons,  or  journeys;6 
and  seven  years  later  he  was  of  like  mind,7  but  chronology  precludes  any 
"Dosis  Yorickscher  Empfindsamkeit"  in  Tellheim8  and  it  cannot  be  said 
that  the  logical  Lessing  was  ever  deeply  influenced  by  the  writings  of 
Sterne. 

Sterne  has  placed  the  unmistakable  stamp  of  his  unique  personality 
on  both  his  novels.  The  same  humor,  tolerance,  and  whimsicality  prevail 
in  both,  yet  The  Life  and  Opinions  of  Tristram  Shandy  deals,  as  its  title 
suggests,  with  opinions  and  is  a  polemic,  though  a  good  natured  one, 
against  hypocrisy,  superstition,  the  Catholic  church,  dogmatism,  certain 
absurdities  of  rationalism,  and  whatever  else  the  author  considers  to  be 
injurious.  In  short  A  Sentimental  Journey  is  a  sentimental  novel  and 
Tristram  Shandy  could  be  construed  as  a  rational  novel.  Consequently 
Sterne  found  favor  in  two  literary  camps  in  Germany  sometimes  for 
different  reasons,  and  sometimes  because  of  different  books. 

We  may  consider  first  a  group  of  simple  enthusiasts  who  seized  upon 

no  date;  Sterne,  Life  and  Opinions  of  Tristram  Shandy,  Gent.  (1759-1767)  in  1774; 
Sterne,  Letters  (1775)  in  1775;  Smollett,  Humphrey  Clinker  (1771)  in  1772;  Goldsmith, 
The  Vicar  of  Wakefield  (1766)  in  1776;  Fielding,  Tom  Jones  (1749)  in  1786-1787. 

5  Mendelssohn,  Gesammelte  Schriften,  ed.  G.  B.  Mendelssohn,  Leipzig,  1844,  V  171. 
Letter  of  July,  1763. 

6  Lessing,  Schriften,  XVII  255;  cf.  Bode's  introduction  to  Yoricks  empfindsame 
Reise. 

7  GJ,  XIV  (1893)  51  f. 

8  Cf.  Schmidt  [255]  174,  465.  The  suggestion  is  withdrawn  from  the  later  editions. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  195 

the  externals  of  Sterne's  novels  and  imitated  his  mannerisms  and  his 
characters  in  their  novels  or  in  their  daily  life.  Then  we  may  pass  in 
review  the  followers  of  the  rational  Sterne,  that  is  to  say,  Nicolai, 
Wezel,  Blankenburg,  Wieland,  Thiimmel,  and  finally  Tieck — not  Tieck 
the  romanticist,  but  the  Tieck  of  the  Berlin-Nicolai  years  up  to  about 
1800.  Going  back  then  a  quarter  of  a  century,  we  may  touch  upon  Hippel 
as  a  transition  to  the  first  full  appreciator  of  Sterne,  Jean  Paul  Richter, 
finally  concluding  the  survey  with  some  of  Goethe's  comments  on  Sterne. 

The  "Empfmdsamen"  in  Germany  worshipped  at  Sterne's  feet.  A  type 
of  sentimentality  developed,  as  Goethe  said,  "bei  deren  Ursprung  und 
Fortgang  man  den  Einfluft  von  Yorick-Sterne  nicht  verkennen  darf.  Es 
entstand  eine  Art  zartlich  leidenschaftlicher  Ascetik,  welche,  da  uns  die 
humoristische  Ironie  des  Briten  nicht  gegeben  war,  in  eine  ledige  Selbst- 
qualerei  gewohnlich  ausarten  mulSte."9  The  letters  of  Jacobi  to  Gleim 
in  Halberstadt  and  the  letters  of  the  Darmstadt  "saints"  are  contempo- 
rary evidence  of  this  one  time  mode  and  mood.  Jacobi's  freemasonry  of 
the  "Lorenzo  Dose"  was  formed  spontaneously  at  the  moment  he  read 
to  his  brother  and  some  guests  the  story  of  the  Franciscan  who  begged 
alms  of  Yorick.  Within  his  circle  Jacobi  was  known  as  Toby.10  Jacobi 
wrote  soon  after  to  Gleim  asking  him  to  help  spread  the  order,  and  in 
truth  the  manufacture  of  Lorenzo  Dosen  began  actively  thereupon.11 

The  chief  literary  monument,  or  perhaps  one  should  say  gravestone, 
of  the  Halberstadt  enthusiasm  was  Johann  Georg  Jacobi's  Winterreise, 
1769.  The  less  important  Sommerreise,  written  in  the  same  year,  was  not 
even  included  in  the  later  editions  of  Jacobi's  works.  In  these  mawkish 
products  the  humor  of  Sterne  is  lacking  and  the  sentimentality  is  intensi- 
fied to  compensate,  but  even  here  there  is  an  often  discordant  note  of 
rationalism. 

In  Darmstadt,  Louise  von  Ziegler  thought  of  herself  as  Maria  of 
Moulines.  "Sie  ist  ein  suites  schwarmerisches  Madchen,"  Caroline  von 
Flachsland  wrote  to  Herder,  "hat  ihr  Grab  in  ihrem  Garten  gebaut,  einen 
Thron  in  ihrem  Garten,  ihre  Lauben  und  Rosen,  wenns  Sommer  ist,  und 
ihr  Schafchen,  das  mit  ihr  iBt  und  trinkt,"12  and  later: 

Meine  Lilla  habe  ich,  seit  sie  hier  ist,  nur  etliche  mal  gesehen,  und  einmal  in  Gesell- 
schaft  Merks,  und  Gdthe  die  Geschichte  des  armen  Le  Febre  aus  dem  Tristram  Shandy 
lesen  horen — o  wenn  sie  das  Madchen  kennten,  sie  ist  ein  Engel  von  Empfindung 
und  tausendmal  beBer  als  ich,  sie  gab  mir  Blumchen  aus  ihrem  Garten,  und  ich  legte 
sie  in  "Yoricks  empfindsame  Reisen" — wenn  Gothe  von  Adel  ware,  so  wollte  ich,  dafi 
er  sie  vom  Hoff  wegnahme.13 

9  Goethe,  Werke,  I  (33)  208. 

10  Thayer  [577]  112. 

11  QF  II  (1874)  27. 

12  Herder,  Briefwechsel,  XLI  (1928)  22;  February  6,  1772. 

13  Ibid.,  II  108;  May  8,  1772. 


196      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

"Empfindsam"  was  the  "Modewort"  of  the  time  and  scores  of  books 
appeared  bearing  it  in  the  title.  The  Breslau  student  Schummel  relates 
of  his  Empfmdsame  Reisen  durch  Deutschland,  1770-1772:  "Als  ich 
Yoricks  Schriften  eins,  zwei,  drei,  viermal  gelesen  hatte  und  zum  Gliick 
oder  Ungliick  grade  um  diese  Zeit  von  meinem  Verleger  eine  Einladung 
zur  Autorschaft  empfing,  so  iiberfiel  mich  der  Schreibenthusiasmus  so 
heftig  und  ungestiim,  daB  ich  ihm  allein  nicht  widerstehen  konnte."14 
At  the  conclusion  Schummel  says  that  his  ardor  for  Tristram  has  been 
cooled  by  the  critics;  he  mentions  Sonnenfels  and  Riedel.  He  apologizes 
for  his  shameless  description  of  his  parents  which,  he  says,  he  wrote  under 
Sterne's  influence,  otherwise  the  faults  of  the  book  are  his  own.  With  the 
exception  of  a  few  passages  which  he  mentions  he  holds  his  work  to  be 
beneath  all  criticism.  With  equal  severity  a  reviewer  in  the  Frankfurter 
gelehrte  Zeitung,  quite  probably  Goethe,  protested : 

Alles  hat  er  dem  guten  Yorick  geraubt,  Speer,  Helm  und  Lanze.  Nur  Schade!  in- 
wendig  steckt  der  Herr  Praceptor  S.  zu  Magdeburg.  .  .  .  Yorick  empfand,  und  dieser 
setzt  sich  hin  zu  empfinden;  Yorick  wird  von  seiner  Laune  ergriffen,  weinte  und  lachte 
in  einer  Minute  und  durch  die  Magie  der  Sympathie  lachen  und  weinen  wir  mit ;  hier 
aber  steht  einer  und  iiberlegt:  wie  lache  und  weine  ich?  was  werden  die  Leute  sagen, 
wenn  ich  lache  und  weine?  was  werden  die  Recensenten  sagen?15 

Most  of  the  German  opponents  of  sentimentalism  attacked  the  imi- 
tators of  Sterne  rather  than  Sterne's  own  novels.16  Blankenburg  observed 
that  what  the  imitators  of  Sterne  chiefly  lacked  was  "Kenntnis  des 
menschlichen  Herzens,"17  and  Lichtenberg  said:  "Toricht  affektierte 
Sonderbarkeit  .  .  .  wird  das  Kriterium  von  Originalitat  und  das  sicherste 
Zeichen,  daU  man  einen  Kopf  habe,  dieses,  wenn  man  sich  des  Tages  liber 
ein  paarmal  darauf  stellt.  Wenn  dieses  auch  eine  Sternische  Kunst  ware 
so  ist  wohl  so  viel  gewiB,  es  ist  keine  der  Schwersten."18  Opposition  some- 
times took  the  form  of  a  satire  as  in  Goethe's  Der  Triumph  der  Empfind- 
samkeit,  a  work  which  was,  however,  directed  chiefly  against  the  imi- 
tators of  Werther. 

Hamann  and  Herder  read  Sterne's  Tristram  Shandy  together  in  Riga 

(1764-1769)  and  during  temporary  separations  from  one  another  wrote 

letters  in  which  Hamann  was  addressed  as  Tobias  Shandy  and  Herder 

as  Yorick.19  Herder  did  not  read  The  Sentimental  Journey  until  Novem- 

14  Quoted  by  Kawerau  [594]  153. 

16  hoc.  cit.,  March  3,  1772.  In  DLD,  VII  (1882)  109.  Cf.  Goethe,  Werke  I  (37)  214 
f.,  and  I  (38)  317  f.  _ 

16  Regarding  the  imitators  of  Sterne  see  Thayer  [  577  ] . 

17  Blankenburg  [376]  273. 

18  Lichtenberg,  Vermischte  Schriften,  ed.  L.  C.  Lichtenberg  and  Kreis,  Gottingen, 
1844,  II 175. 

19  Herders  Briefe  an  Hamann,  ed.  Hoffmann,  Berlin,  1889,  25,  27,  49. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  197 

ber,  1768.  His  enthusiasm  for  Sterne  still  glowed  warmly  during  his  stay 
in  Strassburg.  In  his  letters  of  the  time  to  Caroline  Flachsland  there  are 
several  references  to  Tristram  Shandy  and  The  Sentimental  Journey™  and 
there  he  communicated  his  enthusiasm  to  Goethe,  and  Goethe  his  in  turn 
to  Jung-Stilling,  who  reported:  "Herr  Gothe  gab  ihm  in  Ansehung  der 
schonen  Wissenschaften  einen  anderen  Schwung.  Er  machte  ihn  mit 
Ossian,  Shakespeare,  Fielding,  und  Sterne  bekannt;  und  so  gerieth 
Stilling  aus  der  Natur  ohne  Umwege  in  die  Natur."21  In  Darmstadt 
Goethe  read  from  Tristram  Shandy  to  his  associates.22  On  leaving  Wetzlar 
he  attended  what  he  calls  the  "Congress  der  Empfmdsamen"  at  the 
home  of  Sophie  La  Roche  in  Thai  near  Ehrenbreitstein23  and  in  later 
years  he  admitted  that  Yorick  helped  to  prepare  the  groundwork  on 
which  Werther  was  built.24  To  a  less  degree  than  many  of  his  contempo- 
raries, but  still  to  some  extent  Goethe  adopted  during  the  1770's  certain 
of  the  stylistic  mannerisms  of  Sterne. 

The  earliest  important  novel  of  the  "Aufklarer"  to  be  affected  by  the 
example  of  Tristram  Shandy  was  Nicolai's  Leben  und  Meinungen  des 
Herm  Magister  Sebaldus  Nothanker,  1773-1776,  but  Sebaldus  is  not,  like 
Tristram,  an  agreeable,  if  ironic,  protester  against  superstition  and  dog- 
matism. Rather  he  is  a  fanatical,  intolerant  rationalist,  ready  to  suffer 
martyrdom  for  his  disbelief  in  the  divine  revelation  of  the  Bible.  He  can 
more  properly  be  compared  with  another  of  his  acknowledged  prototypes, 
Amory's  John  Buncle  Esq.,  who,  to  be  sure,  was  also  a  more  agreeable 
rationalist  than  Sebaldus.  In  that  Nicolai  utilized  crusading  zeal  against 
orthodoxy  as  a  "ruling  passion/'  his  work  was  characteristic  of  the 
Berlin  "Aufklarung." 

The  theme  of  Johann  Karl  Wezel's  novel,  Die  Lebensgeschichte  Tobias 
Knauths  des  Weisen,  sonst  der  Stammler  genannt,  1773-1776,  is  more 
similar  to  that  of  Sterne's  novel.  Although  the  author  asserted  in  his 
preface  that  he  had  planned  the  work  before  he  ever  read  anything  by 
Sterne,  it  is  nevertheless  undeniable  that  he  adopted  many  of  his  tricks, 
mannerisms,  and  motifs.  Like  Sterne  he  lays  great  stress  on  prenatal 
influence  and  on  heredity.  He  seeks  to  find  exterior  causes  for  everything, 
even  for  the  emotions.  Moderate  eating,  he  insists,  makes  for  rational 
thinking,  and  overeating  for  tearfulness  and  sentimentalism.  This  was 
a  pet  notion  of  Wezel.  In  his  later  novel  Wilhelmine  Arend  oder  die  Ge- 
fahren  der  Empfindsamkeit,  1782,  he  returns  to  it.  On  the  whole  Wezel 

20  Herders  Briefwechsel;  see  its  index. 

21  Jung  Stilling,  Heinrich  Stillings  Jugend,  Frankfurt  and  Leipzig,  1780,  139. 

22  Herders  Briefwechsel,  XLI  (1928)  108. 

23  Goethe,  Werke,  I  (28)  178. 

24  Ibid.,  I  (33)  208  f. 


198      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

created  in  Tobias  Knauth  an  odd  but  not  an  attractive  character,  and 
approached  Sterne's  rationalism  but  not  his  good  humor. 

Among  the  other  novels  of  the  time  suggestive  by  their  title  of  Sterne 
were  Bock's  Die  Geschichte  eines  empfundenen  Tages,  1770;  Schwager's 
Leben  und  Schicksale  des  Martin  Dickius,  1775;  Kotzebue's  Geschichte 
meines  Voters,  oder  wie  es  zuging,  daft  ich  gebohren  wurde,  1788;  Goschen's 
Reise  von  Johann,  1793,  and  Hedemann's  Empfindsame  Reise  von  Olden- 
burg nach  Bremen,  1796.  It  would  be  a  dull  task  to  describe  these  and 
many  others  of  their  kind  in  detail.25  A  critic  of  the  time  wished  the 
authors  and  their  novels  might  rot  in  a  common  grave  of  oblivion.-6  In 
England  and  in  Germany  there  were  protests  against  the  glorification  of 
Sterne.  Smollett  in  The  Critical  Review,  and  Goldsmith  in  The  Citizen  of 
the  World  had  taken  exception  to  Sterne's  ideas.  Lichtenberg  told  his 
fellow  countrymen  that  Sterne's  simplicity  and  tender  heart  were  feigned. 
In  reality,  he  said,  Yorick  was  a  parasite,  a  flatterer,  "ein  scandalum 
ecclesiae."27  Sturz  reported  that  Garrick  told  him  Sterne  was  a  lewd 
fellow  whose  moral  nature  had  suffered  from  the  adulations  of  London.28 

Tristram  Shandy  received  serious  attention  at  the  hands  of  Blanken- 
burg,  who  was  the  authority  on  novels  within  the  group  to  which  he 
belonged.  In  his  Versuch  iiber  den  Roman,  1774,  Blankenburg  demanded, 
as  a  good  rationalist  should,  that  a  novel  should  have  a  moral  aim. 
Furthermore  the  actions  of  the  characters  must  be  thoroughly  motivated. 
"Jeder  kleine  Umstand  der  aufieren  Welt  ist  fur  den  Dichter  wichtig." 
The  treatment  of  whimsical  characters  Blankenburg  regarded  as  useful, 
but  this  is  not  a  practical  aim  for  German  novelists,  "weil  Deutschlands 
politische  Einrichtung  und  Gesetze  und  unsere  allerliebsten  artigen  fran- 
zosischen  Sitten  diese  Laune  schlechterdings  nicht  gestatten."29  It  is  the 
proper  function  of  German  novelists  to  portray  the  character  types  and 
customs  of  their  own  land.  In  accordance  with  this  rational  prescription 
he  wrote  a  novel  bearing  the  unromantic  title  Beytrage  zur  Geschichte  des 
deutschen  Reichs  und  deutscher  Sitten,  1775.  This  novel  too  adopted  the 
mannerisms  and  methods  of  Tristram  Shandy.  Its  intent  is  clearly  enough 
indicated  in  Blankenburg's  Versuch  iiber  den  Roman  as  quoted  above. 
Blankenburg  was  convinced  that  a  novel  should  have  a  purpose  and  also 
that  a  German  novel  should  portray  German  characters  and  customs. 
Deliberately  he  substituted  these  collective  characteristics  for  the  whims 

25  See  Thayer  [577]  112-115;  also  Czerny  [590],  Vacano  [1528],  Kerr  [1527], 
Buchholz  [518],Ransmeier  [1529],  and  Bauer  [1531]. 

26  Allgemeine  Litteraturzeitung ,  October,  1785. 

27  Lichtenberg,  Vermischte  Schriften,  I  184  and  III  112.  (Cf.  fn.  18,  above). 

28  Sturz,  Schriften,  Leipzig,  1779,  I  12  f.  Cf.  Deutsches  Museum  1776,  II  602  and 
1771, 1  449. 

29  Blankenburg  [376]  188. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  199 

and  ruling  passions  of  Sterne,  believing  that  eccentrics  of  the  Sterne  type 
could  not  exist  in  Germany.  What  was  more  consistent  then  than  to  write 
a  novel  which  should  hold  up  to  ridicule  the  German  custom  of  aping 
French  ways  of  life?  Merck  was  not  justified  in  dismissing  the  work  as  a 
weak  and  slavish  imitation  of  Tristram  Shandy.30  Whatever  the  absolute 
merits  of  Blankenburg's  work  may  be,  he  seems  to  have  produced  just 
the  novel  he  set  out  to  write. 

Wieland  was  one  of  the  first  German  authors  to  fall  under  the  spell  of 
Sterne.  On  reading  Tristram  Shandy  late  in  1767  he  was  immediately 
captivated  and  felt  akin  to  its  author.31  Having  passed  from  pietism  to  a 
type  of  hedonism  he,  as  little  as  Sterne,  was  inclined  to  ridicule  religion 
and  those  who  professed  it,  though  bigotry  was  distasteful  to  him.  He 
praised  the  "Evangelium  Yoricks"  as  "lauter  Naturalismus,  Deismus 
und  Pelagianismus,  ja  purer  verfeinerter  Epikurismus,  Philosophic  der 
Grazien,  und,  mit  einem  Worte,  pures  Heidenthum."32  Both  authors 
were  controlled  by  sympathetic  hearts;  both  were  impressed,  but  not 
depressed,  by  the  weakness  of  human  nature;  both  loved  piquanteries, 
often  made  the  more  conspicuous  by  their  elaborate  apologies.  When 
Wieland  heard  of  Sterne's  death  he  wrote  to  Riedel : 

Was  fur  Verlust  ist  sein  Tod!  Ich  kann  ihn  nicht  verschmerzen.  Unter  alien  vom 
Weibe  Gebornen  ist  kein  Autor,  dessen  Gefiihl,  Humor  und  Art  zu  denken  voll- 
kommner  mit  dem  meinigen  sympathesirt;  den  ich  besser  verstehe,  auch  wo  er 
Anderen  dunkel  ist;  der  mich  mehr  lehrt;  der  dasjenige  so  gut  ausdruckt,  was  ich 
tausendmal  empfunden  habe,  ohne  es  ausdriicken  zu  konnen  oder  zu  wollen.33 

In  the  preceding  year  he  had  written  to  Zimmermann : 

Ich  gestehe  Ihnen,  mein  Freund,  daC  Sterne  beynahe  der  einzige  Autor  in  der  Welt 
ist,  den  ich  mit  einer  Art  von  ehrfurchtsvoller  Bewunderung  ansehe.  Ich  werde  sein 
Buch  studiren,  so  lang  ich  lebe,  und  es  doch  noch  nicht  genug  studiert  haben.  Ich 
kenne  keines,  worin  so  viel  achte  Socratische  Weisheit,  eine  so  tiefe  KenntniB  des 
Menschen,  ein  so  feines  Gefiihl  des  Schonen  und  Guten,  eine  so  grofie  Menge  neuer 
und  feiner  moralischer  Bemerkungen,  so  viel  gesunde  Beurtheilung,  mit  so  viel  Witz 
und  Genie  verbunden  ware.34 

When  Wieland  first  heard  that  Bode  was  about  to  translate  Tristram 
Shandy  he  wrote:  "Tristram  Shandy  ist  ein  auBerordentliches  und  vor- 
treffliches  Werk  der  Natur,"  but  as  often  as  he  reads  it,  he  says,  he  be- 
comes impatient  with  the  author,  who  for  lack  of  ability  to  restrain  him- 
self, has  written  a  "Mischmasch  von  Weisheit,  Thorheit,  Witz,  Empfin- 

30  Teutscher  Merkur,  1776,  I  270. 

31  Wieland,  Briefe,  II  286  f. 

32  Ibid.,  Ill  16;  November  15,  1770. 

33  Auswahl  denkwiirdiger  Briefe  .  .  .,  ed.  L.  Wieland,  Wien,  1815,  I  231  f. 

34  Wieland,  Briefe,  II  287  f. 


200      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

dung,  Geschmack,  Unsinn,  Metaphysik  des  Herzens,  Kenntnis  der  Welt, 
Critik,  feinen  Scherz,  imnachahmlicher  Laune  und  unausstehlichen 
Plattheiten,"  when  he  might  have  written  "das  angenehmste  und  beste 
Buch  in  der  Welt."35  Perhaps  Tristram  Shandy  is  that  still  despite  its 
faults.  Nevertheless  the  translator  would  do  a  service  not  only  to  the 
author  but  to  the  public  as  well,  if  he  would  simply  leave  out  some  parts 
of  the  work  where  the  crudity  of  composition  is  too  obnoxious.  Bode's 
translation,  when  it  appeared,  satisfied  Wieland's  demands  and  he  ex- 
claimed : 

Wo  ist  der  Mann  von  Verstand  und  Geschmack  .  .  .  der  nicht  lieber  alle  seine 
ubrigen  Biicher,  und  seinen  Mantel  und  Kragen  im  Nothfall  dazu,  verkauffen  wollte, 
urn  sich  dies  in  seiner  Art  einzige  .  .  .  Buch  anzuschaffen  und  ...  so  lange  darinn  zu 
lesen,  bis  alle  Blatter  davon  so  abgerissen  und  abgenutzt  sind,  dafi  er  sich — zum 
gro!3en  Vergntigen  des  Verlegers — ein  neues  Exemplar  anschaffen  mufi.36 

Wieland  wrote  to  Gleim,  October  2,  1764:  "Vergangenen  August  den 
ganzen  Monat  hindurch  hatte  mich  eine  philosophische  Laune  ange- 
wandelt,  welche  mit  der  Yorickschen  etwas  ahnliches  hat,  ohne  Nach- 
ahmung  zu  seyn.  Da  schrieb  ich  XcoKparris  ixaivbptvos  oder  Dialogen  des 
Diogenes  von  Sinope  aus  einer  alten  Handschrift.,n7  In  this  work,  published 
in  1770,  as  well  as  in  Der  neue  Amadis  of  the  following  year,  we  find, 
along  with  some  Shandean  philosophy  and  style,  traces  of  the  eroticism 
but  not  the  "Empfmdsamkeit"  of  the  Sentimental  Journey. 

In  a  series  of  entertaining  philosophical  discussions  Wieland  attacked 
the  very  evils  Sterne  detested,  particularly  hypocrisy  and  narrow- 
minded  dogmatism.  These  works  are  Beytrdge  zur  geheimen  Geschichte 
des  menschlichen  Verstandes  und  Herzens,  1770,  Der  goldne  Spiegel,  1772, 
Die  Geschichte  des  Weisen  Danischmend,  1775,  and  Die  Geschichte  der 
Abderiten,  1774. 

The  first  three  treatises  of  the  Beytrdge  had  their  inception  as  polemics 
against  certain  phases  of  Rousseau's  philosophy,  but  the  mood  of  Sterne 
prevails  in  all.  There  are  phrases  such  as  "wurde  der  alte  Herr  Walther 
Shandy  ausrufen,"  and  "mit  Tristram  zu  reden."38  In  one  of  his  digres- 
sions he  lets  a  critical  reader  charge  that  he  is  imitating  Sterne.  In  de- 
fending himself  against  the  imputation  he  takes  pains  to  borrow  his 
phrases  and  witticisms  from  Sterne.39  Der  goldne  Spiegel  was  described 
by  Wieland  as  a  chapter  "aus  der  Geschichte  der  Weisheit  und  der 
Thorheit  in  den  Jahrbuchern  des  menschlichen  Geschlechtes."40  Die 

35  Teutscher  Merkur,  II  1773,  229  f. 

36  Ibid.,  VIII  1774,  247;  cf.  Ibid.,  V  1774,  345  and  VI  1774,  363  f. 

37  Wieland,  Brief e,  II  329. 

38  Wieland,  Schriften,  I  (7)  398,  395. 

39  Op.  cit.,  Leipzig,  1770,  83-91.  Not  included  by  Wieland  in  his  collected  works. 

40  Wieland,  Schriften,  I  (9)  10. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  201 

Geschichte  des  Weisen  Danischmend  has  as  its  chief  theme  the  bigotry 
of  the  orthodox  clergy,  a  subject  to  which  Sterne  devoted  his  longest 
chapter  in  Tristram  Shandy,  and  Die  Geschichte  der  Abderiten  is  a  satire 
on  "SpieBbiirgerlichkeit,"  which  Sterne  persiflated  elsewhere  in  Tristram 
Shandy.  In  all  these  works  the  style  of  Sterne  is  evident.  We  find  confi- 
dential remarks  addressed  to  the  reader,  constant  deviations  from  the 
main  theme,  with  occasional  promises  to  do  better  in  the  future  and 
numerous  other  mannerisms  of  Sterne. 

Nearly  all  of  Wieland's  enthusiastic  exclamations  regarding  Sterne 
have  reference  to  Tristram  Shandy,  to  which  he  subordinated  The  Senti- 
mental Journey.  In  his  Teutscher  Merkur  he  mentions  "die  humoristi- 
schen  Reisejournale,  von  welchen  Tristram  Shandys  Reisebeschreibung 
im  7ten  Theil  das  ewig-unerreichbare  Urbild  und  wovon  selbst  Yoricks 
Empfindsame  Reise  (wiewohl  beyde  einen  Verfasser  haben)  nur  die  beste 
Nachahmung  ist."41  Thus  Wieland  sensed  the  common  element  in  the 
two  so  different  works.  The  rococo  Wieland  was  susceptible  to  the  charm 
of  the  rococo  Sterne.  Both  felt  that  life  was  something  to  be  enjoyed  and 
that  right  feeling  was  helpful  to  an  individual  as  well  as  right  thinking. 
Among  the  human  pleasures  were  friendship,  sympathy  for  one's  fellow 
men,  and  love,  or,  at  least,  ephemeral  erotic  emotions.  In  short,  Wieland 
appreciated  Sterne,  agreed  with  his  view  of  life,  admired  his  technique 
and  adopted  it,  but  rarely  created  beings  after  the  image  of  Sterne's 
chief  characters. 

In  Thummel's  Reise  in  die  mittdglichen  Provinzen  von  Frankreich  im 
Jahre  1785-1786,  begun  in  1791,  the  traveler  Wilhelm  is  a  hypochondriac, 
who  sets  forth  to  taste  of  life  where  it  is  lived  most  naturally,  in  France, 
and  so  by  experience  to  become  sound — an  entirely  rationalistic  en- 
deavor. He  is  apprenticed  to  love  by  a  series  of  experiences,  hence  it  is 
a  "Bildungsroman"  in  the  sense  of  Agathon.  The  experiences  are  de- 
scribed quite  nearly  as  Sterne  would  have  reported  them  in  his  Senti- 
mental Journey,  and  with  more  allure  than  Wieland  achieved  in  his  most 
highly  rococo  narrations.  The  rational  Protestant  observer  describes  a 
journey  into  darkest  France,  where  superstition  and  belief  in  wonder- 
working relics  are  still  exerting  their  baleful  influence.  This  enables 
Wilhelm  to  join  with  Sterne  in  attacks  on  the  church,  on  hypocrisy,  and 
on  superstition.  The  traveler  looks  upon  misfortune  with  the  same  sym- 
pathetic heart  as  Yorick,  but,  more  than  that,  he  is  impelled  to  sacrifice 
himself  for  the  common  good,  a  philanthropic  trait  which  was  a  part  of 
the  heritage  of  "Sturm  und  Drang."  Sterne  was  not  the  sole  guide  to 

41  Teutscher  Merkur,  VII  1774,  35. 


202      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Wilhelm  on  this  journey.  He  set  forth  with  a  copy  in  his  hand  of  La 
Chapelle's  Relation  d'un  voyage  fait  en  France,  1662. 42 

Ludwig  Tieck  is  related  to  Sterne  through  his  romantic  irony — not 
the  romantic  irony  which  Friedrich  Schlegel  tried  to  define  and  which  is 
represented  most  fully  by  Shakespeare,  but  the  romantic  irony  of  Cer- 
vantes, Sterne,  and  Goethe  in  Wilhelm  Meister.i3  Tieck  frequently  men- 
tions the  three  together.  It  was  the  early  reading  of  Cervantes  which 
enamored  Tieck  of  that  form  in  which  the  author  frequently  addresses 
his  readers  personally  to  encourage  them,  flatter  them,  or  lecture  them, 
and  as  frequently  breaks  the  illusion  by  reminding  them  that  the  work 
before  them  is  a  book  which  he  is  writing.  Of  the  three  masters  Tieck 
acknowledged,  Sterne  did  not  perhaps  hold  the  highest  place,  but  he  was 
especially  honored  for  his  good  will :  In  Peter  Lebrecht  Tieck  exclaims : 

0  menschenfreundlicher  Sterne,  wie  lieb  bist  du  mir  von  alien  Schriftstellern  immer 
dadurch  geworden,  daC  du  uns  nicht  gegen  Schwachen  und  Thorheiten  zu  emporen 
suchst,  dafi  du  nicht  die  Geisel  der  Satire  schwingst,  sondern  dich  und  die  iibrigen 
Menschen  auf  eine  gleiche  Art  belachelst  und  bemitleidest.44 

In  Peter  Lebrecht  may  be  found  all  the  tricks  and  devices  Sterne  uses 
in  Tristram  Shandy  to  encourage,  cajole,  and  perplex  the  reader,  but 
these  devices  may  be  found  in  most  of  his  other  early  works  as  well.  By 
early  works  is  meant  here  those  written  before  1800.  Walzel  says:  "Das 
jiingste  Gericht,  1800,  ist  wie  ein  Schlufistrich  gesetzt  unter  den  jugend- 
lichen  Ubermut  von  Tiecks  satirischen  Teufeleien  .  .  .  Bald  gab  Tieck 
das  Handwerk  des  Allerweltspotters  auf."45  Even  before  1800  the  "Stim- 
mungsbrechungen"  and  destructions  of  illusion  began  to  assume  a  differ- 
ent aspect,  as  in  William  Lovell,  1793-1795,  for  Tieck  was  becoming  a 
romanticist  in  philosophy  and  beginning  to  conceive  of  the  world  as 
nonexistent  outside  of  the  "Ich."  Such  thoughts  never  occurred  to  Sterne. 
He  may  treat  of  his  characters  condescendingly  and  make  light  of  their 
inner  life,  but  their  existence  remains  intact. 

Theodore  von  Hippel  certainly  did  not  belong  to  the  rationalistic 
school.  His  Lebenslaufe  nach  aufsteigender  Linie,  1778,  was  religious  and 
philosophical,  but  the  religion  had  a  pantheistic  tinge,  which  connects 
it  with  "Sturm  und  Drang,"  and  the  philosophy  a  subjective  basis,  which 
points  the  way  toward  the  romanticists.  His  novel  displays  the  manner 
of  Sterne  in  its  style  and  in  its  method  of  picturing  characters.  This  is  par- 
ticularly true  of  the  opening  chapters  of  this  partly  autobiographical 
work,  that  is  to  say  in  his  description  of  his  chief  character's  childhood, 

42  Thiimmel,  Sdmmtliche  Werke,  Stuttgart,  1820,  IV  103  f.;  cf.  Kyreleis  [595]  25. 
43Lussky  [597]  chap.  1. 

44  Tieck,  Werke,  Berlin,  1829,  XV  15. 

45  O.  Walzel,  Die  deutsche  Romantik6,  Berlin  und  Leipzig,  1923,  42  f. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  203 

parentage,  and  early  surroundings.  He  attributes  to  both  father  and 
mother  fixed  religious  whims  and  ideas  which  may  be  described  as  neither 
definitely  harmful  nor  definitely  beneficial  either  to  the  characters  them- 
selves or  to  the  outside  world.  Thus  in  a  negative  way  he  comes  closer 
to  the  tolerant  spirit  of  Sterne  than  his  predecessors  Nicolai  and  Wezel. 
It  cannot  be  said,  however,  that  he  succeeded  by  this  method  in  giving 
his  characters  humanizing  and  endearing  traits. 

The  close  relationship  of  Jean  Paul  to  Sterne  has  long  been  recognized. 
Die  romantische  Schule  of  Heine  observed : 

Er  [Jean  Paul]  ist  der  lustigste  Schriftsteller  und  zugleich  der  sentimentalste.  Ja, 
die  Sentimalitat  iiberwindet  ihn  immer,  und  sein  Lachen  verwandelt  sich  jahlings  in 
Weinen.  Er  vermummt  sich  manchmal  in  einen  bettelhaften  plumpen  Gesellen,  aber 
dann  plotzlich,  wie  die  Fursten  Inkognito,  die  wir  auf  dem  Theater  sehen,  knopft  er 
den  groben  Oberrock  auf,  und  wir  erblicken  alsdann  den  strahlenden  Stern. 

Hierin  gleicht  Jean  Paul  ganz  dem  grofien  Irlander,  womit  man  ihn  oft  verglichen. 
Auch  der  Verfasser  des  Tristram  Shandy,  wenn  er  sich  in  den  rohesten  Trivialitaten 
verloren,  weifi  uns  plotzlich  durch  erhabene  Ubergange  an  seine  fiirstliche  Wiirde,  an 
seine  Ebenbtirtigkeit  mit  Shakespeare  zu  erinnern.46 

To  a  similar  effect  Julian  Schmidt,  the  chief  opponent  of  the  "Jung- 
Deutschen"  and  the  subjective  idealists,  wrote  with  disapprobation 
several  years  later: 

Der  triibselige  Humor,  der  heuer  bei  unsern  deutschen  Xsthetikern  allein  Gnade 
findet,  hat  seinen  Vater  in  Sterne.  Dieser  Humor  besteht  aus  einem  bestandigen,  mit 
Lacheln  und  Thranen  gewtirzten  Kopfschiitteln  uber  das  Thema  Hamlets:  "Es  gibt 
mehr  Ding'  im  Himmel  und  auf  Erden  als  eure  Schulweisheit  sich  traumt."  Unsere 
deutschen  Humoristen  sind  alle  von  diesem  Vorbild  inspiriert.47 

As  the  earliest  of  these  German  "Humoristen"  Schmidt  mentioned 
Hamann,  Hippel,  and  Jean  Paul.  Hippel's  Lebensldufe  was  one  of  the 
first  novels  that  Jean  Paul  read.  Soon  after  that  he  began  to  read  Swift 
and  Sterne  but  he  seemed  to  have  no  clear  conception  of  the  difference 
between  the  two.  His  Siebenkas  admitted  that  it  was  Swift  and  Sterne 
who  first  showed  him  "die  rechten  Wege  des  Scherzes."48  Jean  Paul's 
earliest  novels  were  rather  in  the  manner  of  Swift.  In  Gronldndische  Pro- 
zesse,  1783,  he  satirized  the  snobbishness  of  the  aristocrats  and  the 
bookishness  of  the  writers.  In  Des  Rektor  Florian  Fdlbel  Reise  nach  dem 
Fichtelberg  he  satirized  the  pedantic  approach  to  nature,  but  in  his  Leben 
des  vergniigten  Schulmeisterlein  Maria  Wuz  in  Auenthal,  1793,  he  created 
the  first  German  character  deserving  of  a  place  beside  Uncle  Toby,  and 
Wuz  was  soon  followed  by  Quintus  Fixlein  and  Siebenkas.  In  Jean  Paul's 

46  Heine,  Werke,  VII  143. 

47  Die  Grenzboten,  1851,  I  167. 

48  Jean  Paul,  Sdmtliche  Werke,  ed.  Berend  et  al.,  Weimar,  1927,  I  (6)  509. 


204      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

works  there  are  frequent  references  to  Sterne  and  many  parallels  to  his 
mannerisms.  These  have  been  pointed  out  in  detail  elsewhere.  They  are 
most  evident  in  the  early  part  of  Die  unsichtbare  Loge,  1793,  and  least 
evident  in  the  latter  part  of  Titan,  1800-1803. 49  Jean  Paul  became  fully 
aware  of  the  nature  and  value  of  fixed  ideas  and  hobbies.  In  his  Vorschule 
der  Aesthetik  he  wrote : 

Der  Charakter  wird  nicht  von  einer  Eigenschaft,  nicht  von  vielen  Eigenschaften, 
sondern  von  deren  Grad  und  ihrem  Misch-Verhaltnis  zu  einander  bestimmt;  aber 
diesem  alien  ist  der  geheime  organische  Seelen-Punkt  voraus  gesetzt,  um  welchen  sich 
alles  erzeugt,  und  der  seiner  gemafi  anzieht  und  abscheidet.60 

More  concretely  he  wrote  that  there  is  no  such  thing  as  particular 
folly  and  there  were  no  fools  but  only  "Thorheit  und  eine  tolle  Welt." 
"Onkel  Tobys  Feldzuge  machen  nicht  etwa  den  Onkel  lacherlich  oder 
Ludwig  XIV  allein — sondern  sie  sind  die  Allegorie  aller  menschlichen 
Liebhaberei  und  des  in  jedem  Menschenkopfe  wie  in  einem  Hutfutteral 
aufbewahrten  Kindkopfes."51 

No  one  was  more  competent  to  report  on  the  influence  of  Sterne  in 
Germany  than  Goethe,  for  he  witnessed  its  inception,  furthered  its  diffu- 
sion, and  observed  its  effect  from  1770  until  his  death.  He  viewed  the 
eccentricities  of  the  Darmstadt  saints  and  the  "Congress  der  Empfind- 
samen"  at  Ehrenbreitstein  with  toleration.52  He  satirized  the  mood  in 
Der  Triumph  der  Empfindsamen  and  condemned  it  in  Die  Campagne  in 
Frankreich,53  but  his  diaries  show  that  he  devoted  himself  to  reading 
critically  the  works  of  Sterne  at  least  three  times  in  his  later  life,  in  1817, 
in  1826,  and  in  1830, 54  and  that  he  came  to  certain  definite  conclusions 
in  regard  to  the  contributions  of  Sterne  to  the  age. 

Goethe  admired  Sterne's  opposition  to  pedantry.  On  October  1,  1830, 
he  noted:  "Er  war  der  Erste,  der  sich  und  uns  aus  Pedanterey  und  Phi- 
listerey  emportrieb,"55  and  five  days  later:  "Mit  der  Zeit  nimmt  meine 
Bewunderung  zu;  denn  wer  hat  Anno  1759  Pedanterey  und  Philisterey 
mit  solcher  Heiterkeit  geschildert."56  Goethe  admired  further  Sterne's 
tolerance,  tenderheartedness,  and  understanding  of  his  fellow  men. 

Es  begegnet  uns  gewohnlich  bei  raschem  Vorschreiten  der  literarischen  sowohl  als 
humanen  Bildung,  dafi  wir  vergessen,  wem  wir  die  ersten  Anregungen,  die  anfang- 
lichen  Einwirkungen  schuldig  geworden.  Was  da  ist  und  vorgeht,  glauben  wir,  mtisse 

49  Czerny  [590]  62  ff. 

50  Jean  Paul,  Werke,  I  (11)  192. 

51  Ibid.,  I  (11)  113. 

52  Goethe,  Werke,  I  (28)  178. 

63  Ibid.,  I  (17)  14. 

64  Goethe,  Werke,  III  (6)  106-109,  III  (10)  144,  I  (42:2),  252-253,  I  (42:2)  66,  I 
(41:2)  194  and  160,  III  (12)  311,  IV  (47)  274,  IV  (48)  18. 

65  Ibid.,  Ill  (12)  311. 

66  Ibid.,  IV  (47)  274. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  205 

so  sein  und  geschehen;  aber  gerade  deflhalb  gerathen  wir  auf  Irrwege,  weil  wir  die- 
jenigen  aus  dem  Auge  verlieren,  die  uns  auf  den  rechten  Weg  geleitet  haben.  In  diesem 
Sinne  mach'  ich  aufmerksam  auf  einen  Mann,  der  die  grofie  Epoche  reinerer  Men- 
schenkenntnifl,  edler  Duldung,  zarter  Liebe  in  der  zweiten  Halfte  des  vorigen  Jahr- 
hunderts  zuerst  angeregt  und  verbreitet  hat.57 

Goethe  admired,  finally,  Sterne's  humor.  "Yorick-Sterne  war  der  schon- 
ste  Geist,  der  je  gewirkt  hat,  wer  ihn  liest,  fiih.lt  sich  sogleich  frei  und 
schon;  sein  Humor  ist  unnachahmlich,  und  nicht  jeder  Humor  befreit 
dieSeele."58 

In  his  own  literary  work  Goethe  was  indebted  to  Sterne  not  for  situa- 
tions and  characters,  but  only  for  moods  and  concepts,  and  of  these  con- 
cepts that  of  "Eigenheiten"  is  the  most  important.  In  Tristram  Shandy, 
as  in  Don  Quixote,  the  peculiarity  or  "ruling  passion"  is  not  an  incident 
but  the  central  theme  of  the  novel.  Goethe  did  not  make  "Eigenheiten" 
even  a  minor  part  in  the  structure  of  a  novel  until  late  in  life  in  the 
Wander -jahre,  and  this  literary  use  of  the  concept  he  then  expressly  asso- 
ciated with  the  name  of  Sterne.  "Gar  anmuthig  hat  in  diesem  Sinne 
Yorick-Sterne,  das  Menschliche  im  Menschen  auf  das  Zarteste  ent- 
deckend,  diese  Eigenheiten,  in  so  fern  sie  sich  thatig  aufiern,  'ruling 
passion'  genannt."59  On  many  occasions  he  pondered  over  the  word  and 
tried  to  give  it  a  definite  meaning,  so  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  when  he 
used  it  he  did  so  advisedly.  In  the  Wander  jahre,  Lenardo,  "der  Oheim," 
and  Makarie  are  all  provided  with  "Eigenheiten"  upon  which  quite  par- 
ticular emphasis  is  laid,  but  Goethe  does  not  use  these  "Eigenheiten" 
with  Sterne's  humanly  humorous  intent.  Instead  he  gives  them  ulti- 
mately a  mythical  and  mystical  interpretation.60  Humor  of  the  Sterne 
type,  in  fact  suggested  by  Sterne,  is  apparent  in  Goethe's  Homunculus. 

On  another  occasion  Goethe  borrowed,  or  rather  thought  he  borrowed, 
from  Sterne.  Several  of  the  "Maximen"  in  the  Wanderjahre  in  the  collec- 
tion called  "Aus  Makariens  Archiv"  are  identical  with  aphorisms  in 
The  Koran  written  by  Richard  Griffith  in  1770  and  successfully  foisted 
upon  the  public  as  a  posthumous  work  of  Sterne.  Goethe,  who  said  that 
Sterne's  humor  was  inimitable,  was  one  of  thousands  to  be  misled  by 
this  imitation.  Goethe's  use  of  these  sayings  has  more  than  once  been 
called  a  plagiarism.61  Goethe  wrote  for  the  elect,  whose  knowledge  of 
Sterne  he  could  assume.  He  used  quotation  marks,  if  not  systematically, 
at  least  sometimes,  and  he  began  with  the  just-quoted  reference  to 
Yorick-Sterne,  "der  schonste  Geist,  der  je  gewirkt  hat,"  which  is  tanta- 

67  Ibid.,  I  (41:2)  252. 

58  Ibid.,  I  (42:2)  197. 

59  Ibid.,  I  (42:2)  66,  I  (41:2)  25-31. 

60  Klingemann  [585]  45  ff.,  55  ff.,  67. 

61  HSdouin  [580].  Cf.  Springer  [581]. 


206      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

mount  to  an  introductory  quotation  mark.  Two  later  sentences  also  refer 
to  Sterne. 

Regarding  the  insertion  of  these  aphorisms  in  the  Wanderjahre,  Ecker- 
mann's  account  was  long  accepted  as  complete  and  final,62  unsatisfactory 
as  it  was  to  think  of  their  use  as  merely  padding,  but  we  may  now  dis- 
regard this  report  as  demonstrably  incorrect  in  every  essential  particular. 
On  the  contrary,  Goethe  planned  their  inclusion  from  the  first.  Wundt 
has  pointed  out : 

Diese  Aphorismen  stehen  in  jeder  Arbeitsepoche  (i.e.  January  1827,  April  1828, 
September  1828)  im  Mittelpunkt.  Sie  sind  nicht  aufierlich  angefugt,  eher  konnte  man 
sie  als  den  urspriinglichen  Stamm  des  Kapitels  bezeichnen,  an  den  alles  Ubrige  erst 
sich  angesetzt  hat.63 

Goethe  appropriated  these  maxims  and  aphorisms  in  the  same  uncon- 
cerned way  that  he  had  made  use  of  Shakespeare's  song  before  the  death 
of  Valentin,64  or,  to  use  Walzel's  comparison,  he  acted  in  the  spirit  of  a 
great  baroque  painter,  who  lets  his  pupils  and  assistants  carry  out  parts 
of  his  work.65  The  question  still  unanswered  then  is  rather  why  the 
maxims  were,  apparently  at  Goethe's  direction,  transferred  from  the 
original  place  to  another  volume  of  his  works  treating  of  Kunst  und  Alter- 
tum,  and  here  an  explanation  by  Wundt  is  well  worth  considering.66 

Goethe  viewed  rather  unfavorably  the  form  of  Sterne's  novels  and 
could  ill  adapt  to  his  own  needs  Sterne's  humor.  "Shandeism"  or  "die 
Unmoglichkeit,  iiber  einen  ernsten  Gegenstand  zwei  Minuten  zu  den- 
ken"67  seemed  to  him  anything  but  a  virtue.  Speaking  of  "die  Wirkungen 
von  Sterne  und  Goldsmith"  he  recognized  the  supreme  ironic  humor  of 
both68  but  much  preferred  Goldsmith's  expression  of  it:  "Merkwiirdig  ist 
hiebey,  dafl  Yorick  sich  mehr  in  das  Formlose  neigt  und  Goldsmith  ganz 
Form  ist,  der  ich  mich  denn  auch  ergab,  indessen  die  werthen  Deutschen 
sich  iiberzeugt  hatten,  die  Eigenschaft  des  wahren  Humors  sey  das 
Formlose."69 

62  Eckermann,  Gesprache,  629. 

63  Wundt  in  GRM,  VII  (1915)  177-189. 

64  Goethe,  Werke,  I  (14)  186  f.  Cf.  Goethe  to  Eckermann,  Janauary  18,  1825:  "So 
singt  mein  Mephistopheles  ein  Lied  von  Shakespeare,  und  warum  sollte  er  das  nicht? 
Warum  sollte  ich  mir  die  Muhe  geben,  ein  eigenes  zu  erfinden,  wenn  das  von  Shake- 
speare eben  recht  war,  und  eben  das  sagte,  was  es  sollte?"  Eckermann,  Gesprache, 
152  f. 

65  Goethe,  Werke,  Leipzig,  1926,  XIII  37. 

66  Wundt  [583]  467;  cf.  Klingemann  [585]  72. 

67  Goethe,  Werke,  I  (42:2)  203. 

68  Ibid.,  Ill  (12)  169. 

69  Ibid.,  IV  (46)  194. 


Chapter  XVI 

GOLDSMITH  AND  BENEVOLENT  IRONY 

When  Goldsmith's  The  Vicar  of  Wakefield  appeared  in  London  in 
March,  1766,  it  found  more  favor  with  the  public  than  with  the  literary 
journals.  As  Richardson  in  Germany  had  had  his  Haller,  and  Fielding 
his  Blankenburg,  so  Goldsmith  found  the  best  of  advocates  in  Herder. 
Gellius  translated  the  novel  in  1767.  By  September  of  that  year  Herder 
was  reading  it  for  the  third  time  and  recommending  it  to  Hamann.1  He 
erroneously  complimented  Christian  Felix  Weisse  on  the  translation2  and 
quoted  from  it  casually  in  the  Kritische  Wdlder  the  next  year.3  Between 
1767  and  1771  he  did  not  read  it  again,  nor  did  he  commend  it  to  Caroline 
Flachsland  in  August,  1770,  for  he  wrote  to  her  from  Strassburg  in 
January,  1771 : 

Haben  Sie  den  Landpriester  von  Wakefield  gelesen!  Ich  lese  ihn  jetzt  wohl  schon  zum 
viertenmal;  er  ist  Eins  der  schonsten  Biicher,  die  in  irgend  einer  Sprache  existiren 
und  sehr,  sehr,  gut  iibersetzt  .  .  .  Er  ist  von  der  Seite  der  Laune,  der  Charaktere,  des 
Lehrreichen  und  Ruhrenden  ein  rechtes  Buch  der  Menschheit.4 

This  judgment  he  repeats  in  a  later  letter  saying:  "Als  Roman  hat  er 
Viel  Fehlerhaftes,  als  Buch  Menschlicher  Gesichter,  Launen,  Charaktere, 
und  was  am  schonsten  ist,  Menschlicher  Herzen  und  Herzensspriiche, 
will  ich  fur  Jede  Seite  so  viel  geben  als  das  Buch  kostet!"5 

These  undated  comments  were  first  printed  in  Herders  Lebensbild  in 
1849,  as  of  November,  1770. 6  Hence  it  has  always  been  said  that  Herder's 
reading  of  the  novel  to  Goethe  and  his  companions  in  Strassburg  took 
place  in  that  month,  but  the  latest  edition  of  the  Herder-Caroline  cor- 
respondence, without  commenting  on  the  implications,  gives  adequate 
reasons  for  placing  the  letters  at  the  end  of  January  and  beginning  of 
February,  1771. 7  The  reasons  which  formerly  spoke  for  a  November 
reading  now  speak  for  the  later  time. 

It  is  in  order  to  reconstruct  the  history  of  the  Wakefield-Brion  rela- 
tionship on  the  basis  of  this  corrected  date.  Biographers  have  long  known 
that  Goethe,  perhaps  because  of  faulty  memory,  more  probably  for 
artistic  effect,  reversed  in  Dichtung  und  Wahrheit  the  sequence  of  events 
in  Strassburg  and  Sesenheim.  He  gives  us  the  impression  that  he  listened 

1  Herders  Briefe  an  .  .  .  Hamann,  ed.  O.  Hoffmann,  Berlin,  1889,  38. 

2  Herders  Lebensbild,  ed.  E.  G.  von  Herder,  Erlangen,  1746,  I  (3:2)  526  f. 

3  Herder,  Werke,  III  279. 

4  Herders  Briefwechsel,  XXXIX  (1926)  148. 

5  Ibid.,  155. 

6  Op.  cit.  (see  fn.  2,  above)  III  (1)  276  and  279. 

7  Herders  Briefwechsel,  XXXIX  (1926)  446  f. 

[207] 


208      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

to  the  story  of  the  vicar's  family  in  Strassburg,  "uberwaltigt  von  Ge- 
fiihl,"8  and  that  he  was  later  delighted  to  find  in  Sesenheim  a  counterpart 
of  the  Wakefield  family.  The  truth  is  that  first  acquaintance  with  Pastor 
Brion's  family  occurred  in  the  middle  of  October  and  the  reading  of  the 
novel  later — it  was  formerly  said  in  November.  But  why  the  "UbermaB 
des  Gefiihls"  where  we  would  expect  to  hear  only  of  delighted  recogni- 
tion? In  November  the  acquaintance  with  Friederike  was  still  young  and 
there  was  nothing  to  presage  a  somber  parallel  of  Friederike  to  the  vicar's 
daughter  and  no  premonition  of  coming  anguish.  But  at  some  time  the 
Brion  family  visited  Strassburg.  The  rustic  group  was  ill  at  ease  in  the 
city  surroundings.  With  the  visit  came  disillusionment,  forebodings,  and 
a  sense  of  coming  ill.  On  the  departure  of  the  Brions  Goethe  says  that  a 
stone  fell  from  his  heart.9  There  is  good  reason  to  believe  that  this  visit 
took  place  in  mid-winter.10  By  this  time  Goethe  could  well  have  realized 
that  a  chain  of  events  had  been  formed  which  could  only  have  tragic 
consequences  for  Friederike. 

The  new  dating  of  the  Goldsmith  readings  solves  another  contradic- 
tion. It  enables  us  to  assume  without  misgivings  that  Jung-Stilling  was 
one  of  the  group  that  listened  to  Herder's  reading  of  the  novel,  as  related 
by  Goethe  in  Dichtung  und  Wahrheit.11  In  November  this  would  have 
been  unlikely,  for  Jung-Stilling  did  not  arrive  in  Strassburg  until  Sep- 
tember 18,  and  evidently  several  weeks  elapsed  before  he  met  Herder. 
During  the  first  two  weeks  at  Salzmann's  table,  he  preserved  a  strict 
silence,  on  the  advice  of  his  friend  Troost.  When,  in  spite  of  this,  his 
companions  made  sport  of  him,  Goethe  immediately  became  his  cham- 
pion and  the  two  became  good  friends  on  the  basis  of  equality.  Jung- 
Stilling  gratefully  records:  "Goethe  gab  ihm  in  Ansehung  der  schonen 
Wissenschaften  einen  anderen  Schwung.  Er  machte  ihn  mit  Ossian, 
Shakespeare,  Fielding  und  Sterne  bekannt."12  This  certainly  implies 
that  Stilling  did  not  know  Herder  personally  at  the  time  Ossian  and 
Shakespeare  were  being  discussed,  namely  November  and  December, 
else  he  would  have  mentioned  the  master  Herder  rather  than  the  pupil 
Goethe.  One  also  notes  the  omission  of  Goldsmith's  name  from  the  list. 
Only  after  that  does  he  add:  "Stilling  wurde  durch  Goethe  und  Troost 
mit  ihm  [Herder]  bekannt." 

Thereafter  Jung-Stilling  and  Goethe  went  together  sometimes  to 
Herder's  room,  for  Goethe  observes  in  Dichtung  und  Wahrheit  that  Her- 

8  Goethe,  Werke,  I  (27)  345. 

9  Ibid.,  I  (28)  39. 

10  Metz,  Friedrike  Brion,  Miinchen,  1911,  83-85. 

11  Goethe,  Werke,  I  (27)  322. 

12  Jung-Stilling,  Heinrich  Stillings  Jugend,  Frankfurt  and  Leipzig,  1780,  139. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  209 

der  treated  Jung-Stilling  more  indulgently  than  his  other  disciples.  At 
this  point  Goethe  unexpectedly  interpolates  into  his  narrative  an  account 
of  a  trip  into  Elsass  with  Weyland.  Then,  just  as  unexpectedly,  we  find 
ourselves  again  in  Herder's  room  and  Herder  is  reading  The  Vicar  of 
Wakefield  to  some  young  students.13  Jung-Stilling  is  not  mentioned  by 
name,  but,  since  the  reading  occurred  at  the  end  of  January  or  beginning 
of  February,  1771,  we  may  safely  infer  his  presence.  The  more  so  since 
Herder  wrote  to  Caroline:  "Ich  lese  ihn  (i.e.  The  Vicar  of  Wakefield)  wohl 
schon  zum  viertenmal,"14  and  also  says  that  he  is  asking  all  his  friends 
if  they  have  read  it.  Herder's  associates  in  Strassburg  were  few  and 
Jung-Stilling  was  one  of  the  inner  circle. 

This  assumption  lends  a  new  importance  to  Herder's  readings,  for 
Jung-Stilling's  first  novel,  Heinrich  Stillings  Jugend  as  it  was  called,  was 
the  first  important  German  novel  to  make  use  of  the  pattern  of  The 
Vicar  of  Wakefield.15  Stilling  wrote  it  in  1772  and  showed  it  in  1774  to 
Goethe,  who  published  it  with  certain  emendations  three  years  later. 
Stilling's  novel  gains  an  added  importance  if  with  Freiligrath  we  regard 
it  as  the  first  German  "Dorfgeschichte." 

Ein  rechter  Spiegel  alter  Bauerntugend, 
Mit  Namen  hielS  es  Heinrich  Stillings  Jugend. 
Das  war  die  erste  deutsche  Dorfgeschichte.16 

The  general  and  particular  resemblances  of  Jung-Stilling's  novel  to 
Goldsmith's  have  been  pointed  out  with  sufficient  detail.  Of  especial 
interest  is  one  incident  which  seems  to  indicate  that  Goethe  and  Jung- 
Stilling,  in  their  Strassburg  days,  already  saw  a  resemblance  between 
the  Brion  and  the  Primrose  family.17 

In  order  to  reestablish  the  mood  of  the  past  for  Dichtung  und  Wahrheit 
Goethe  reread  the  favorite  books  of  his  earlier  years.  He  borrowed  from 
the  Weimar  library  in  April,  1811,  The  Vicar  of  Wakefield18  and  reported 
that  he  came  back  to  it  "mit  unschuldigem  Behagen;"19  and  when  he 
settled  down  twelve  months  later  to  record  the  episodes  of  the  Sesenheim 

13  Goethe,  Werke,  I  (27)  340. 

14  See  p.  248. 

15  Sophie  La  Roche  had  made  some  use  of  Goldsmith's  example  in  her  Geschichte  des 
Frduleins  von  Sternheim,  1770,  Nicolai  a  less  adroit  use  in  his  Sebaldus  Nothanker, 
1773-1776,  and  Blankenburg  in  the  NBSWFK,  XVII  2  (1775)  275  ff.  wished  that  he 
had  borrowed  more  liberally  and  to  better  advantage.  Lenz's  Landprediger,  1777,  was 
an  imitation  of  Nicolai's  work  rather  than  of  Goldsmith's.  Re  imitations,  reviews, 
and  reprints  there  is  scattered  information  in  Sollas  [381  ]. 

16  Freiligrath,  Werke,  ed.  Schwering,  Berlin,  1907,  II  31. 

17  See  Stecher  in  Palaestra,  CXX  (1913)  63  ff.  Cf.  Price  [390]  247. 

18  Von  Keudell,  Goethe  als  Benutzer  der  Weimar er  Bibliothek,  Weimar,  1831,  113. 

19  Goethe,  Werke,  III  (36)  73. 


210      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

idyll  he  borrowed  the  work  again,  this  time  in  German  translation20  and 
noted : 

Die  Darstellung  dieses  Charakters  auf  seinem  Lebensgange  durch  Freuden  und 
Leiden,  das  immer  wachsende  Interesse  der  Fabel,  durch  Verbindung  des  ganz  Na- 
turlichen  mit  dem  Sonderbaren  und  Seltsamen,  macht  diesen  Roman  zu  einem  der 
besten,  die  je  geschrieben  worden;  der  noch  uberdieB  den  groCen  Vorzug  hat,  dafi  er 
ganz  sittlich,  ja  im  reinen  Sinne  christlich  ist,  die  Belohnung  des  guten  Willens,  des 
Beharrens  bei  dem  Rechten  darstellt,  das  unbedingte  Zutrauen  auf  Gott  bestatigt  und 
den  endlichen  Triumph  des  Guten  iiber  das  Bose  beglaubigt,  und  dieB  alles  ohne 
eine  Spur  von  Frommelei  oder  Pedantismus.  Vor  beiden  hatte  den  Verfasser  der  hohe 
Sinn  bewahrt,  der  sich  hier  durchgangig  als  Ironie  zeigt,  wodurch  dieses  Werkchen 
uns  eben  so  weise  als  liebenswurdig  entgegenkommen  mui5.21 

The  records  show  that  Goethe  borrowed  The  Vicar  of  Wakefield  from 
the  Weimar  library  again  December  20,  1829.22  Thus  it  would  appear 
that  frequently  no  copy  was  at  hand  in  his  own  library.  Yet  he  certainly 
possessed  one  at  times.  He  professed  to  have  read  it  aloud  at  Sesenheim,23 
yet  in  March,  1773,  he  had  to  ask  Johanna  Falmer  to  send  him  a  copy.24 
The  Vicar  of  Wakefield  was  also  one  of  the  first  English  texts  Goethe  sent 
to  Frau  von  Stein,  September,  1776.  An  accompanying  letter  admonished 
her:  "Lassen  Sie  sich's  wohl  seyn  und  lernen  Sie  recht  viel  Englisch."25 
Possibly  Goethe  was  unwisely  liberal  in  giving  or  lending  his  private 
copies  of  the  work  to  his  friends. 

Goldsmith's  poems  also  appealed  to  Goethe  and  his  circle.  On  March 
28,  1771,  Herder  sent  to  Caroline  two  translations  from  the  lyrics  in  The 
Vicar  of  Wakefield;  the  first  of  these  was  a  rendering  of  the  first  two 
stanzas  of  the  ballad  read  by  Burchell  beginning:  "Turn,  gentle  hermit 
of  the  vale."  Herder  translated  these  merely  to  give  an  idea  of  the  melody 
("Singeton").  More  than  that  he  did  not  give,  "weil  sie  im  Englischen 
mit  zu  vielen  kleinen  Zierrathen  iiberladen  ist."  The  second  translation 
was  of  Olivia's  song  beginning:  "When  lovely  woman  stoops  to  folly."  In 
the  same  letter  he  speaks  of  the  "Elegie  auf  den  tollen  Hund,"26  a  render- 
ing of  which  he  is  sending  to  Merck.  All  of  these  translations  he  published 
later.27 

Goethe's  interest  in  Goldsmith's  lyrics  began  a  little  later.  In  "The 
Wanderer,"  Goldsmith  tells  of  one  "impelled  with  steps  unceasing,  to 
pursue  some  fleeting  good." 

20  Von  Keudell,  125. 

21  Goethe,  Werke,  I  (27)  343. 

22  Von  Keudell,  327. 

23  Goethe,  Werke,  I  (28)  26. 

24  Ibid.,  IV  (2)  71. 

26  Ibid.,  IV  (3)  103.  Cf.  106,  109. 

26  Herders  Briefwechsel,  XXXIX  (1926)  645. 

27  Ibid.,  458. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  211 

Vain,  very  vain  my  weary  search  to  find 
That  bliss  which  only  centres  in  the  mind; 
Why  have  I  strayed  from  pleasure  and  repose 
To  seek  a  good  each  government  bestows. 

In  his  better-known  poem,  "The  Deserted  Village,"  he  lets  another  wan- 
derer tell  of  his  melancholy  at  seeing  the  destruction  of  the  home  of  his 
youth  by  the  encroachments  of  an  industrial  age. 

The  first  of  these  poems  made  an  impression  on  Goethe  and  led  him  to 
write  in  the  spring  of  1772  a  poem,  also  called  "Der  Wanderer,"  in  which 
he  develops  one  detail  of  Goldsmith's  poem,  that  of  the  traveler  calling 
at  the  home  of  a  simple  peasant.  This  poem  was  dedicated  to  the  Darm- 
stadt saints.  It  was  Merck  who  called  Goethe's  attention  to  "The  De- 
serted Village"  and  who  in  1772  published  a  reprint  thereof,  the  title 
page  of  which  bore  the  note  "printed  for  a  friend  of  the  vicar."  For  some 
time  this  was  quite  naturally  but  erroneously  construed  as  a  dedication 
to  Goethe.28  An  advance  copy  of  the  reprint  of  the  poem  probably  reached 
Goethe  at  Wetzlar  and  there  it  found  favor  among  his  friends.  No  doubt 
its  social  implications  were  overlooked,  for  there  no  one  felt  the  har- 
bingers of  the  economic  revolution,  but  there  remained  the  atmosphere 
of  poetic  melancholy  for  "selbst  der  heitere  Goldsmith  verliert  sich  in 
elegische  Empfindungen,  wenn  uns  sein  'Deserted  Village'  ein  verlorenes 
Paradies,  das  sein  traveller  aus  der  ganzen  Erde  wiedersucht,  so  lieblich 
als  traurig  darstellt."29  Goethe  reported  in  Dichtung  und  Wahrheit: 

Das  Deserted  Village  von  Goldsmith  muBte  jedermann  auf  jener  Bildungsstufe,  in 
jenem  Gesinnungskreise,  hochlich  zusagen.  Nicht  als  lebendig  oder  wirksam,  sondern 
als  ein  vergangenes,  verschwundenes  Dasein,  ward  alles  das  geschildert,  was  man  so 
gern  mit  Augen  sah,  was  man  liebte,  schatzte,  in  der  Gegenwart  leidenschaftlich  auf- 
suchte,  um  jugendlich  munter  Theil  daran  zu  nehmen.30 

The  idyllic  patriarchal  conditions  of  life,  the  presence  of  the  pastor — 
"auch  hier  fanden  wir  unsern  ehrlichen  Wakefield  wieder" — all  combined 
to  make  up  just  such  a  poem  as  the  sentimental  circle  would  wish  for. 
Both  Goethe  and  his  friend  Gotter  undertook  to  translate  the  poem  into 
German.  Goethe  reports  that  Gotter's  freer  translation  was  the  more 
successful.31 

There  is  much  of  the  idyllic-patriarchal  tone  of  The  Vicar  of  Wakefield 
in  Werther,  the  love  of  children  and  of  simple  souls,  and  a  pastor  too  is 

not  lacking,  der  Pfarrer  von  St. .  The  Vicar  of  Wakefield  was  also  a 

favorite  work  of  Lotte.  Previously  she  had  been  captivated  by  novels  of 

28  Vietor  [389]. 

29  Goethe,  Werke,  I  (28)  215. 

30  Ibid.,  I  (28)  156. 

31  Ibid.,  I  (28)  157. 


212      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

a  more  colorful  and  thrilling  content  and  had  buried  herself  in  such 
novels  as  Mme.  Riccoboni  was  wont  to  write.32  "Weifl  Gott  wie  wohl  mir's 
war,  wenn  ich  mich  Sonntags  so  in  ein  Eckchen  setzen,  und  mit  ganzem 
Herzen  an  dem  Gluck  und  Unstern  einer  Miss  Jenny  Theil  nehmen 
konnte,"  but  after  household  duties  left  her  little  time  for  reading,  a 
novel  had  to  be  just  to  her  taste; 

Und  der  Autor  ist  mir  der  liebste,  in  dem  ich  meine  Welt  wiederfinde,  bei  dem  he 
zugeht  wie  um  mich,  und  dessen  Geschichte  mir  doch  so  interessant  und  herzlicn 
wird,  als  mein  eigen  hauslich  Leben,  das  freilich  kein  Paradies,  aber  doch  im  Ganzes 
eine  Quelle  unsaglicher  Gliickseligkeit  ist.33 

As  an  example  of  such  a  novel  she  mentioned  to  complete  Werther's 
rapture,  The  Vicar  of  Wakefield. 

After  Goethe  returned  to  Frankfurt  from  Wetzlar  a  narrative  poem  in 
The  Vicar  of  Wakefield  became  the  starting  point  for  an  operetta:  "Die 
Oper  Erwin  und  Elmire  war  aus  Goldsmiths  liebenswiirdiger,  im  Land- 
prediger  von  Wakefield  eingefiigter  Romanze  entstanden,  die  uns  in  den 
besten  Zeiten  vergniigt  hatte,  wo  wir  nicht  ahneten,  dafi  uns  etwas  ahn- 
liches  bevorstehe."34  "Uns"  refers  to  Lili  Schonemann  and  Goethe,  who 
were  kept  apart  by  the  vanity  of  the  world  as  were  the  lovers  in  Gold- 
smith's poem  and  Goethe's  operetta.35 

Goethe's  operetta  was  the  sole  attractive  dramatic  work  in  Germany 
resultant  from  The  Vicar  of  Wakefield.  A  lugubrious  drama  called  Worthy 
was  written  by  Benjamin  Veitel  in  1776.  Its  five  long  acts  might  be  called 
the  fifth  act  of  the  novel.  All  scenes  are  laid  in  the  debtors'  prison.  The 
drama  was  played  once  in  Berlin  and  twice  elsewhere.  A  "Nachspiel"  by 
Friedrich  Eckart,  Der  Landprediger,  borrowed  several  motifs  from  The 
Vicar  of  Wakefield.  A  direct  dramatization,  Der  Landpriester  von  Wake- 
field, appeared  in  1792.  The  author,  F.  E.  Jester,  felt  compelled  to  make 
many  changes  for  he  said:  "nach  meinen  Begriffen  darf  die  Btihne  unbe- 
dingt  Anstand  und  Sittenschonung  fordern."  To  this  end  the  most  tragic 
element  of  the  novel  had  to  be  sacrificed.  The  drama  was  played  at  least 
once  in  Hamburg. 

It  may  be  noted  that  adaptations  of  Goldsmith's  dramas  were  slightly 
more  successful.  She  Stoops  to  Conquer  appeared  as  Sie  lafit  sich  herab  um 
zu  siegen,  oder  die  Irrthumer  einer  Nacht,  1773.  The  author  was  A.  Witten- 

32  Editors  have  usually  said  that  Charlotte  Buff's  "Miss  Jenny"  was  the  heroine 
of  the  novel  Geschichte  der  Miss  Fanny  Wilkes  of  Hermes,  1766,  but  the  novel  Char- 
lotte Buff  refers  to  was  almost  certainly  Mme.  Riccoboni's  Histoire  de  Miss  Jenny 
Glanville,  Paris,  1764,  which  had  recently  been  translated  into  German  by  Gellius  as 
Die  Geschichte  der  Miss  Jenny;  see  Price  in  GR,  VI  (1931)  1  ff. 

33  Goethe,  Werke,  I  (19)  29. 

34  Ibid.,  I  (29)  160. 
36  Levy  [384]. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  213 

berg.  It  was  played  in  Hamburg,  Hannover,  Berlin,  Gotha,  Cologne,  and 
Mannheim.  When  Schroder  was  in  charge  of  the  theater  in  Vienna,  he 
revised  it  considerably  according  to  his  practical  formula.  He  simplified 
the  plot,  gave  to  the  characters  German  names,  and  transferred  the  action 
to  Germany.  Irrthiimer  auf  alien  Ecken  became  a  great  success  in  Vienna 
and  thereafter  in  several  northern  cities.  A  later  version  by  M.  G.  Lam- 
brecht  was  less  successful.  Schroder's  participants  had  belonged  to  the 
German  aristocracy.  Lambrecht  gave  his  play  a  middle-class  setting. 
The  idea  was  no  doubt  good,  but  the  author  had  no  talent  for  dialogue 
and  the  result  was  prosy.  His  play  Er  hat  sie  zum  besten  oder  die  Miltter- 
schule,  1785,  found  favor  neither  with  the  critics  nor  the  public. 

Christian  Heinrich  Schmid,  who  had  said  that  She  Stoops  to  Conquer 
was  quite  unworthy  of  Goldsmith,  undertook  to  translate  The  Good- 
natured  Man.  The  result  was  scathingly  condemned  by  Moses  Men- 
delssohn. A  better  version  was  made  by  "Herr  Rath  Schmidt"  of  Vienna, 
on  which  Schroder  chiefly  based  his  production  in  Hamburg,  1777.  There 
was  finally  a  free  and  rather  successful  adaptation  of  the  play  toward  the 
end  of  the  century,  Der  Universalfreund,  oder  Gutherzigkeit  und  Wind- 
beuteley  by  G.  F.  Rebmann,  1796.36 

The  idyllic  atmosphere  of  The  Vicar  of  Wakefield  is  found  again  in 
Hermann  und  Dorothea.  Goethe's  "Prediger"  is  not  unlike  the  vicar,  and 
their  homely  moralizings  are  similar  and  spoken  in  similar  tone.  If 
Goethe  never  directly  compared  the  two  works,  he  did  so  at  least  by 
implication.  Speaking  of  Voss's  Luise  in  1831,  he  said: 

Die  grofien  Verdienste  der  Darstellung  der  Lokalitat  und  aufteren  Zustande  der 
Personen  entzuckten  mich;  jedoch  wollte  mir  erscheinen,  dafl  das  Gedicht  eines 
hoheren  Inhalts  entbehre,  welche  Bemerkung  sich  mir  besonders  an  solchen  Stellen 
aufdrang,  wo  die  Personen  in  wechselseitigen  Reden  ihr  Inneres  auszusprechen  in 
dem  Fall  sind.  Im  'Vicar  of  Wakefield'  ist  auch  ein  Landprediger  mit  seiner  Familie 
dargestellt,  allein  der  Poet  besafi  eine  hohere  Weltkultur,  und  so  hat  sich  dieses  auch 
seinen  Personen  mitgeteilt,  die  alle  ein  mannigfaltigeres  Innere  an  den  Tag  legen. 

Goethe  found  the  earlier  editions  of  Luise  better  than  the  later  ones: 
"Spater  hat  Vofi  so  viel  daran  gekiinstelt  und  aus  technicshen  Grillen 
das  Leichte,  Naturliche  der  Verse  verdorben."  Goethe  himself  would 
have  done  otherwise.  'Teh  wlirde  Alliterationen,  Assonanzen  und  falsche 
Reime,  alles  gebrauchen,  wie  es  mir  kame  und  bequem  ware;  aber  ich 
wiirde  auf  die  Hauptsache  losgehen  und  so  gute  Dinge  zu  sagen  suchen, 
dai]  jeder  gereizt  werden  sollte,  es  zu  lesen  und  auswendig  zu  lernen."37 
Goethe's  enthusiasm  for  Goldsmith  proved  lasting.  To  Eckermann 

36  Price  [382]. 

37  Eckermann,  Gesprdche,  577. 


214      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

he  expressed  more  than  once  a  high  opinion  of  his  work.  On  December  3, 
1824,  he  said:  "Suchen  Sie  in  der  Literatur  einer  so  tiichtigen  Nation  wie 
die  Englander  einen  Halt.  Zudem  ist  unsere  eigene  Literatur  grofitenteils 
aus  der  ihrigen  hergekommen.  Unsere  Romane,  unsere  Trauerspiele, 
woher  haben  wir  sie,  als  von  Goldsmith,  Fielding  und  Shakespeare?"38 
and  on  March  11,  1828: 

Wir  haben  in  der  Literatur  Poeten,  die  fur  sehr  produktiv  gehalten  werden,  weil 
von  ihnen  ein  Band  Gedichte  nach  dem  andern  erschienen  ist.  Nach  meinem  Begriff 
aber  sind  diese  Leute  durchaus  unproduktiv  zu  nennen,  denn  was  sie  machten,  ist 
ohne  Leben  und  Dauer.  Goldsmith  dagegen  hat  so  wenige  Gedichte  gemacht,  dafi  ihre 
Zahl  nicht  der  Rede  wert,  allein  dennoch  mufS  ich  ihn  als  Poeten  fur  durchaus  pro- 
duktiv erklaren,  und  zwar  eben  deswegen,  weil  das  Wenige,  was  er  machte,  ein  in- 
wohnendes  Leben  hat,  das  sich  zu  erhalten  weifi.39 

Still  later  in  life — in  his  eightieth  year — he  wrote  to  Zelter: 

In  diesen  Tagen  kam  mir  von  ungefahr  der  Landpriester  von  Wakefield  zu  Handen, 
ich  mufite  das  Werklein  vom  Anfang  bis  zum  Ende  wieder  durchlesen,  nicht  wenig 
gertihrt  von  der  lebhaften  Erinnerung,  wie  viel  ich  dem  Verfasser  in  den  siebziger 
Jahren  schuldig  geworden.  Es  ware  nicht  nachzukommen,  was  Goldsmith  und  Sterne 
gerade  im  Hauptpuncte  der  Entwicklung  auf  mich  gewirkt  haben.  Diese  hohe  wohl- 
wollende  Ironie,  diese  Billigkeit  bey  aller  tJbersicht,  diese  Sanftmuth  bey  aller  Wider- 
wartigkeit,  die  Gleichheit  bey  allem  Wechsel  und  wie  alle  verwandte  Tugenden 
heifien  mogen,  erzogen  mich  aufs  loblichste,  und  am  Ende  sind  es  doch  diese  Gesin- 
nungen,  die  uns  von  alien  Irrschritten  des  Lebens  endlich  wieder  zuriickfuhren.40 

Goethe  felt  himself  "in  Ubereinstimmung  mit  jener  ironischen  Ge- 
sinnung  die  sich  iiber  Gegenstande,  iiber  Gliick  und  Ungliick,  Gutes  und 
Boses,  Tod  und  Leben  erhebt,  und  so  zum  Besitz  einer  wahrhaft  poeti- 
schen  Welt  gelangt."41 

38  Ibid.,  142. 

39  Ibid.,  379. 

40  Goethe,  Werke,  IV  (46)  193  f. 

41  Ibid.,  I  (27)  346. 


Part  Three 
SHAKESPEARE  IN  GERMANY 


Chapter  XVII 
LESSING  AND  THE  RATIONALISTIC  CRITICS 

In  1729  Voltaire,  returning  from  England,  first  brought  to  the  conti- 
nent a  definite  if  slightly  distorted  impression  of  Shakespeare.  His  views 
were  soon  known  not  only  to  the  French  but  to  the  learned  in  Germany. 
About  ten  years  later,  1740,  Shakespeare  became  a  subject  of  dispute  in 
Germany;  by  1770  he  was  acknowledged  as  the  supreme  dramatic  poet; 
through  SchlegePs  translation,  at  the  end  of  the  century,  his  dramas 
were  incorporated  into  German  literature,  and  presently  his  entry  into 
Germany  became  the  theme  of  historical  essays  and  detailed  investiga- 
tions. Although  "Shakespeare  in  Germany"  is  the  longest  and  most  in- 
tensely studied  episode  in  English-German  literary  relations,  misconcep- 
tions still  prevail,  two  of  which  are  particularly  tenacious :  the  first  that 
Lessing  was  the  first  German  to  recognize  Shakespeare's  genius,  and  the 
second  that  English  appreciation  of  Shakespeare  followed  tardily  in  the 
wake  of  German  interpretation.  It  is  first  necessary  to  dispose  of  the 
latter  legend. 

Despite  the  fact  that  the  theaters  were  closed  from  1642  to  1660  during 
the  Puritan  regime,  the  period  from  1592  to  1693  has  rightfully  been 
called  "a  century  of  praise."1  The  theatrical  tradition  of  Shakespeare 
was  almost  continuous.  Hamlet  was  played  in  1662  by  Betterton,  who 
had  his  instructions  at  third  hand  from  Shakespeare  himself.  The  suc- 
cessor to  Betterton  was  Barton  Booth  (about  1700),  and  a  pupil  of  his 
was  Anthony  Boehme,  who  gained  renown  by  a  new  interpretation  of 
the  part  of  King  Lear.  Garrick  did  not  revive  forgotten  Shakespearean 
plays.  What  he  actually  did  was  to  supplant  the  time-worn  rendering 
with  a  new  interpretation  that  found  favor  with  the  public. 

Neither  was  Shakespeare  neglected  by  the  scholars  during  the  eight- 
eenth century,  and  new  editions  followed  in  rapid  succession — Rowe's 
in  1709,  Pope's  in  1725,  Theobald's  in  1733,  Hammer's  in  1744,  and 
Johnson's  in  1765,  all  with  laudatory  prefaces.  Of  these,  Pope's  edition 
played  the  largest  role  in  German  literary  history,  and  Pope's  ideas  were 
disseminated  not  only  directly,  but  also  indirectly  through  Voltaire. 
German  criticism  of  Shakespeare  before  Herder's  time  was  largely  in- 
fluenced by  Dryden,  Voltaire,  and  Pope,  and  especially  by  the  moral 
weeklies  of  Addison  and  Steele.  In  England,  France,  and  Germany  it 
was  the  problem  of  the  classicists  to  reconcile  their  admiration  for 

1  Ingleby  and  Smith,  A  Century  of  Praise,  Allusions  to  Shakespeare,  1597-1698,  now 
included  in  Munro,  The  Shakespeare  Allusion  Book,  new  ed.  2  vols.,  London,  1909; 
see  also  ShJ,  XLVI  (1910)  282  f. 

[217] 


218      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Shakespeare  with  their  adherence  to  the  rules  of  literary  orthodoxy,  and 
in  this  endeavor  the  English  preceded  their  German  colleagues. 

In  Dryden's  Essay  of  Dramatick  Poesie,  1668,  Eugenius  and  Crites 
discuss  the  question  whether  the  modern  dramatists  are  the  equal  of  the 
ancient,  after  which  Neander,  who  obviously  expresses  Dryden's  own 
opinion,  disputes  with  Lisideius  and  exalts  the  English  dramatists  above 
the  French.  Assuming  that  the  English  people  are  a  hardier  and  less- 
refined  race  than  the  French,  he  asserts  that  they  demand  for  their 
entertainment  a  more  vigorous  drama.  He  begins  by  weighing  virtues 
against  faults  in  the  typical  manner  of  the  Augustan  age : 

1  acknowledge  that  the  French  contrive  their  plots  more  regularly,  and  observe  the 
laws  of  comedy,  and  the  decorum  of  the  stage  .  .  .  with  more  exactness  than  the  Eng- 
lish; .  .  .  yet,  after  all,  I  am  of  opinion  that  neither  our  faults  nor  their  virtues  are 
considerable  enough  to  place  them  above  us.  For  a  lively  imitation  of  nature  being  in 
the  definition  of  a  play,  those  which  best  fulfill  that  law  ought  to  be  esteemed  superior 
to  the  others.  'Tis  true,  those  beauties  of  the  French  poesie  are  such  as  will  raise  per- 
fection higher  where  it  is,  but  are  not  sufficient  to  give  it  where  it  is  not;  they  are 
indeed  the  beauties  of  a  statue,  but  not  of  a  man,  because  not  animated  with  the  soul 
of  poesie,  which  is  imitation  of  humor  and  passions. 

Neander  then  goes  on  to  show  the  disadvantage  attendant  upon  a 
strict  adherence  to  the  unities.  The  simple  plot  with  a  central  important 
character  is  tedious.  The  English,  moreover,  unlike  the  French,  want  to 
see  strength  pitted  against  strength  even  in  a  physical  fashion:  "Whether 
custom  has  so  insinuated  itself  into  our  countrymen  or  nature  has  so 
formed  them  to  fierceness,  I  know  not;  but  they  will  scarcely  suffer 
combats  and  other  objects  of  horror  to  be  taken  away  from  them." 
Lessing  was  to  say  much  the  same  later  of  the  Germans.2  Throughout 
his  discourse  Neander  bases  his  arguments  chiefly  on  Beaumont  and 
Fletcher,  Jonson,  and  Shakespeare.  Toward  the  conclusion,  after  doing 
full  justice  to  the  merits  of  Jonson,  he  says:  "If  I  would  compare  him 
with  Shakespeare,  I  must  acknowledge  him  the  more  correct  poet,  but 
Shakespeare  the  greater  wit.  Shakespeare  was  the  Homer,  or  father  of 
our  dramatick  poets;  Jonson  was  the  Virgil,  the  pattern  of  elaborate 
writing;  I  admire  him,  but  I  love  Shakespeare,"  but  piety  did  not  prevent 
Dryden  in  his  later  years  from  revising  Shakespeare's  plays  according 
to  the  taste  of  the  time  with  such  versions  as  Troilus  and  Cressida  or 
Truth  Found  too  Late  and  All  for  Love  or  the  World  Well  Lost. 

The  second  important  critic  of  Shakespeare  was  Nicholas  Rowe,  who 
edited,  in  1709,  the  first  complete  collection  of  Shakespeare's  dramas, 
hitherto  preserved  only  in  the  original  quartos  and  folios.  Rowe  modern- 

2  Lessing,  Schriften,  VIII  42;  letter  of  February  16,  1759. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  219 

ized  the  spelling  and  the  language,  corrected  the  meter  and  sought  to 
clarify  the  obscure  passages.  All  this  was  done  without  comment.  These 
corrections  were  a  dubious  gain,  but  the  sketch  of  Shakespeare,  which 
preceded  the  dramas,  was  the  earliest  scholarly  account  of  its  kind. 
Incidentally  Rowe  quoted  some  of  the  laudatory  phrases  of  Dryden  and 
defended  Shakespeare  against  the  too  violent  attacks  of  Thomas  Rymer, 
a  strict  classicist.3 

Pope  later  expressed  regret  over  the  "ten  years  to  comment  and  trans- 
late"4 and  there  is  no  indication  that  his  study  of  Shakespeare  ever  in- 
fluenced him  as  a  poet.  In  the  introduction  to  his  edition  of  Shakespeare 
he  took  up,  among  other  matters,  Shakespeare's  relation  to  the  classic 
authors  and  to  the  Aristotelian  rules  as  interpreted  by  the  French,  and 
Shakespeare  as  a  painter  of  characters.  In  much  of  his  criticism  he  merely 
echoed  Dryden's  words  without  his  enthusiasm.  To  be  sure,  he  omitted 
Rowe's  defense  of  Shakespeare,  yet  but  for  it  he  would  probably  never 
have  said:  "To  judge  therefore  of  Shakespeare  by  Aristotle's  rules  is 
like  trying  a  man  by  the  laws  of  one  country  who  acted  under  those  of 
another."5  Neither  Rowe  nor  Pope  questioned  the  validity  of  the  rules 
in  the  later  manner  of  Herder,  but  only  urged  extenuating  circumstances. 
Pope  criticized  Shakespeare  not  only  in  the  introduction  but  in  the  text 
with  approving  asterisks  and  condemning  daggers.  To  weigh  passage 
against  passage  was  the  traditional  method  of  the  time.  Of  the  classicists 
in  England,  Addison  was  the  most  liberal  in  his  praise.  He  frequently 
called  his  reader's  attention  to  Shakespeare  by  quotations  or  by  eulo- 
gistic phrases. 

During  the  previous  centuries,  as  we  have  seen  (chapter  ii),  Shake- 
speare's works  served  Germany  as  a  trove  of  dramatic  material,  but  his 
name  was  almost  unknown.  During  the  first  four  decades  of  the  eight- 
eenth century  his  name  was  frequently  mentioned  by  scholars  but  his 
works  were  hardly  known  even  by  name.  Daniel  Morhof  in  his  Unterricht 
von  der  teutschen  Sprache,  1682,  had  recorded:  "Der  John  Dryden  hat 
gar  wohl  gelehrt  von  der  Dramatia  Poesie  geschrieben.  Die  Engel- 
lander,  die  er  hierinnen  anfiihrt,  sind  Shakespeare,  Fletcher,  Beaumont, 
von  welchen  ich  nichts  gesehen  habe."  Feind's  Gedanken  von  der  Opera, 
1708,  had  reported:  "M.  le  Chevalier  Temple  in  seinem  Essai  de  la  Poesie 
erzahlet,  dafi  etliche,  wenn  sie  des  renommierten  Englischen  Tragici 
Shakespear  Trauerspiele  verlesen  horen,  offt  lautes  Halses  an  zu  schreyen 

3  Rymer  was  the  author  of  The  Tragedies  of  the  Last  Age,  Considered  and  Examined 
by  the  Practice  of  the  Ancients  and  the  Common-sense  of  all  Ages,  1678,  and  A  Short 
View  of  Tragedy,  1692. 

4  Pope,  Dunciad,  III  332  and  IV  184.  The  translation  of  Homer  is  here  referred  to. 

5  Cf.  Nichol  Smith,  Eighteenth  Century  Essays  on  Shakespeare,  Glasgow,  1903,  150. 


220      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

gefangen  und  hauffige  Thranen  vergossen,"  and  Mencke  in  his  Compen- 
dioses  Gelehrten-Lexikon,  as  late  as  1715,  had  disposed  of  Shakespeare  in 
a  paragraph: 

Shakespeare  (Wilh.)  ein  englischer  Dramaticus,  geboren  zu  Stratford  1564,  war 
schlecht  auferzogen  und  verstund  kein  Latein,  jedoch  brachte  er  es  in  der  Poesie  sehr 
hoch.  Er  hatte  ein  scherzhafftes  Gemuthe,  kunte  aber  doch  auch  sehr  ernsthafft  seyn, 
und  excellirte  in  Tragodien.  Er  hatte  viel  sinnreiche  und  subtile  Streitigkeiten  mit 
Ben  Jonson,  wiewohl  keiner  von  Beyden  viel  damit  gewann.  Er  starb  zu  Stratford 
1616,  23  April  im  53.  Jahre.  Seine  Schau-  und  Trauer-Spiele,  deren  er  sehr  viel  ge- 
schrieben,  sind  in  VI  Theilen  1709  zu  London  zusammen  gedruckt  und  werden  sehr 
hoch  gehalten. 

This  item  sums  up  the  German  knowledge  of  Shakespeare  in  1715, 
much  of  which  was  derived  from  Thomas  Fuller's  History  of  the  Worthies 
of  England,6  1662,  but  further  information  was  on  its  way.  In  1714-1726 
appeared  in  Amsterdam  in  six  volumes  Le  Spectateur  ou  le  Socrate  mo- 
derne,  "traduit  de  l'Anglois."  It  was  not  a  complete  translation  and  con- 
sequently many  of  the  passages  referring  to  Shakespeare  were  omitted, 
but  even  from  those  included  in  volumes  i  and  ii,  1714-1716,  the  reader 
could  derive  a  better-rounded-out  picture  of  Shakespeare  which  has  been 
recently  summarized  as  follows : 

Shakespeare  war  ein  berufener  ("fameux")  englischer  Dramatiker,  der  zur  Zeit  des 
Konigs  Jakob  I.,  also  im  ersten  Viertel  des  17.  Jahrhunderts  wirkte,  dessen  Buhnen- 
stticke  noch  immer  eine  lebendige  Buhnenwirkung  erzielen,  ein  Genie  erster  Ordnung, 
das  all  seine  grofie  Kunst  allein  seiner  nattirlichen  Anlage  verdankt  und  seine  Tra- 
godien und  Komodien  ohne  die  intellektuell  ordnende  Kraft  eines  Regelprinzips  er- 
schafft  und  daher,  in  der  Fabel  und  in  der  kompositorischen  Gesamtanlage,  bei  aller 
bewundernswerten  Gestaltung  der  Einzelszenen,  die  dramatische  Regelsatzung  aufier 
acht  lafit,  ein  Meister  der  psychologischen  Durchdringung,  der  es  versteht,  seine  Per- 
sonen  in  wenigen  Zeilen  zu  charakterisieren.  Seine  Motive  sind  erregend:  Hamlet 
stofflich  an  die  Orestie  erinnernd,  eine  Tragodie  von  antikischer  Grofie  und  Erschiit- 
terung,  bringt  eine  meisterhafte  Geisterszene,  Macbeth  die  Ermordung  eines  edlen 
Fursten  durch  einen  Schurken  und  die  menschliche  und  gottliche  Rache  an  dem 
Morder.  Eine  der  Shakespeareschen  Eigenarten  ist  die  Vorliebe  fur  das  Wortspiel, 
das  in  merkwiirdigem  Widerspruch  zu  der  inneren  Situation  steht.  Die  metrische 
Form  seiner  Dramen  ist  der  Blankvers,  der — sehr  unscharf — allein  durch  das  Fehlen 
des  Reimes  charakterisiert  wird.7 

In  1717  furthermore  there  appeared  in  the  Journal  Litter  aire  of  The 
Hague  a  "Dissertation  sur  la  poesie  anglois"  which  included  an  extensive 
discussion  of  Shakespeare's  dramatic  art  along  with  detailed  criticism 
of  Hamlet,  Henry  VI,  and  Othello.  Both  the  Spectateur  and  the  "Disser- 
tation" were  widely  read  in  Germany.  The  Spectateur  passed  through 

6  Robertson  [762]. 
7Schreinert  [773]  145  f. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  221 

many  editions,  both  "rechtmaflig"  and  pirated.  The  first  bibliograph- 
ically  recorded  translation,  purportedly  from  the  English  but  in  fact 
from  the  French,  was  published  in  Nuremberg  in  three  volumes  1719— 
1725.  It  is  not  generally  known  that  this  poor  translation  was  preceded 
by  an  excellent  version  which  appeared  serially  in  Anton  Paullini's 
Curieuses  Bilcher-  und  Staats-Cabinet,  Halle,  1716-171 8.8 

The  works  of  Shakespeare  were  almost  nonexistent  at  the  time  in 
Germany.  Among  the  numerous  English  works  in  the  extensive  library 
of  Richey  in  Hamburg  there  was  no  volume  of  Shakespeare's  works.  In 
the  Bucherverzeichnis  of  J.  H.  Fabricius  (20,000  volumes)  there  was 
noted  a  copy  of  Othello,  but  the  Leipzig  "Bibliotheca  Menckiana,"  1723, 
included  The  Works  of  Shakespeare,  1700. 9 

Additional  knowledge  awaited  the  return  of  Voltaire  from  his  visit  to 
England,  1726-1729,  and  of  the  Abbe  Prevost  shortly  after.  In  his  "Dis- 
cours  sur  la  tragedie,"  prefacing  his  Brutus,  1731,  Voltaire  referred  to 
the  English  tragedies  as  "pieces  monstrueuses"  containing  "des  scenes 
admirables;"10  in  the  second  edition  of  his  "Essai  sur  la  poesie  epique," 
1733,  he  called  Shakespeare  a  "genie  d'invention;"  "il  se  fait  une  route 
ou  personne  n'a  marche  avant  lui,  il  court  sans  guide,  sans  regie,  il  s'egare 
dans  sa  carriere,  mais  il  laisse  loin  derriere  lui  tout  ce  qui  n'est  que  raison 
et  exactitude."11  It  is  tempting  to  compare  this  description  of  Shake- 
speare with  the  curtain  for  the  new  theater  in  Leipzig  which  Oeser 
painted  under  Goethe's  observation  while  Goethe  was  a  student  there, 
and  Goethe's  later,  perhaps  slightly  misleading  description  of  it  in 
Dichtung  und  Wahrheit.12 

In  the  eighteenth  of  the  Lettres  philosophiques,  1734,  "Sur  la  tragedie," 
Voltaire  said :  "La  plupart  des  idees  bizarres  et  gigantesques  de  cet  auteur 
ont  acquis  au  bout  de  deux  cent  ans  le  droit  de  passer  pour  sublimes."13 
In  the  course  of  these  discussions  he  gave  indications  of  the  content  of 
Julius  Caesar,  Hamlet,  and  Othello,  together  with  some  criticism  of  them, 
and  some  fragmentary  translations.  It  was  also  well  known  that  Voltaire 
had  imitated  Shakespeare  in  several  of  his  dramas. 

What  the  Abbe  Prevost  had  to  say  regarding  Shakespeare  in  his 
journal  Le  Pour  et  contre,  1733,  was  in  no  wise  at  variance  with  Voltaire's 
views.  The  only  difference  is  that  he  laid  more  stress  on  the  beauties  of 
Shakespeare's  works  than  on  their  extravagances.  Here  it  is  to  be  noted 
that  Voltaire,  while  in  England,  had  conversed  with  Bolingbroke,  Ches- 
terfield, and  Pope,  while  the  Abbe  Prevost,  lacking  such  connections, 
echoed  rather  the  opinions  of  Addison,  Rowe,  and  other  editors.  Martin 

8  Ibid.,  147  f.  n  Ibid.,  VIII,  318. 

9  Ibid.,  129  f.  12  Cf.  Price  [822]. 

10  Voltaire,  Oeuvres,  II  314.  13  Voltaire,  Oeuvres,  XXII  149. 


222      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Sherlock,  visiting  the  continent  as  late  as  1778-1779,  elicited  from  many 
critics  their  views  of  Shakespeare  and  found  them  all  of  a  like  opinion, 
based  on  identical  scenes.  Not  until  he  returned  to  England  and  read  the 
comments  of  Voltaire,  did  he  discover  that  Voltaire's  opinions  were  the 
source  for  all.14 

About  1740  Shakespeare  came  prominently  under  discussion  in  both 
the  Zurich  and  Leipzig  circles.  In  the  preface  to  his  Critische  Abhand- 
lung  von  dem  Wunderbaren  in  der  Poesie  1740,  Bodmer  had  said  inciden- 
tally: 

Sie  [die  Deutschen]  sind  noch  in  dem  Zustand,  in  welchem  die  Engellander  viele 
Jahre  gestanden,  eh  ihnen  geschickte  Kunstrichter  die  Schonheiten  in  Miltons  Ge- 
dichte  nach  und  nach  wahrzunehmen  gegeben  und  sie  damit  bekannt  gemacht  hatten, 
ungeachtet  diese  Nation  an  ihrem  Saspar  und  anderen  den  Geschmack  zu  diesem 
hohern  und  feinern  Ergetzen  zu  scharfen  eine  Gelegenheit  gehabt  hatte,  der  unsere 
Nation  beinahe  beraubt  ist.15 

This  assertion  documents  Bodmer's  knowledge  of  the  English  "Kunst- 
richter," probably  Addison  and  Steele,  but  not  convincingly  of  Shake- 
speare's plays.  However,  we  know  that  Zellweger  near  the  beginning  of 
1724  sent  to  Bodmer  some  part  of  Shakespeare's  works,  and  that  Bodmer, 
shortly  after  the  completion  of  his  translation  of  Paradise  Lost,  wrote  a 
dramatic  work  "Marc  Anton  und  Kleopatra  Verliebung"  and  sent  it  to 
Konig  hoping  for  a  production  in  Dresden.  It  was  returned  as  unsuitable, 
because  it  could  not  be  set  to  music  and  also  on  account  of  its  verse 
measure,  "[weil]  sie  gar  keinen  Abschnitt  in  ihren  funfftiBigen  Versen 
beobachtet,  auch  die  Reime  darin  weggelassen;"  in  other  words,  because 
of  its  blank  verse,  and  this  fifteen  years  before  the  publication  of  Borcke's 
Julius  Caesar  translation  in  Alexandrines.16 

Frau  Gottsched  began  at  the  same  time  unwittingly  to  undermine  the 
authority  of  her  lord  and  master  by  translating  the  Spectator  papers 
into  German,  thus  commending  Shakespeare  to  the  large  public  which 
could  not  read  the  work  in  English  or  even  in  the  incomplete  French 
translation  of  1719.  In  the  Spectator,  it  is  true,  we  find  merely  passing 
references  to  Shakespeare  and  no  formal  discussions  as  of  Milton,  yet 
the  thirty-five  or  more  references17  are  so  insistent  that  they  make  an 
impression. 

14  Van  Tieghem  [770]  59  and  19. 

15  The  form  "Saspar"  has  been  variously  explained:  as  a  phonetic  rendition  of  the 
name  as  Bodmer  pronounced  it  (Vetter)  [214] ;  and,  more  plausibly,  as  a  reproduction 
of  the  spelling  by  the  Italian  critic  Conti,  whose  views  Bodmer  had  been  reading 
recently  (Robertson)  [762].  Becker  [777]  rediscovered  for  himself  the  facts  which 
Robertson  had  already  presented. 

16Schreinert  [773]  139  f. 

17  For  list  see  Richter  [765]  or  Price  [17]  266. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  223 

The  critical  debate  regarding  Shakespeare  was  actually  precipitated, 
however,  by  the  first  translation  of  a  Shakespearean  drama  into  German : 
Versuch  einer  gebundenen  Ubersetzung  des  Trauer-Spiels  von  dem  Tode  des 
Julius  Casar  aus  den  englischen  Wercken  des  Shakespeare,  Berlin,  1741, 
by  Caspar  Wilhelm  von  Borcke,  who  had  been  Prussian  ambassador  to 
England,  1726-1728,  and  again  in  1733,  and  had  probably  witnessed  the 
same  Shakespearean  productions  as  Voltaire.18  That  prose  and  verse 
alike  are  trussed  into  the  conventional  straight  jacket  of  rhymed  Alexan- 
drines implies  no  blind  adherence  to  the  dramatic  scruples  of  the  French. 
The  translation  itself  affronted  many.  It  appeared,  as  Borcke  says  in  the 
preface,  "nackt  und  bloB,  ohne  Beschirmung  und  ohne  Verteidigung.  Ein 
jeder  mag  davon  urteilen,  was  ihm  beliebt;  genug,  daB  der  Verfasser 
seinen  Zweck  erhalten." 

The  translation  was  commented  upon  in  several  quarters.  In  his 
Critische  Beytrdge  Gottsched  wrote: 

Man  bringt  ohne  Unterschied  Gutes  und  Boses  in  unsere  Sprache:  gerade  .  .  .  als  ob 
wir  nicht  selbst  schon  bessere  Sachen  aus  den  eigenen  Kopfen  unserer  Landsleute  auf- 
zuweisen  hatten.  Die  elendeste  Haupt-  und  Staatsaktion  unserer  gemeinen  Como- 
dianten  ist  kaum  so  voll  Schnitzer  und  Fehler  wider  die  Regeln  der  Schaubiihne  und 
gesunden  Vernunft  als  dieses  Stuck  Shackespeares  ist.19 

In  the  next  number  of  the  Beytrdge  appeared  the  first  extensive  treatise 
on  Shakespeare  in  Germany:  Johann  Elias  Schlegel's  Vergleich  Shake- 
speares  und  Andreas  Gryphs.  Schlegel  was  at  pains  to  reconcile  the  strong 
impression  Shakespeare  had  made  upon  him  with  the  poet's  ignorance 
of  the  rules.  He  asserts  that  Gryphius's  works  were  imitations  of  actions, 
while  Shakespeare's  were  characterizations.  Gryphius's  dramas  were  thus 
admittedly  more  correct,  for  Aristotle  ruled  that  imitation  of  action  was 
all  important,  but,  in  recognizing  the  existence  of  a  character  tragedy, 
Schlegel  acknowledged  a  realm  for  which  Aristotle  had  not  laid  down 
definite  rules.  Schlegel  claimed  for  Shakespeare  the  sanction  of  the 
Spectator:  "Die  Engellander  haben  schon  durch  viele  Jahre  den  Shake- 
spear  fur  einen  grolSen  Geist  gehalten,  und  die  scharfsichtigsten  unter 
ihnen,  worunter  sich  auch  der  Zuschauer  befindet,  haben  ihm  diesen 
Ruhm  zugestehen  mussen."20  Like  Addison  and  Pope,  Schlegel  assumed 
that  the  rules  must  be  recognized  but  found  that  the  "Fehler"  were  partly 
made  up  for  by  the  "Tugenden."  In  1741  Schlegel  was  still  regarded  as  a 
reliable  adherent  by  Gottsched,  who  had  probably  commissioned  him  to 
write  the  review,  little  foreseeing  the  outcome.  Gottsched  published 
Schlegel's  essay,  though  no  doubt  with  reluctance,  but  he  felt  compelled 

18  Wolff  [779]  396. 

19  Loc.  cit.,  VII  (1741)  516  ff. 

20  Ibid.,  VII  (1741)  Stuck  27.  Cf.  Bibliography  [708]  77. 


224      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

to  make  a  reply.  The  reference  to  the  Spectator  caused  him  the  greatest 
distress.  The  passage  reads: 

I  have  a  great  esteem  for  a  true  critic,  such  as  Aristotle  and  Longinus  among  the 
Greeks,  Horace  and  Quintilian  among  the  Romans,  Boileau  and  Dacier  among  the 
French.  But  it  is  our  misfortune,  that  some  who  set  up  for  professed  critics  among  us 
criticize  upon  old  authors  only  at  second  hand.  .  .  .  They  judge  of  them  by  what  others 
have  written,  not  by  any  notions  they  have  of  the  authors  themselves.  The  words, 
unity,  action,  sentiment,  and  diction,  pronounced  with  an  air  of  authority,  give  them 
a  figure  among  unlearned  readers,  who  are  apt  to  believe  they  are  deep  because  they 
are  unintelligible.  .  .  .  Our  inimitable  Shakespeare  is  a  stumbling  block  to  the  whole 
tribe  of  these  rigid  critics.  Who  would  not  rather  read  one  of  his  plays,  where  there  is 
not  a  single  rule  of  art  observed,  than  any  production  of  a  modern  critic  where  there 
is  not  one  of  them  violated? 

Gottsched  was  loath  to  believe  that  his  number  was  written  by  Addi- 
son or  Steele  and  maintained  "dafi  alles,  was  die  Feinde  der  strengen 
theatralischen  Regeln  darinnen  zu  ihrem  Vortheile  finden  mochten,  un- 
gereimt  und  falsch  sey."  Referring  to  the  attack  upon  the  "rigid"  critics, 
he  retorted: 

DieO  klingt  nun  recht  hoch,  und  wer  von  Shakespears  Sachen  nichts  gelesen  hat, 
der  sollte  fast  denken;  es  mufke  doch  wohl  recht  was  schones  seyn,  welches  den 
Abgang  aller  Regeln  so  leichtlich  ersetzen  kann.  Allein  man  irret  sehr.  Die  Unordnung 
und  Unwahrscheinlichkeit,  welch  aus  dieser  Hindansetzung  der  Regeln  entspringen, 
die  sind  auch  bey  dem  Shakespear  so  handgreiflich  und  ekelhaft,  dafi  wohl  niemand, 
der  nur  je  etwas  verniinftiges  gelesen,  daran  ein  Belieben  tragen  wird. 

Coming  then  to  the  discussion  of  the  play  in  question  Gottsched  wrote : 

Sein  Julius  Cdsar,  der  noch  dazu  von  den  meisten  fur  sein  bestes  Stuck  gehalten 
wird,  hat  so  viel  niedertrachtiges  an  sich,  daf$  ihn  kein  Mensch  ohne  Ekel  lesen  kann. 
Er  wirft  darinnen  alles  unter  einander.  Bald  kommen  die  lappischten  Auftritte  von 
Handwerkern  und  Pobel,  die  wohl  gar  mit  Schurken  und  Schliingeln  um  sich  schmeifien 
und  tausend  Possen  machen,  bald  wiederum  die  grolStenromischenHelden,  die  von  den 
wichtigsten  Staatsgeschafften  reden.  .  .  .  Die  Zeit  ist  so  schon  darinnen  beobachtet 
worden,  dafi  die/5  Schauspiel  mit  der  Verschworung  wider  den  Casar  anfiingt  und  mit 
der  pharsalischen  Schlacht  aufhoret.21 

These  strictures  convince  the  reader  that  Gottsched  had  read  Julius 
Caesar  in  Borcke's  translation  but  not  that  he  had  read  any  other 
Shakespearean  dramas.  The  criticism  of  Julius  Caesar  seems  to  consist 
chiefly  of  echoes  of  Voltaire  who  had  written  of  the  English  tragedies 
(Lettres  sur  les  Anglois,  XVIII)  that  Shakespeare's  tragedies  were  still 
produced  on  the  London  stage  without  purification:  "on  a  laisse"  dans  le 
Jules  Cesar  ...  les  plaisanderies  des  cordonniers  et  des  romains."  In  his 
"Observations  sur  le  Jules  Cesar  de  Shakespeare"  furthermore  Voltaire 

21  Ibid.,  VIII  (1742)  143  ff.  Cf.  Spectator,  no.  592. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  225 

had  called  attention  to  the  unpermissible  span  of  time  within  the  play, 
extending  from  the  time  of  the  plot  against  Caesar's  life  to  the  battle  of 
Pharsalia  and  the  suicides  of  Cassius  and  Brutus. 

Thus  during  1740-1742  Shakespeare  was  prominently  under  discussion 
with  Bodmer,  Frau  Gottsched,  Borcke,  Schlegel,  and  Gottsched  taking 
part,  and  the  Spectator  playing  a  leading  role  in  the  discussion.  The 
Spectator  was  the  original  inspiration  of  Bodmer's  assertion  and  Julius 
Caesar  was  the  subject  of  contention  between  Gottsched  and  Schlegel. 
For  a  time  Gottsched  seemed  to  have  prevailed,  although  the  Swiss 
critics  could  not  refrain  from  an  occasional  sly  reference  to  Addison's 
"whole  tribe  of  rigid  critics." 

After  a  few  years  of  comparative  silence,  the  appearance  of  Frau  Gott- 
sched's  translation  of  The  Guardian,  1749,  gave  a  new  impetus  to  the 
interest  in  Shakespeare,  containing,  as  it  did,  many  comments  on  Shake- 
speare hitherto  unknown  in  Germany.  A  reference  to  the  peasant  play 
in  A  Midsummer  Night's  Dream  in  number  118  led  Frau  Gottsched  to 
compare  Gryphius's  Peter  Squenz  with  the  original  and  to  observe  in  a 
footnote  that  Shakespeare's  piece  "ein  sehr  angenehmes  Stuck  ist." 

Lessing's  interest  in  Shakespeare  began  shortly  after  this.  In  regard  to 
his  observations  two  main  questions  arise:  How  original  was  he  in  his 
criticism  and  how  conclusive  is  the  theory  he  developed?  More  precisely, 
to  what  extent  did  he  follow  the  criticism  of  Dryden,  Pope,  Addison, 
Voltaire,  and  Johann  Elias  Schlegel,  and  does  he,  in  the  Hamburgische 
Dramaturgic,  seek  to  evade  the  difficult  task  of  reconciling  Shakespeare 
with  Aristotle? 

Lessing's  earliest  reference  to  Shakespeare  is  in  the  introduction  to  the 
Bey tr age  zur  Historic  und  Aufnahme  des  Theaters,  1750.22  The  title  of  this 
collection  has  been  brought  into  connection  with  Bodmer's  Critische  Be- 
trachtungen  und  freye  Untersuchungen  zum  Aufnehmen  und  zur  Ver- 
besserung  der  deutschen  Schaubuhne,  1743.23  The  suggestion  that  Lessing's 
title  is  related  rather  to  Johann  Elias  Schlegel 's  essay  Gedanken  zur  Auf- 
nahme des  ddnischen  Theaters24  gains  plausibility  when  one  considers  the 
similarity  of  purpose  of  the  two  works.  To  be  sure  the  Gedanken  were  not 
published  until  1764,  but  they  were  completed  in  1747,  and  a  copy  was 
sent  to  Lessing's  friend  Johann  Adolf  Schlegel  in  Leipzig  in  1747.  It  can 
be  shown  that  Lessing  was  probably  familiar  with  the  content  of  Schlegel's 
essays  on  the  drama  before  their  publication,  despite  the  contrary 
assumption  of  Antoniewicz  and  of  Schlegel's  biographer,  Eugen  Wolff, 
and  their  successors.  Strong  internal  evidence  supports  such  a  hypothe- 

22  Lessing,  Schriften,  IV  52. 

23  Robertson  [269]  95,  fn.  3. 

24  Borden  [914]. 


226      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

sis.25  There  are  many  close  verbal  parallels  between  Lessing's  and 
Schlegel's  pronouncements  on  the  subject  of  the  national  drama. 

In  his  Gedanken  Schlegel  had  asserted  "daB  ein  Theater,  welches  ge- 
fallen  soil,  nach  den  besonderen  Sitten,  und  nach  der  Gemuthsbeschaffen- 
heit  einer  Nation  eingerichtet  seyn  mufi,"26  and  had  accompanied  this 
assertion  with  a  detailed  study  of  the  character  of  the  English  and  French 
as  shown  by  their  taste  in  plays.  He  concluded  that  "in  den  nordlichen 
Landern,  Deutschland  mitgerech.net"27  the  sentiment  of  love  must  not 
predominate  so  heavily  as  on  the  French  stage,  and  that  the  more  violent 
passions  must  have  freer  room  for  expression. 

In  the  introduction  to  the  Beytrdge,  written  October,  1749,  Lessing 
lists  almost  the  same  English  dramatists  that  Voltaire  had  discussed  in 
his  letters,  and  he  generalizes  on  them  in  much  the  same  way:28  "Diese 
sind  alle  Manner,  die  zwar  ebenso  groiJe  Fehler  als  Schonheiten  haben, 
von  denen  aber  ein  verniinftiger  Nachahmer  sich  sehr  vieles  zu  Nutze 
machen  kann."  At  the  same  time  he  condemns  Gottsched's  attempts  to 
pattern  the  German  drama  solely  after  the  French : 

Dadurch  hat  man  aber  unser  Theater  zu  einer  Einformigkeit  gebracht,  die  man  auf 
alle  mogliche  Art  zu  vermeiden  sich  hatte  bestreben  sollen.  .  .  .  Shakespeare,  Dryden, 
Wicherley  [sic],  Vanbrugh,  Cibber,  Congreve  sind  Dichter,  die  man  fast  bey  uns  nur 
dem  Namen  nach  kennet,  und  gleichwohl  verdienen  sie  unsere  Hochachtung  sowohl 
als  die  gepriesenen  franzosischen  Dichter.29 

This  is  preceded  by  the  declaration:  "Das  ist  gewiJB,  wollte  der  Deut- 
sche in  der  dramatischen  Poesie  seinem  eigenen  Naturelle  folgen,  so 
wiirde  unsre  Schaubiihne  mehr  der  englischen  als  franzosischen  gleichen. '  '30 

In  the  preface  to  his  Schriften  III  and  IV,  1754,  Lessing  returns  to  the 
subject  of  the  theater  and  regrets  the  dearth  of  dramatic  literature  in 
Germany.  He  asks : 

Wie  kommt  es,  daO  nur  hier  die  deutsche  Nacheiferung  zuruckbleibt?  Sollte  wohl 
die  Art  selbst,  wie  man  unsre  Biihne  hat  verbessern  wollen,  daran  schuld  seyn?  Sollte 
wohl  die  Menge  von  Meisterstiicken,  die  man  auf  einmal,  besonders  den  Franzosen 
abborgte,  unsere  urspriinglichen  Dichter  niedergeschlagen  haben?31 

Meanwhile  the  controversy  about  the  stage  was  becoming  keener  in 
Leipzig  and  new  authorities  were  being  dragged  into  the  discussion.  In 

25  Antoniewicz  [913],  Eugen  Wolff,  Johann  Elias  Schlegel,  Berlin,  1889.  Borden 
[914]. 

26  J.  E.  Schlegel,  Werke,  ed.  J.  H.  Schlegel,  Kopenhagen  and  Leipzig,  1761  ff., 
Ill  215. 

27  Ibid.,  Ill  106. 

28  Cf.  Schmidt  [255 ]2 1  116  and  Baumgartner  [360]  33. 

29  Lessing,  Schriften,  IV  52;  the  preface  signed  "die  Verfasser"  and  dated  October 
1749,  was  written  by  Lessing. 

30  Ibid.,  IV  50,  52. 

31  Ibid.,  V  270. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  227 

1752  Koch  and  his  company  played  Weisse's  new  translation  of  Coffey's 
operetta,  The  Devil  to  Pay  (Der  Teufel  ist  los),32  in  spite  of  the  opposition 
of  Gottsched,  who  had  hitherto  controlled  theatrical  affairs  in  Leipzig. 
Translations  of  similar  irregular  and  nonsensical  plays  were  appearing 
everywhere.  So  Gottsched,  in  one  of  his  journals,  attacked  all  English 
plays,  because  of  the  depraving  effect  they  had  upon  the  German  taste.33 
In  the  bitter  controversy  which  arose  Lessing  took  no  active  part,  but 
reviewing  it  in  1758  he  repeats  his  earlier  thought  "dafi  es  vielleicht 
nicht  allzuwohl  gethan  sey,  wenn  wir  unsre  Btihne,  die  noch  in  der 
Bildung  ist,  auf  das  Einf  ache  des  f  ranzosischen  Geschmacks  einschranken 
wollen."34 

It  chanced  that  Boccage,  a  French  critic,  had  published  the  previous 
year  a  partial  French  translation  of  Dryden's  essay  in  his  Lettres  sur  le 
theatre  anglais,  namely  that  part  of  it  in  which  Lisideius  vaunted  the 
superior  merits  of  the  French  drama,  but  Boccage  had  arbitrarily  ex- 
cluded Neander-Dryden's  refutations.  Gottsched  eagerly  seized  the  op- 
portunity to  translate  Boccage's  partial  translation  into  German.35  It 
seems  highly  probable  that  Lessing  was  led  back  from  Gottsched  to 
Dry  den,  for  in  1759  he  published  an  almost  complete  translation  of  the 
Essay  of  Dramatick  Poesie  in  the  Theatralische  Bibliothek.  The  stamp  of 
Dryden  is  already  evident  in  his  "Vorrede"  to  Des  Herrn  Jakob  Thomsons 
Trauerspiele,  1756.  Like  Neander-Dryden,  Lessing  is  ready  to  admit  the 
chief  contention  of  Lisideius,  that  the  French  plays  adhered  to  the  uni- 
ties: "Die  Handlung  ist  heroisch,  sie  ist  einfach,  sie  ist  ganz,  sie  streitet 
weder  mit  der  Einheit  der  Zeit,  noch  mit  der  Einheit  des  Orts;  jede  der 
Personen  hat  ihren  besonderen  Charakter;  jede  spricht  ihrem  beson- 
deren  Charakter  gemafi."  But  this,  he  says,  is  not  enough,  and  here  he 
agrees  with  Neander: 

Aber  du,  der  du  diese  Wunder  geleistet,  darfst  du  dich  nunmehr  rtihmen,  ein 
Trauerspiel  gemacht  zu  haben?  Ja,  aber  nicht  anders,  als  sich  der,  der  eine  mensch- 
liche  Bildseule  gemacht  hat,  ruhmen  kann,  einen  Menschen  gemacht  zu  haben.  Seine 
Bildseule  ist  ein  Mensch,  und  es  fehlt  ihr  nur  eine  Kleinigkeit;  die  Seele.36 

The  author,  alas,  has  neglected  the  primary  rule  of  tragic  composition, 
the  rule  that  the  heart  of  the  spectator  must  be  touched.  Lessing  here 
borrows  a  phrase  from  Neander-Dryden,  who  had  said  that  the  beauties 
of  the  French  drama  were  "the  beauties  of  a  statue  but  not  of  a  man, 
because  not  animated  with  the  soul  of  Poesie,  which  is  imitation  of 

32  An  earlier  translation  by  Buschmann,  1742,  had  been  played  with  success  by  the 
Schoenemann  troupe. 

33  Das  Neueste  aus  der  anmuthigen  Gelehrsamkeit,  III  (1753)  128. 

34  Lessing,  Schriften,  V  185. 

35  Das  Neueste  aus  der  anmuthigen  Gelehrsamkeit,  III  (1753)  212  ff. 

36  Lessing,  Schriften,  VII  68. 


228      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

humor  and  passions."37  Thomson,  he  says,  possesses  the  magic  art  of 
showing  the  birth,  development,  and  releasing  of  a  passion,  an  art  which 
neither  Aristotle  nor  Corneille  could  teach  him,  although  the  latter 
possessed  it  himself.  He  retains  the  same  figure  when  he  says : 

So  wie  ich  unendlich  lieber  den  allerungestaltesten  Menschen,  mit  krummen 
Beinen,  mit  Buckeln  hinten  und  vorne,  erschaffen,  als  die  schonste  Bildseule  eines 
Praxiteles  gemacht  haben  wollte:  so  wollte  ich  auch  unendlich  lieber  der  Urheber  des 
Kaufmanns  von  London,  als  des  Sterbenden  Cato  seyn.38 

With  a  little  less  modesty  Lessing  might  have  substituted  for  Der  Kauf- 
mann  von  London  his  own  recently  completed  Miss  Sara  Sampson  which, 
in  the  Hamburgische  Dramaturgie,  he  also  described  as  "bucklicht."39 

Later,  1759,  in  the  sixteenth  Liter aturbrief,  Lessing  takes  Gottsched 
severely  to  task  for  his  omissions  and  errors  in  his  Noihiger  Vorrath  zur 
Geschichte  der  deutschen  dramatischen  Dichtkunst.  Gottsched,  who  knew 
all  about  Hans  Sachs,  Hans  Rosenblut,  and  Peter  Probst,  was  unable 
even  to  give  a  correct  report  regarding  the  plays  of  Johann  Elias  Schlegel, 
"der  doch  bis  itzt  dem  deutschen  Theater  die  meiste  Ehre  macht."40 

Lessing  begins  the  seventeenth  Liter  aturbrief,  February  16,  1759,  by 
quoting  the  words  of  the  Bibliothek  der  schonen  Wissenschaften  undfreyen 
Kunste:  "Niemand  .  .  .  wird  leugnen,  daf$  die  deutsche  Schaubuhne  einen 
groBen  Theil  ihrer  ersten  Verbesserung  dem  Herrn  Professor  Gottsched 
zu  danken  habe."  Lessing  retorts:  "Ich  bin  dieser  Niemand:  ich  leugne 
es  gerade  zu,"  and  then  launches  into  an  attack  upon  Gottsched's 
method : 

Es  ware  zu  wtinschen,  da!3  sich  Herr  Gottsched  niemals  mit  dem  Theater  vermengt 
hatte.  .  .  .  Er  hatte  aus  unsern  alten  dramatischen  Stiicken,  welche  er  vertrieb,  hin- 
langlich  abmerken  konnen,  dafi  wir  mehr  in  den  Geschmack  der  Englander,  als  der 
Franzosen  einschlagen;  da!5  wir  in  unsern  Trauerspielen  mehr  sehen  und  denken 
wollen,  als  uns  das  furchtsame  franzosische  Trauerspiel  zu  sehen  und  zu  denken  giebt ; 
dafi  das  Grol5e,  das  Schreckliche,  das  Melancholische  besser  auf  uns  wirkt  als  das 
Artige,  das  Zartliche,  das  Verliebte;  dafi  uns  die  zu  grofie  Einfalt  mehr  errmide  als  die 
zu  grofie  Verwickelung.  Er  hatte  also  auf  dieser  Spur  bleiben  sollen,  und  sie  wurde  ihn 
geraden  Weges  auf  das  englische  Theater  gefuhret  haben.41 

It  will  be  admitted  that  this  declaration  follows  closely  the  pattern  of 

Johann  Elias  Schlegel's  observations  regarding  national  character  and 

national  drama,  and  the  reference  to  Schlegel  in  the  previous  letter,  as 

has  been  recently  pointed  out,  makes  the  similarity  the  more  significant.42 

It  must  be  added,  that  it  also  parallels  closely  an  observation  of  Dryden, 

37  See  p.  218,  above.  4°  Ibid.,  VIII  40. 

33  Lessing,  Schriften,  V  269.  41  Ibid.,  VIII  41. 

39  Ibid.,  IX  241.  «  Borden  [914]. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  229 

which  has  already  been  quoted,43  and  that  such  comments  were  by  this 
time  prevalent  and  can  be  found  in  Voltaire,  Shaftesbury,  Addison,  and 
others. 

Lessing  next  accuses  Gottsched  of  ignorance  of  Shakespeare,  asserts 
the  greater  power  of  Shakespeare  to  stir  his  readers  and  inspire  later 
dramatists,  and  finally  states  his  main  thesis : 

Auch  nach  den  Mustern  der  Alten  die  Sache  zu  entscheiden,  ist  Shakespeare  ein 
weit  groBerer  tragischer  Dichter  als  Corneille,  obgleich  dieser  die  Alten  sehr  wohl,  und 
jener  fast  gar  nicht  gekannt  hat.  Corneille  kommt  ihnen  in  der  mechanischen  Ein- 
richtung,  und  Shakespeare  in  dem  Wesentlichen  naher.  Der  Englander  erreicht  den 
Zweck  der  Tragodie  fast  immer,  so  sonderbare  und  ihm  eigene  Wege  er  auch  wahlet; 
und  der  Franzose  erreicht  ihn  fast  niemals,  ob  er  gleich  die  gebahnten  Wege  der  Alten 
betritt.44 

It  is  evident  that  this  thesis  introduces  no  new  method  of  criticism  but 
merely  a  new  application.  Lessing  agreed  that  the  rules  of  Aristotle  per- 
mitted of  no  exception,  but  while  previous  rationalists  had  contented 
themselves  with  the  concession  that  Shakespeare  was  great  in  spite  of 
his  irregularities,  Lessing  asserted  that  he  actually  observed  the  laws  in 
their  essentials.  Of  the  two  defenses  Lessing's  was  by  far  the  more  difficult 
to  maintain,  as  he  was  soon  to  discover. 

That  Lessing's  seventeenth  Liter aturbrief  stands  in  direct  relation  to 
his  translation  of  Dryden's  Essay  of  Dramatick  Poesie  is  recognized.45  It 
follows  it  closely  not  only  in  time  but  in  method.  Lessing  offers  the  same 
arguments  as  Dryden  in  support  of  the  English  drama,  commends  the 
same  English  dramatists,  namely  Beaumont  and  Fletcher,  Ben  Jonson, 
and  Shakespeare,  and  contends  that  German  taste  resembles  the  English 
rather  than  the  French  in  just  those  particulars  that  Dryden  had  empha- 
sized. The  seventeenth  Liter  aturbrief  signalizes  the  fact,  that  Dryden  and 
Johann  Elias  Schlegel  have  taken  a  place  in  Lessing's  mind  beside  Vol- 
taire as  chief  authorities  on  Shakespeare,  but  is  far  from  adequate  proof 
that  Lessing  knew  Shakespeare  in  1759  as  well  as,  let  us  say,  Men- 
delssohn.46 In  the  subsequent  Liter  aturbrief e  he  scarcely  mentions  Shake- 
speare.47 

From  1760  to  1765  Lessing's  services  as  secretary  to  General  Tauen- 
tzien  distracted  him  from  the  theory  of  the  drama.  On  February  1,  1767, 
before  taking  up  his  new  function  at  the  Hamburg  theater,  he  wrote  to 
Gleim,  referring  to  his  "erloschene  Liebe  zum  Theater."  Hence  the 

43  See  p.  218,  above. 

44  Lessing,  Schriften,  VIII  42  f . 

45  Schmidt  [255]2 1  383;  Bohtlingk  [872]  53  ff.;  Kettner  [871]  272  calls  attention 
to  Warton's  Essay  on  the  Genius  and  Writings  of  Pope  in  this  connection. 

46Richter  [765]  115-10. 

47  Cf.  Briefe  51  and  103,  Lessing,  Schriften,  VIII  145-230. 


230      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

heraldic  note  in  the  seventeenth  Liter  aturbrief  is  somewhat  muted  in  the 
Hamburgische  Dramaturgie.  This  is  the  more  remarkable  when  it  is  re- 
membered that  Young's  Conjectures  on  Original  Composition,  which  had 
appeared  the  same  year  as  Lessing's  famous  letter,  had  meanwhile  been 
translated  and  frequently  commented  upon.  Shakespeare  was  now  being 
studied  in  several  quarters.  Gerstenberg's  Schleswigsche  Liter  aturbrief e, 
1766-1770,  had  begun  to  appear;  Herder  had  read  Hamlet  under  Ha- 
mann's  tutelage  in  Konigsberg,  and  Wieland  had  translated  twenty-two 
of  Shakespeare's  dramas,  1762-1766. 

Shakespeare  is  mentioned  in  at  least  eleven  numbers  of  the  Hambur- 
gische Dramaturgie.  Three  references  are  of  especial  importance:  the  one 
in  the  eleventh  and  twelfth  numbers,  which  compares  the  ghost  of 
Hamlet  with  Voltaire's  improbable  ghost  in  Semiramis;  the  one  in  the 
fifteenth,  which  designates  love  as  the  theme  of  Romeo  and  Jidiet  and 
sentiment  as  the  theme  of  Voltaire's  Zaire;  and  the  controversial  one 
in  the  seventy-third,  which  compares  Weisse's  Richard  III  with  Shake- 
speare's. In  Laokoon,  chapter  xxiii,  Lessing  returns  to  the  subject  of 
Richard's  character.48  Elsewhere  in  his  works  Lessing  refers  to  Julius 
Caesar,  King  Lear,  and  Othello.  The  comedies  are  mentioned  only  in 
passing.49  Commenting  on  the  paucity  of  these  references  Kettner  says : 

Auch  in  der  Dramaturgie  hat  er  die  Gelegenheit,  ja  die  Notwendigkeit,  auf  einzelne 
Dramen  tiefer  einzugehen,  mehr  gemieden  als  benutzt.  Er,  der  einem  so  unbedeuten- 
den  Drama  wie  Banks'  Essex  voile  sieben  Nummern  widmet,  findet  keine  Zeit,  auch 
nur  eine  der  groBen  Tragodien  Shakespeares,  so  wie  sie  vor  seinem  Geiste  stand,  den 
Lesern  nahe  zu  bringen,  und  im  Zusammenhang  zu  besprechen.  Er  begniigt  sich  durch- 
weg  mit  gelegentlichen  Hinweisen.  Meist  betreffen  sie  nur  Einzelheiten;  wo  sie  aber 
an  groftere  Fragen,  wie  z.  B.  die  Komposition  und  die  Tragik,  riihren,  da  werden  sie 
abgebrochen,  ehe  die  Erorterung  zu  einem  klaren  Abschlufi  gebracht  ist.50 

Meisnest  says  in  this  connection  that  Lessing's  purpose  was  to  en- 
throne Aristotle,  not  Shakespeare  and  to  dethrone  Voltaire,  Corneille, 
and  Racine.51  Robertson  finds  the  stress  laid  on  Voltaire.52  He  maintains, 
in  fact,  that  Lessing  did  not  resume  his  earlier  studies  in  Aristotle  until 
1768  when  his  work  on  the  Dramaturgie  was  approaching  conclusion.  He 
points  out  that  more  than  once  when  he  arrives  at  a  really  critical  ques- 
tion regarding  Aristotle  he  postpones  it,  promising  a  more  extensive 
treatment  in  a  commentary  on  Aristotle  which  was  never  completed.53 

48  Lessing,  Schriften,  XVII  228. 

49  The  other  references  are  in  Hamburgische  Dramaturgie  nos.  5,  7,  12,  59,  74,  80, 
81,  93.  Cf.  Schmidt  [255 ]2 1  597  and  Meisnest  [870]. 

60  Kettner  [871]  290  f. 

61  Meisnest  [870]  240,  241. 

62  Robertson  in  MLR,  XIV  (1914)  85. 

63  Robertson  [269]  337. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  231 

Gundolf  agrees  approximately  with  Robertson.  Lessing  found  Shake- 
speare, he  says,  because  he  needed  him  as  a  counter  model  to  the  masters 
of  the  pseudo-classic  school  of  the  French  and  Gottsched.  Having  found 
him  he  felt  compelled  to  reconcile  him  with  Aristotle.  Breaches  had  to 
be  made  in  the  wall  of  rationalism  from  within,  and  this  he  accomplished 
by  a  reconsideration  of  the  Aristotelian  rules.  "Er  hat  gelehrt  wie  Regeln 
entstehen,  wo  man  bisher  nur  Regeln  befolgen  gelehrt  hatte."54 

Die  Entdeckung  Shakespeares  durch  die  Schweizer  war  zunachst  ein  Zufall,  von 
der  durch  Lessing  unterschieden  wie  die  erste  Entdeckung  Amerikas  durch  verschla- 
gene  Seefahrer  vom  planmaCigen  Zug  des  Kolumbus.  Wie  Kolumbus  auszog,  um  das 
altersehnte  Indien  zu  suchen,  und  einen  neuen  Weltteil  fand,  so  ging  es  Lessing.  Er 
zog  aus,  um  einen  verniinftigen  Dichter,  um  die  wahre  Theatervernunft  zu  entdecken, 
und  fand  einen  neuen  Komplex  von  Leben — und  wie  Kolumbus  starb  er,  ohne  die 
ganze  Tragweite  seiner  Entdeckung  zu  ahnen.55 

A  hiatus  seems  to  occur  in  Lessing's  discussion  in  the  Hamburgische 
Dramaturgie,  nos.  73-74.  Lessing  refers  here  to  Weisse's  statement  that 
he  had  not  read  Shakespeare's  Richard  III  until  he  had  completed  his 
own  Richard  der  Dritte,be  and  he  wishes  that  Weisse  had  read  and  pon- 
dered. Of  Weisse's  Richard,  Lessing  says : 

Aristotle  wiirde  ihn  schlechterdings  verworfen  haben.  .  .  .  Die  Tragodie  .  .  .  soil 
Mitleid  und  Schrecken  erregen:  und  daraus  folgert  er,  dafi  der  Held  derselben  weder 
ein  ganz  tugendhafter  Mann,  noch  ein  volliger  Bosewicht  seyn  musse.  Denn  weder  mit 
des  einen  noch  mit  des  andern  Unglucke,  lasse  sich  jener  Zweck  erreichen.  .  .  . 
Richard  der  Dritte,  so  wie  ihn  Herr  WeiB  [sic]  geschildert  hat,  ist  unstreitig  das 
groBte,  abscheulichste  Ungeheuer,  das  jemals  die  Biihne  getragen.  .  .  .  Was  fur  Mitleid 
kann  der  Untergang  dieses  Ungeheuer s  erwecken?67 

Lessing  makes  no  attempt  at  this  point  to  distinguish  between  the 
villainy  of  Shakespeare's  Richard  and  Weisse's.  Witkowski  believes  that 
Lessing  wished  to  evade  the  issue.58  Robertson  believes  that  Lessing  had 
chosen  neither  horn  of  the  dilemma.  Walzel  assumes  that,  to  our  distress, 
he  merely  failed  to  make  clear  an  obvious  distinction : 

Wer  das  Stuck  WeiCes  nicht  kennt,  konnte  geneigt  sein,  alles,  was  Lessing  hier  uber 
Weifies  Richard  sagt,  auch  fur  Shakespeares  Richard  tauglich  zu  finden  .  .  .  Ein  paar 
Blicke  in  das  Drama  WeifJes  erweisen  freilich,  welch  unshakespearischen  Popanz 
Weifie  aus  Richard  gemacht  hat.  Lessing  setzte  offenbar  Kenntnis  von  Weifies  Stuck, 

64  Gundolf  [652]  125. 

65  Ibid.,  106. 

66  The  sources  of  Weisse's  tragedy  were  a  fragmentary  translation  in  the  Neue 
Erweiterung,  Rapin  de  Thoyras  Histoire  d' Angleterre,  Cibber's  stage  version  of 
Richard  III  and  Shakespeare's  tragedy.  These  have  all  been  discussed  by  Minor, 
Christian  Felix  Weisse  .  .  .,  1880,  Meisnest  [943],  Huttemann  [934],  and  by  Wilkie 
[293]  whose  chronology  is  an  improvement  over  Huttemann's. 

67  Lessing,  Schriften,  X  97  f . 
58  See  p.  233,  below. 


232      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

aber  auch  von  Shakespeares  Tragodie  voraus,  verschwieg  deshalb,  was  eine  irrige 
Deutung  verhindert  hatte.  .  .  .  Kaum  begreiflich  ist,  warum  Lessing  mit  keiner  Silbe 
verrat,  wie  weit  die  Ausdrucke,  die  er  fur  WeiBes  Richard  verwendet,  nicht  fur  den 
Helden  Shakespeares  gelten.69 

To  be  sure,  Weisse's  Richard  III  is  a  more  inconceivable  monster  than 
Shakespeare's,  but  in  order  to  prove  Lessing  consistent  at  this  point  one 
must  demonstrate  either  that  Shakespeare's  Richard  was  not  a  perfect 
villain,  that  is,  "an  unmixed  character,"  in  the  Aristotelian  sense,  or  else 
that  his  "tragedy"  was  not  a  tragedy  in  the  Aristotelian  sense.  The 
first  of  these  alternatives  apparently  must  be  excluded.  In  chapter  xxiii 
of  Laokoon,  Lessing  speaks  of  Edmund  the  Bastard  in  King  Lear  and  of 
Richard  III  as  two  villains,  but  he  prefers  the  latter  as  being  the  more 
perfect  specimen.  When  Edmund  speaks  Lessing  hears  a  devil  but  sees 
him  in  the  form  of  an  angel  of  light,  but  when  he  hears  the  Duke  of 
Gloucester  say:  "I  am  determined  to  prove  a  villain,"  he  hears  a  devil 
and  sees  a  devil  in  a  devil's  proper  form.60 

By  implication  Lessing  chose  the  second  alternative.  He  indicates 
that  he  would  have  been  willing  to  condone  certain  faults  of  Weisse's 
Richard  der  Dritte,  had  it  been  a  dramatic  poem  rather  than  a  tragedy, 
for  Weisse's  work  has  its  merits,  but  it  is  not  enough  that  the  work  of  a 
poet  have  effective  qualities  ("Wirkungen"),  "es  muB  auch  die  haben, 
die  ihm,  vermoge  der  Gattung,  zukommen."61  At  the  same  time  he 
carefully  avoids  calling  Shakespeare's  Richard  III  a  tragedy  saying: 
"Schon  Shakespeare  hatte  das  Leben  und  den  Tod  des  dritten  Richards 
auf  die  Btihne  gebracht,"  and  proceeds  to  distinguish  between  the  "histo- 
risches  Schauspiel"  and  the  genre  to  which  Weisse's  Richard  der  Dritte 
belongs : 

Ich  wtiOte  auch  wirklich  in  dem  ganzen  Stiicke  des  Shakespears  keine  einzige 
Scene,  sogar  keine  einzige  Tirade,  die  Herr  Wei(3  so  hatte  brauchen  konnen,  wie  sie 
dort  ist.  Alle,  auch  die  kleinsten  Theile  beym  Shakespear  sind  nach  den  groCen 
MaaCen  des  historischen  Schauspiels  zugeschnitten,  und  dieses  verhalt  sich  zu  der 
Tragodie  franzosischen  Geschmacks,  ungefehr  wie  ein  weitlauftiges  Frescogemahlde 
gegen  ein  Migniaturbildchen  fiir  einen  Ring.62 

Thus  Lessing  classified  Shakespeare's  Richard  III  with  its  bloody  scenes 
and  historical  setting  as  dramatized  history  and  consigned  it  to  a  realm 
for  which  Aristotle  had  made  no  specific  laws,  while  Weisse's  Richard  der 
Dritte,  "eine  Tragodie  franzosischen  Geschmacks,"  remained  subject  to 
these  laws  and  was  "verfehlt"  because  the  hero  was  a  "volliger  Bose- 

69  Walzel  [874]  39  f. 

60  Lessing,  Schriften,  IX  141  f. 

61  Ibid.,  X  122. 

62  Ibid.,  X  95  f. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  233 

wicht."  The  "Frescogemalde"  to  which  he  referred  was  perhaps  not 
Richard  III  alone  but  the  whole  series  of  which  it  formed  a  part. 

A  tragedy,  according  to  Aristotle,  is  an  imitation  of  some  action,  im- 
portant, entire,  and  of  proper  magnitude  .  .  .  which,  by  the  way  of  action, 
brings  about  through  pity  and  fear  the  correction  and  refinement  of  such 
passions.  The  discussion  of  Weisse's  production  leads  Lessing  to  a 
thorough  examination  of  Aristotle's  view  of  the  tragedy.  By  pity  and 
fear  Aristotle  means  the  fear  that  it  may  go  so  with  us.  To  that  end  we 
must  feel  ourselves  akin  to  the  suffering  hero.  This  we  cannot  do  unless 
he  is  like  ourselves  a  mixed  character,  that  is  to  say,  neither  perfect  nor 
a  complete  villain.  Lessing  strives  to  define  precisely  the  corrective  effect 
of  the  tragedy,  the  "catharsis."  For  the  Greek  dramatist  tragic  error 
had  narrow  limits.  For  him  "Schuld  und  Siihne"  were  nearly  equivalent 
to  fySpis  and  veneais.  The  will  of  the  fates  or  the  gods  determined  what  men 
did.  Guilt  consisted  in  obstinacy  and  self -vaunting,  which  inevitably 
brought  humiliation  and  downfall.  But  since  the  time  of  the  Renaissance, 
tragedy  has  been  predicated  chiefly  on  the  theory  of  the  freedom  of  the 
will.  The  varieties  of  human  error  have  thus  become  manifold.  Herein 
lies  the  difficulty  of  the  reconciliation  of  Shakespeare's  dramas  with  the 
theory  of  Aristotle,  and  hence  the  obvious  insufficiency  of  Lessing's 
argument.  Witkowski  was  of  the  opinion  that  Lessing  was  well  aware  of 
this  incompleteness  and  capable  of  clarifying  the  problem  further.  He 
suggested  that  Lessing  refrained  from  doing  so  for  practical  reasons.  In 
support  of  this  he  reminded  us  of  Lessing's  thesis  in  Die  Erziehung  des 
Menschengeschlechts:  To  every  age  is  revealed  not  the  whole  truth,  but 
such  portion  as  is  needful  and  good  for  it.  Fearing  the  tendency  toward 
a  disregard  of  all  rules,  which  was  showing  itself  at  times  in  the  criticism 
of  his  day,  Lessing  hesitated  to  undermine  the  authority  of  Aristotle  by 
exempting  Shakespeare  from  its  restrictions.63 

Let  it  finally  be  noted  that  the  whole  discussion  of  the  "inconsistency" 
of  Lessing's  treatment  of  Shakespeare's  Richard  III  is  of  late  origin.  For 
Lessing's  contemporaries  "tragedy"  had  a  specific  and  narrow  meaning. 
For  them  it  was  not  necessary  to  insist  that  Shakespeare's  play  was  not 
a  tragedy.  Gottsched  said  that  Julius  Caesar  had  more  "Schnitzer  und 
Fehler"  than  "die  elendste  Haupt-  und  Staatsaktionen  unserer  gemeinen 
Comodianten."  Johann  Elias  Schlegel  defended  Shakespeare's  plays  by 
saying  they  were  not  representations  of  an  action  but  were  pictures  of 
character.  Gerstenberg  called  them  "Bilder  der  sittlichen  Natur."64 
Herder  called  Othello  "lebendige  Geschichte  der  Entstehung,  Fortgangs, 

63  Witkowski  [868]  527. 

64  See  pp.  243,  below. 


234      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Ausbruchs,  traurigen  Endes  der  Leidenschaft  dieses  edlen  Ungluck- 
seligen."65  Against  this  it  weighs  little  that  he  next  discussed  "den 
schrecklichen  Trauerspiel  Macbeth  genannt."  All  three  would  no  doubt 
have  agreed  to  call  the  plays  psychological  character  studies,  had  such  a 
term  existed  in  their  time.  In  his  Shakespeare-Rede  Goethe  called  Shake- 
speare's theater  "ein  schoner  Raritatenkasten,  in  dem  die  Geschichte  der 
Welt  vor  unsern  Augen  an  den  unsichtbaren  Faden  der  Zeit  vorliber- 
wallt"  and  he  threw  out  the  question,  "wer  eigentlich  zuerst  darauf 
gekommen  ist,  die  Haupt-  und  Staatsaktionen  aufs  Theater  zu  bringen." 
He  answered:  "Ob  Shakespearen  die  Ehre  der  Erfindung  gehort  zweifle 
ich  genug."66  As  late  as  1784  Wieland  observed  in  his  journal:  "Shake- 
speares  Stucke  sind  groBtenteils  Haupt-  und  Staatsaktionen."67  Con- 
temporaries discovered  no  inconsistency  in  Lessing's  discussion  of 
Weisse's  and  Shakespeare's  Richard  dramas. 

It  is  convenient  to  link  Lessing's  name  with  Wieland's.  Both  men  were 
sufficiently  practical  and  conservative  to  attempt  only  the  possible  and 
hence  to  temper  Shakespeare  to  the  taste  of  the  time,  but  here  the  parallel 
ends.  Lessing,  as  Gundolf  says,  discovered  Shakespeare  because  he 
needed  him.  Wieland  just  happened  upon  him.  In  his  delight  he  began 
unreflectingly  to  translate  the  dramas  that  pleased  him  most,  and  these 
were  by  no  means  the  most  characteristically  Shakespearean.  Gundolf 
compared  the  dramas  of  Shakespeare  to  a  sphere,  whose  inner  fire  is 
represented  by  Hamlet,  Macbeth,  Coriolanus,  and  King  Lear.  Beyond  this 
fire,  though  still  warmed  by  its  inner  flames,  are  the  histories.  Then 
comes  the  outermost  region:  "Die  aufterste,  gewissermaBen  schon  abge- 
kiihlte,  minder  kernhafte,  lockerste,  spielende,  flimmernde  Schicht  bildet 
die  Diktion  der  Komodien."6S  The  beautiful  comparison  may  stand, 
even  though  some  of  the  comedies  seem  to  be  nearer  Shakespeare's  cen- 
tral fire  than  some  of  the  histories.  It  was  particularly  to  the  eerie  at- 
mosphere of  the  comedies  that  Wieland  was  sensitive. 

Wieland  had  gained  his  first  knowledge  of  English  literature  chiefly 
through  the  French  translations  of  Richardson  and  Addison,  but  as 
Bodmer's  guest  in  Zurich,  1752-1754,  he  applied  himself  to  the  study  of 
the  English  language  and  of  Shakespeare.  Bodmer's  theory  "des  Wun- 
derbaren"  accorded  with  his  own  taste,  and  when  called  upon  in  Biberach 
to  produce  a  play  he  did  so  by  combining  elements  of  A  Midsummer 
Night's  Dream  and  Tempest.  Der  Sturm  oder  der  erstaunliche  Schiffbruch 
was  first  presented  there  at  the  beginning  of  1761  and  frequently  repeated 
thereafter.  Versions  of  Macbeth,  Hamlet,  Romeo  and  Juliet,  Othello  and 
Two  Gentlemen  of  Verona  were  also  produced  later  at  Biberach  and  be- 

65  Herder,  Werke,  V  221.  67  Teutscher  Merkur,  17S4,  I  233. 

66  Goethe,  Werke,  I  (37)  132-133.  68  Gundolf  [652]  176. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  235 

came  known  beyond  the  city.  Hamlet  was  played  with  the  grave-digger 
scene  included,  which  even  the  naturalistic  Garrick  had  always  omitted. 
The  call  for  a  German  Shakespeare  became  insistent  after  the  publica- 
tion of  Young's  Essay  on  Original  Composition,  and  Lessing's  seven- 
teenth Liter aturbrief,  both  of  1769.  Wieland  harkened  to  the  demand 
and  began  with  enthusiasm  what  he  called  his  literary  adventure.  This 
enthusiasm  has  been  underrated,  and  too  much  stress  has  been  laid  upon 
Wieland's  outbreaks  of  impatience  over  his  painful  progress  and  on  his 
rather  cold  method  of  editing  his  translations.  In  reality  his  admiration 
for  Shakespeare  was  almost  as  warm  as  that  of  the  later  "Genies,"  who 
condemned  him  so  violently.  In  a  letter  to  his  friend  Zimmermann, 
October,  1758,  he  wrote: 

Je  l'aime  avec  toutes  ses  fautes.  II  est  presque  unique  a  peindre  d'apres  la  nature 
les  hommes,  les  moeurs,  les  passions,  il  a  le  talent  precieux  d'embellir  la  nature  sans 
qu'elle  perde  ses  proportions.  Sa  f6condite  est  inepuisable.  II  parait  n'avoir  jamais 
etudie  que  la  nature  seule.  II  est  tantot  le  Michel-Ange,  tantot  le  Correge  des  poetes. 
Ou  trouver  plus  de  conceptions  hardies,  et  pourtant  justes,  de  pensees  nouvelles, 
belles,  sublimes,  frappantes,  et  d'expressions  vives,  heureuses,  animees,  que  dans  les 
ouvrages  de  ce  genie  incomparable?  Malheur  a  celui  qui  souhaite  de  la  r6gularite  a 
un  genie  d'un  tel  ordre,  et  qui  n'a  pas  des  yeux,  ou  qui  ferme  ses  yeux  pour  sentir  ses 
beautes  uniquement  parce  qu'il  n'a  pas  celle  que  la  piece  la  plus  detestable  de  Pradon 
a  dans  un  degre  plus  Eminent  que  le  Cid.m 

The  first  volume  containing  A  Midsummer  Night's  Dream  and  King 
Lear  was  ready  by  the  end  of  August,  1762.  It  included  Pope's  preface, 
which  Wieland  translated  without  taking  exception  to  any  part  of  it. 
By  May  of  the  following  year  there  were  signs  of  weariness.  Wieland 
wrote  to  his  friend  Gessner  at  that  time: 

Ich  habe,  als  ich  vor  mehr  als  einem  Jahr  mich  zur  "Ubersetzung  des  Shakespeare 
entschlofi,  zwar  eine  ziemliche  Vorstellung  von  der  Schwierigkeit  gehabt,  aber  in  der 
That  mir  nicht  den  zehnten  Theil  der  Miihe  vorgestellt,  die  ich  nunmehr  erfahre.  Ich 
glaube  nicht,  daB  irgend  eine  Arbeit  der  Galeeren-Sclaven-Arbeit  ahnlicher  sey  als 
diese,  und  obgleich  das  Vergntigen,  womit  sie  von  Zeit  zu  Zeit  begleitet  ist,  die  Miihe 
versiiCt,  so  ist  doch  immer  richtig,  daC  ich  eine  Menge  Zeit  mit  diesem  Autor  ver- 
schleudre,  die  ich  nuzlicher  anwenden  konnte.70 

By  September,  1766,  Wieland  had  completed  eight  volumes  containing 
twenty-two  plays,  and  at  this  point  he  faltered.  Richard  III,  Coriolanus, 
and  Cymbeline  were  the  most  important  omissions.  Wieland  had  entered 
upon  his  task  with  a  limited  admiration  for  Shakespeare,  an  incomplete 
knowledge  of  English  and  inadequate  help.  His  works  of  reference  were 
Rowe's  Some  Account  of  the  Life  and  Writings  of  William  Shakespeare, 

69  Quoted  by  Van  Tieghem  [770]  122. 

70  Quoted  by  Stadler  [941]  14. 


236      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Boyer's  Dictionnaire  royal  frangais  et  anglais,  edition  of  1756,  and  a  dic- 
tionary of  Shakespeare's  works  and  phrases,  the  author  of  which  he  later 
forgot,71  perhaps  Dodd's  The  Beauties  of  Shakespeare.  The  basis  of  his 
translation  was  the  latest  and  worst  available,  the  Pope-Warburton 
edition  of  1747.  He  also  used  Theobald's  edition.  For  his  last  volume  con- 
taining Hamlet  and  A  Winter's  Tale  he  used  Johnson's  edition.  In  addi- 
tion he  knew  La  Place's  he  Theatre  anglois,  of  which  volumes  i-iv  were 
devoted  to  Shakespeare.72 

Wieland's  translation  found  little  favor,  as  may  be  inferred  from  Les- 
sing's  defense  of  it  in  the  Hamburgische  DramaturgieP  Herder  demanded : 
"Wie  lange  wird  man  Popen  in  wasserichter  Prose,  und  Shakespeare  im 
ungleichsten  fast  nie  getroffenen  Ton  iibersetzen?"74  He  found  Romeo 
und  Julie  least  successful  and  surmised  to  Caroline  that  Wieland  "nie 
selbst  eine  Romeo-Liebe  gefiihlt  hat ;  sondern  sich  nur  immer  mit  seinen 
Sympathien  und  Pantheen  und  Seraphins  den  Kopf  voll  geweht,  statt 
das  Herz  je  menschlich  erwarmt  hat."75  For  certain  monologues  in  Lear, 
Hamlet,  Macbeth,  and  Der  Sommernachtstraum,  Herder  "would  like  to 
have  scratched  out  Wieland's  eyes;"76  and  yet  in  his  own  translations  of 
lyric  passages  from  Shakespeare  he  borrowed  phrases  and  even  entire 
verses  from  Wieland. 

Public  criticism  of  Wieland's  translation  came  from  two  sides.  Nicolai 
asserted : 

Von  Rechtswegen  sollte  man  einen  Mann,  wie  Shakespeare,  gar  nicht  iibersetzt 
haben.  Ohne  KenntniB  der  englischen  Sprache,  der  englischen  Sitten,  des  englischen 
Humors,  kann  man  an  dem  grofiten  Theil  seiner  Werke  wenig  Geschmack  finden;  wer 
also  das  obige  versteht,  wird  diesen  trefflichen  Schriftsteller  englisch  lesen,  und  wer 
es  nicht  versteht,  sollte  ihn  billig  gar  nicht  lesen.77 

Weisse  believed  that  Shakespeare  should  have  been  introduced  as 
Brumoy  had  presented  the  Greek  drama:  that  excerpts  of  the  scenes 
should  have  been  given  and  only  the  best  scenes  translated  in  their 
entirety,78  but  Wieland  declared:  "Mein  Vorsatz  war,  meinen  Autor  mit 
alien  seinen  Fehlern  zu  iibersetzen  und  dies  um  so  mehr,  weil  mir  dauchte, 
daB  sehr  oft  seine  Fehler  selbst  eine  Art  von  Schonheiten  sind."79 

The  detrimental  criticism,  however,  came  from  the  Schleswig  Brief e 

71  Neither  Stadler  nor  Meisnest  [943]  could  identify  it. 
72Meisnest  [943]  19  ff. 

73  Lessing,  Schriften,  IX  245. 

74  Herder,  Werke,  I  217. 

76  Herders  Briefwechsel,  XXXIX  (1926)  17;  October  28,  1770. 

76  Briefe  an  J.  H.  Merck,  ed.  K.  Wagner,  Darmstadt,  1835,  13. 

77  ADB,  I  1  (1765)  30. 

78  BSWFK,  IX  (1763)  257-270.  Cf.  NBSWFK,  XXIII  (1779)  230  and  XXXV 
(1788)  106  ff. 

79  Teutscher  Merkur,  1773,  III  187. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  237 

iiber  die  Merkwurdigkeiten  der  Liter atur.  Gerstenberg  asserted  that  Wie- 
land  was  entirely  unfitted  by  training  and  temperament  for  his  task,  as 
was  evident  enough  from  the  stiffness  of  his  style,  his  failure  to  find  the 
right  tone  for  his  translation,  and  his  insensitivity  to  Shakespeare's 
humor.80  Gerstenberg's  critique  became  one  of  the  sacred  documents  of 
the  "Sturmer  und  Dranger,"  and  thus  obscured  the  fact  that  Wieland 
was  in  reality  a  bold  herald  of  Shakespeare  and  that  he  suppressed  far 
less  than  his  critics  inferred.  To  be  sure  his  omissions  have  a  different 
aspect  from  Schlegel's.  As  Gundolf  says:  "Wenn  Schlegel  Shakespeare- 
Stellen  schwachte  oder  wegliefi,  so  war  dies  ein  stillschweigendes  Ge- 
standnis,  dafi  das  Publikum  zu  dumm  dafiir  sei.  Wenn  Wieland  weglafit 
oder  kommentiert  ...  so  gibt  er  immer  zu,  dafi  Shakespeare  hier  zu 
schlecht  sei  fur  das  Publikum."81 

The  year  1773  found  Wieland's  translation  sold  out.  The  publishers 
asked  for  a  revised  edition.  Wieland  declined  the  task  of  correcting  the 
many  errors  which  had  been  pointed  out,  and  rejoiced  to  learn  that  the 
competent  Eschenburg  was  willing  to  undertake  it.  The  Wieland- 
Eschenburg  translation,  1775-1777,  in  twelve  volumes  was  complete  and 
all  in  prose  excepting  Wieland's  translation  of  A  Midsummer  Night's 
Dream  and  Eschenburg's  Richard  III.  Eschenburg  not  only  translated 
the  plays  omitted  by  Wieland,  but  filled  in  the  gaps  left  in  others  as  well, 
amounting  to  as  many  as  250  verses  in  a  single  play.  He  also  corrected  a 
large  number  of  Wieland's  worst  errors.  Eschenburg  was  a  scholar  who 
possessed  a  library  of  over  four  hundred  volumes  relating  to  Shakespeare 
and  his  time  including  the  better  Johnson  Shakespeare,  and  he  was 
equipped  with  a  mastery  of  the  English  language  and  a  professional 
knowledge  of  English  literature.  His  introductions  and  comments  formed 
the  largest  body  of  information  available  in  Germany  or  perhaps  even  in 
Europe,  but  he  was  not  a  poet.  The  critic  Biester  wrote  in  the  Allgemeine 
deutsche  Bibliothek:  "Wieland  hat  einige  Stiicke  ganz  unstreitig  mit 
unendlich  mehr  Genie  und  Styl,  kurz  mehr  nach  dem  Geist  des  Dichters 
iibersetzt,  aber  auch  unendlich  weniger  Englisch  verstanden  wie  seine 
vielen  Fehler  beweisen."82  This  opinion  has  maintained  itself.  Koster 
pronounced  in  1891:  "Eschenburg  war  kein  dichterisch  veranlagter 
Mensch,  sondern  ein  flemiger  nuchterner  Erklarer."83  Gervinus  is  the 
only  notable  challenger  of  this  view:  "Wielands  Shakespeare,  wie  unvoll- 
standig  und  mangelhaft  es  auch  war,  ward  immer  eine  Vorarbeit  fur 
Eschenburg."84 

80  hoc.  cit.,  Briefe  14-18;  in  [792]. 

81  Gundolf  [652]  170. 

82  ADB,  Anhang  zu  Bdn.  XXV-XXXVI,  3370. 

83  Koster  [902]  52. 

84  Gervinus,  Geschichte  der  deutschen  Dichtung,  Leipzig,  1873,  IV  424. 


238      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

The  Wieland-Eschenburg  translation  presently  became  the  victim  of 
a  pirated  edition,  nominally  of  Mannheim  but  in  reality  printed  in 
Strassburg.  The  title  page  read:  "William  Shakespeares  Schauspiele  von 
Joh.  Joach.  Eschenburg  .  .  .  neue  verbesserte  Auflage."  A  second  preface, 
however,  made  it  clear  that  the  corrections  were  not  by  Eschenburg 
and  only  the  first  three  volumes  of  the  translation  bore  the  name  of 
Eschenburg  on  the  title  page.  This  literary  theft  brought  the  Mannheim 
edition  into  disrepute,  and  not  until  recently  has  its  perpetrator  received 
the  small  measure  of  credit  due  to  him.  It  is  now  known  that  the  culprit 
involved  was  Gabriel  Eckert,  who  was  a  scholar,  commanding  an  even 
better  mastery  of  English  than  Eschenburg. 

A  new  edition  of  Eschenburg's  translation  was  called  for  in  1796. 
Eschenburg  was  at  first  reluctant  to  undertake  it  but  later  changed  his 
mind.  This  caused  an  about-face  on  Wieland's  part.  He  had  written  to 
Heinrich  Gessner  in  Zurich,  urging  that  his  publishing  house  should 
undertake  the  printing  of  the  Schlegel  translation  despite  the  exorbitant 
honorarium  demanded,  but  now  he  wrote  urging  that  the  Eschenburg 
revision  be  published  instead,  "denn  da!3  Schlegels  gekimstelte  Iamben, 
wobey  Shakespeare  mehr  verlieren  als  gewinnen  wird,  wenig  Gliick 
machen,  Eschenburgs  Arbeit  hingegen  immer  wesentliche  Vorziige  vor 
der  Schlegelschen  behaupten  wird,  darauf  konnt  Ihr  sicher  rechnen."85 

Since  Eckert  had  stolen  all  that  he  approved  of  from  Eschenburg,  the 
latter  no  doubt  felt  justified  in  accepting  without  acknowledgment  what- 
ever he  felt  he  must  from  Eckert.  In  reality  the  amount  was  consider- 
able. Roughly  Eckert  introduced  about  465  corrections  into  his  pirated 
edition.  In  his  second  edition  Eschenburg  accepted  without  acknowledg- 
ment 270  of  these  and  should  have  accepted  at  least  135  more.86  Despite 
its  ignominious  status  the  Mannheim  edition  was  textually  the  best  of 
its  time,  as  Schiller  discovered  in  1800  when  he  set  about  to  devise  his 
Macbeth  adaptation.87 

When  not  in  the  midst  of  his  labor  of  translation  Wieland  appreciated 
Shakespeare  broadly  and,  in  his  personal  correspondence  and  his  Teut- 
scher  Merkur,  he  usually  wrote  in  a  tone  of  unmixed  enthusiasm.  In  1784 
an  event  in  Vienna  led  him  to  state  his  position  finally  and  fully.  The 
playwright  Ayrenhoff,  a  strict  French  classicist,  wrote  a  drama,  Kleo- 
patra  und  Antonius,  with  a  distinctly  anti-Shakespearean  tendency.  His 
drama  was  based  on  Dryden's  All  for  Love,  or  the  World  Well  Lost.  In  his 
preface  he  misinterpreted  some  statements  of  Wieland  in  the  Merkur, 

86  Seuffert  [937]  231. 

86  Uhde-Bernays  [789]  23. 

87  Ibid.,  87-89. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  239 

making  him  appear  as  an  adherent  of  the  French  school,  and  made  bold 
to  dedicate  his  drama  to  Wieland.  Thus  challenged,  Wieland  hastened 
to  set  the  public  right.  He  said  Shakespeare  was  for  him 

der  erste  dramatische  Dichter  aller  Zeiten  und  Volker  .  .  .  weil  ihn  in  allem,  was  das 
Wesentlichste  eines  grofien  Dichters  uberhaupt  und  eines  dramatischen  insonderheit 
ausmacht,  an  Starke  aller  Seelenkrafte,  an  innigem  Gefiihl  der  Natur,  an  Feuer  der 
Einbildungskraft  und  der  Gabe,  sich  in  jeden  Charakter  zu  verwandeln,  sich  in  jede 
Situation  und  Leidenschaft  zu  setzen,  weder  Corneille  noch  Racine,  weder  Crebillon 
noch  Voltaire  .  .  .  bei  weitem  .  .  .  erreicht  haben.  Wer  von  Spuren  eines  grofien  Genies 
spricht,  die  man  oft  in  seinen  Werken  finde,  erweckt  den  Verdacht,  sie  nie  gelesen  zu 
haben.  Nicht  Spuren  sondern  immerwahrende  Ausstralungen  und  voile  Ergiefiungen 
des  machtigsten,  reichsten,  erhabensten  Genies,  das  jemals  einen  Dichter  begeistert 
hat,  sind  es,  die  mich  bei  Lesung  seiner  Werke  iiberwaltigen,  mich  fur  seine  Fehler 
und  UnregelmaBigkeiten  unempfindlich  machen.88 

The  prose  of  Wieland 's  translation  has  been  criticized.  He  chose  it 
deliberately,  for  he  laid  too  great  stress  upon  form  to  proceed  otherwise. 
He  condemned  Pope's  falsification  of  the  Homeric  form,  and  he  himself 
rendered  Aristophanes  with  the  closest  adherence  to  his  model  in  respect 
to  trochaic,  anapaestic,  and  iambic  verse;  but  it  was  his  mature  convic- 
tion that  Shakespeare's  dramas  were  "geistvolle  Impromptus,"  and  that 
the  verse  form  was  purely  accidental,  often  concealing  rather  than  re- 
vealing the  true  meaning.  To  A  Midsummer  Night's  Dream  alone  Wieland 
recognized  the  verse  as  indispensable  and  he  retained  it.  He  strove  to 
translate  the  lyric  passages  into  verse  but  if  dismaj^ed  he  usually  omitted 
them.  Prose  renderings  of  the  songs  are  rare. 

Since  Wieland  was  not  a  creative  genius  of  form  or  language,  but  rather 
an  admirable  imitator,  his  success  is  a  just  measure  of  the  range  of  the 
German  language  at  that  time  as  compared  with  the  Elizabethan  Eng- 
lish. There  is  too  much  of  the  rational  Addison-Voltaire-Lessing  tend- 
ency toward  simplification  and  suppression,  too  little  "Sturm  und 
Drang"  turbulence  for  the  passionate  scenes,  too  little  of  the  classic 
perfection  of  Iphigenia  for  the  more  austere  passages. 

A  poet  so  susceptible  as  Wieland  could  not  long  dwell  upon  A  Mid- 
summer Night's  Dream  without  falling  under  its  ban.  Gundolf  found  its 
spell  in  Don  Sylvio  von  Rosalvo  and  Oberon,  though,  to  be  sure,  "in  die 
Sonnenstaubchen  ist  mancher  Puderstaub  und  Biicherstaub  gemischt." 

Don  Sylvio  von  Rosalvo  ist  die  erste  Dichtung  in  die  [Shakespeare]  nicht  nur  als 
Rohstoff  ubernommen  ist,  sondern  als  seelische  Substanz  spurbar  bis  in  Tonfalle 
hinein.  .  .  .  Die  Sprache  schleppt  nicht  mehr  ihre  Inhalte,  sondern  wird  von  ihnen  ge- 
tragen — Die  Satze  .  .  .  sind  leicht  und  gleitend  wie  das,  wovon  sie  reden. 

88  Teutscher  Merkur,  1784,  I  234  f. 


240      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

In  Oberon  he  distinguished : 

Nicht  Feenmotive,  sondern  Feenluft,  Elfenspiel,  Mondscheinlandschaft  und  die 
sinnige  Verkniipfung  von  Schicksal  und  Stimmung,  von  Sinnlichkeit  und  Schicksal, 
die  sprachliche  Lockerheit,  die  sich  den  sinnlichen  Eindnicken  anschmiegt  und  sie 
wiedergibt,  .  .  .  kurz  die  Eroberung  der  deutschen  Sprache  als  Klang  und  Ton  fur  die 
Sinnlichkeit  und  fur  die  Phantasie:  das  ist  hier  Shakespeares  EinfiuB.89 

Goethe  failed  to  recognize  any  such  influence  and  in  his  speech  "zum 
brliderlichen  Andenken  Wielands"  he  said: 

Diese  Ubersetzung  [i.e.  Wieland's  Shakespeare],  so  eine  grolte  Wirkung  sie  in 
Deutschland  hervorgebracht,  scheint  auf  Wieland  selbst  wenig  EinfiuC  gehabt  zu 
haben.  Er  stand  mit  seinem  Autor  allzusehr  in  Widerstreit,  wie  man  genugsam  erkennt 
aus  den  ubergangenen  und  ausgelassenen  Stellen,  mehr  noch  aus  den  hinzugefugten 
Noten,  aus  welchen  die  franzosische  Sinnesart  hervorblickt.90 

At  the  same  time  Goethe  nevertheless  commended  Wieland's  trans- 
lation. He  conceived  Shakespeare  somewhat  unaccountably  as  a  poet 
who  appealed  to  the  eye  rather  than  the  ear,  and  this  enjoyment,  he 
felt  was  hampered  by  startling  turns  of  phrase.  To  Falk  he  said,  on 
January  25,  1813,  the  day  of  Wieland's  burial:  "Eben  diese  hohe  Nattir- 
lichkeit  ist  der  Grund,  warum  ich  den  Shakespeare,  wenn  ich  mich  wahr- 
haft  ergotzen  will,  jedesmal  in  der  Wielandschen  Ubersetzung  lese."91 

89  Gundolf  [652]  179-181. 

90  Goethe,  Werke,  I  (36)  326. 

91  Biedermann,  Goethes  Gesprdche2,  Leipzig,  1910,  II  166. 


Chapter  XVIII 
HERDER  AND  THE  THEORIES  OF  GENIUS 

About  the  same  time  that  Lessing  wrote  his  seventeenth  Liter  aturbriej 
the  poet  Edward  Young  was  persuaded  by  his  friends  to  publish  his 
Conjectures  on  Original  Composition.  In  the  long  protracted  debate  that 
had  been  waged  in  England  between  the  ancients  and  the  moderns,  the 
Conjectures  summed  up  the  case  of  the  latter.  Young  distinguished  two 
kinds  of  imitators :  imitators  of  other  authors,  and  of  nature.  The  latter 
he  designated  as  originals  or  geniuses,  but  these  were  also  of  two  kinds : 
infantine  and  adult.  Swift  was  an  infantine  genius,  who  had  to  train  him- 
self by  study,  Shakespeare  was  an  adult  genius,  born  in  full  possession 
of  his  powers.  Young  protested  against  all  copying  of  other  authors.  The 
imitation  of  the  ancients  was  harmful,  he  said.  They  produced  great 
works  because  they  imitated  nature.  We  should  imitate  nature,  not  the 
ancients.  Thus  he  arrived  at  the  paradox:  "The  less  we  copy  the  re- 
nowned ancients,  we  shall  resemble  them  the  more."  Before  Young's 
utterance  on  the  subject,  Jonson,  Dryden,  Addison  and  Shaftesbury 
had  made  similar  distinctions  between  adult  and  infantine  geniuses,  but 
Young  drew  therefrom  a  practical  conclusion  of  his  own,  namely,  that 
true  genius  suffers  from  the  spirit  of  imitation,  which  destroys  the  will 
to  surpass,  "counteracts  nature's  intent,"  and  "thwarts  her  design." 

Because  the  ideas  were  not  essentially  new,  the  Conjectures  made  only 
a  moderate  stir  in  England;  but  in  Germany,  it  has  been  asserted,  they 
heralded  the  new  literary  epoch.  The  glorification  of  Shakespeare  and 
originality,  it  was  said,  and  the  abjuring  of  literary  traditions,  so  roundly 
proclaimed  in  Young's  manifesto,  gave  to  "Sturm  und  Drang"  esthetics 
the  initial  or  essential  impulse. 

The  history  of  the  Conjectures  in  Germany,  from  1760  to  1770,  would 

give  some  support  to  the  assertion  of  widespread  influence,  but  it  would 

appear  that  this  theory  is  of  late  origin1  and  not  fully  substantiated.  The 

hour  was  obviously  favorable  for  the  reception  of  the  Conjectures.  The 

dispute  between  Gottsched  and  the  Swiss  had  long  since  given  way  to 

questions  of  a  more  vital  nature.  The  Shakespeare  criticism  of  Johann 

Elias  Schlegel,  and  of  Lessing,  was  symptomatic  of  an  impulse  to  justify 

1  Koch,  1879  [141]  merely  stated  that  Young's  Conjectures  lent  the  "Sturm  und 
Drang"  time  a  valuable  weapon.  In  1883  [288]  he  made  no  comment  on  the  subject. 
In  his  Geschichte  der  deutschen  Literatur1,  1897,  544,  he  said:  "Von  Youngs  Conjectures 
und  Wood's  Essay  iiber  den  Originalgenius  Homers  hat  sie  die  Forderung  nach  Ur- 
sprtinglichkeit  ubernommen."  Von  Weilen  1890  [792]  emphasized  the  influence  on 
Gerstenberg.  In  1906  Kind  [625]  included  Hamann,  Herder,  Nicolai,  Mendelssohn, 
and  Resewitz.  Steinke  [626]  believed  that  Kind  was  too  ready  to  accept  parallel 
passages  as  evidence.  See  also  Weber  [843  ] . 

[241] 


242      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Shakespeare  on  one  ground  or  another,  and  Rousseau's  doctrine  of  a 
return  to  nature  had  laid  the  basis  for  a  new  theory  of  literary  production. 
Published  in  England  in  1759  the  Conjectures  were  translated  into 
German  twice  the  following  year2  and  were  widely  commented  upon. 
Gottsched's  disparaging  remarks  sufficiently  represent  the  view  of  the 
rationalists : 

Young  hatte  lieber  bei  finstern  Nachtgedanken  seine  Phantasie  beschaftigen  oder 
von  Larven,  Gespenstern  und  Hexenversammlungen  dichten  sollen,  um  Kinder  zu 
erschrecken,  als  da!3  er  sich  in  eine  Abhandlung  kritischer  Materien  gemiseht  hatte, 
denen  er  kein  Licht  anzuzunden  im  Stande  war.3 

Nicolai  took  up  the  gauntlet  for  the  Conjectures  in  the  Liter  aturbriefe, 
and  favorable  reviews  appeared  also  in  many  journals.4  Rambach 
attempted  a  refutation  of  the  Conjectures  in  a  "Schulprogram"  of  1765 
but  was  answered  promptly  by  Herder,5  and  on  the  whole  the  Conjec- 
tures had  the  better  of  it  in  the  journalistic  controversy. 

Lessing  was  not  fully  won  over  by  Young's  views.  In  the  Hamburgische 
Dramaturgic,  Stuck  73,  he  says,  to  be  sure,  that  not  Shakespeare  but 
Shakespeare's  method  should  be  studied;  that  we  should  learn  to  see 
through  his  medium  as  through  a  camera  obscura,  but  that  we  must  not 
borrow  from  him.  Lessing,  like  Young,  gives  to  genius  a  rank  superior 
to  learning  and  says  that  a  genius  is  not  bound  by  rule.6  But  here  the 
agreement  is  more  verbal  than  actual,  for  a  genius  was,  to  Lessing,  a 
being  born  with  a  sure  instinct  for  form.  That  there  existed  fixed  canons 
of  form,  he  did  not  doubt,  hence  he  had  no  practical  application  for 
Young's  definition,  and  dropped  the  subject  of  Shakespeare  after  the 
seventeenth  number  of  the  Liter  aturbriefe.  Even  when  he  took  it  up 
again  in  the  Hamburgische  Dramaturgic  he  neither  claimed  the  support 
of  Young  nor  joined  issue  with  him. 

It  is  the  leading  theorists  of  the  "Sturm  und  Drang"  movement, 
Hamann,  Gerstenberg,  and  Herder,  who  are  generally  supposed  to  have 
owed  most  to  Young's  essay.  Hamann  went  to  England  in  a  commercial 
capacity  (1757),  underwent  there  a  religious  experience,  and  soon  after 
began  reading  the  works  of  Young.  His  Sokratische  Denkwurdigkeiten, 
written  late  in  1759,  treat  of  genius  and  bear  some  traces  of  Young's 

2  Von  T[eubern].  Leipzig,  1760;  "G",  Hamburg,  1760. 

3  Das  Neueste  aus  der  anmuthigen  Gelehrsamkeit,  1760,  671-689. 

4  hoc.  tit.,  X  1  (1761)  310-322.  BSWFK,  VII  I  (1760)  180-183;  GGA,  1762,  375; 
Beytrdge  zur  Litteratur  und  zum  Vergniigen,  1766,  passim;  Nordische  Aufseher,  III 
(1770)  328-339.  See  also  Schmid's  Theorie  der  Poesie  (1767)  I  47. 

5  Rambach,  Schreiben  uber  die  Frage,  ob  das  Lesen  der  Alien  an  dem  Mangel  der 
Original-scribenten  Schuld  sey.  Quedlinburg,  1765;  cf.  Konigsbergische  gelehrte  und  po- 
litische  Zeitung,  Stiick  10,  February  1766,  and  Herder,  Werke,  I  121-123. 

6  Lessing,  Schriflen,  X  210. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  243 

Conjectures,  but  Hamann  had  already  formed  his  own  particular  theory 
of  genius,  in  which  faith  and  passive  waiting  for  the  spirit  of  God  played 
the  chief  role.  His  theory  had  a  mystical  basis  that  did  not  need  the  sup- 
port of  Young's  logic.  In  Gerstenberg's  introduction  to  his  translation 
of  Fletcher's  The  Bride,  1705,  there  are  parallels  to  ideas  of  Young  as  well 
as  of  Home.  In  his  essay  on  Shakespeare  in  the  Briefe  uber  die  Merk- 
wurdigkeiten  der  Liter atur  xiv-xviii  (1766)  Gerstenberg  joins  with  Young 
in  his  campaign  against  imitative  literature,  but  he  follows  it  up  with  a 
comparison  of  Young's  weak  imitation,  the  Revenge,  and  its  predecessor 
Othello.  Henry  Home  in  his  Elements  of  Criticism,  1760,  had  already  insti- 
tuted a  like  comparison.  In  1776  Herder  openly  defended  the  Conjectures 
and  copied  passages  into  his  note  book,7  but  this  was  a  few  years  after 
he  had  written  his  Shakespear,  which  was  inspired  by  Gerstenberg  and 
Lessing,  and  by  English  critics  other  than  Young. 

It  was  vexation  over  Wieland's  translation  which  gave  the  original 
impulse  to  Gerstenberg's  essay,  but  from  this  he  falls  into  the  temptation 
as  he  says,  "etwas  umstandlicher  .  .  .  von  meiner  Bekanntschaft  mit 
Shakespearn  zu  schwatzen."  In  the  course  of  his  discussion  he  shows  a 
familiarity  with  the  comments  of  earlier  English  critics,  especially  Home, 
to  whom  he  refers  at  least  four  times.  In  his  definition  of  Shakespeare's 
plays  he  anticipated  Herder.  Shakespeare  has  never  been  properly  appre- 
ciated, he  says,  because  of  the  ''libel  angewandte  Begriff,  den  wir  vom 
Drama  der  Griechen  haben."  He  is  willing  to  admit  that  Shakespeare's 
plays  are  not  tragedies  and  comedies  in  the  Greek  sense,  but  he  exclaims : 
"Weg  mit  der  Classification  des  Dramas!  Nennen  Sie  diese  Plays  mit 
Wielanden,  oder  mit  der  Gottschedischen  Schule  Haupt-  und  Staats- 
actionen,  mit  den  brittischen  Kunstrichtern  history,  tragedy,  tragi- 
comedy, comedy  wie  sie  wollen :  Ich  nenne  sie  lebendige  Bilder  der  sitt- 
lichen  Natur."8  This  distinction  differs  from  Johann  Elias  Schlegel's 
chiefly  in  that  it  is  more  explicit.  In  his  comparison  of  Young's  Revenge 
and  Shakespeare's  Othello  he  says:  "Young  schilderte  Leidenschaf  ten ; 
Shakespeare  das  mit  Leidenschaf t  verbundene  Sentiment."9  He  quotes 
Home  in  support  of  this  distinction,  but  Herder  later  made  the  assertion 
still  more  definite:  "In  Othello,  dem  Mohren  welche  Welt!  welch  ein 
Ganzes!  lebendige  Geschichte  der  Entstehung  [des]  Fortgangs,  Aus- 
bruchs,  traurigen  Endes  der  Leidenschaft  dieses  Edlen  Ungliickse- 
ligen."10  The  effect  of  Gerstenberg's  essay  was  slightly  weakened  by  his 
attempted  demonstration  that  The  Merry  Wives  of  Windsor  fulfilled  all 

7  Haym,  Herder  .  .  .,  Berlin,  1880,  I  149. 

8  DLD,  XXX  (1890)  112.  Cf.  von  Weilen  [792]. 

9  Ibid.,  115. 

10  Herder,  Werke,  V  221. 


244      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

the  requirements  of  comedy  as  denned  by  the  French  and  by  his  idea  of 
accepting  Polonius's  classification  of  plays  as  Shakespeare's  own:  "trag- 
edy, comedy,  history,  pastoral,  tragical-historical,  historical  pastoral, 
pastoral-comical,  comical-historical-pastoral."11 

The  inconsistencies  of  this  otherwise  excellent  essay  provided  the 
starting  point  for  Herder's  Shakespear.  This  essay  was  begun  as  a 
"Sendschreiben  an  Gerstenberg"  in  1771.  Between  September  of  that 
year  and  1772  it  remained  untouched  and  was  not  in  a  condition  to  be 
read  at  Goethe's  "Shakespearefeier"  in  Frankfurt.  Before  Herder  set  to 
work  on  it  again  he  had  read  Elizabeth  Montagu's  Essay  on  the  Genius 
and  Writings  of  Shakespeare,  translated  by  Eschenburg  in  1771,  and 
works  by  other  English  critics  as  well.  During  1772  he  worked  a  little 
farther  on  the  theme,  as  is  attested  by  a  fragmentary  manuscript  bearing 
the  title  "Zweierlei  Dramen."  It  was  finally  completed  in  1773  and  with 
other  now  famous  essays  was  published  by  Bode  under  the  title  Von 
deutscher  Art  und  Kunst,  einige  fliegende  Blatter. 

It  was  under  the  tutelage  of  Hamann  that  Herder  first  studied  English. 
As  a  text  book  Hamlet  was  used,  the  drama  of  Shakespeare  that  Hamann 
knew  most  thoroughly.  Like  Hamann,  Herder  proclaimed  that  poetry 
was  a  part  of  God's  revelation  and  the  poet  must  have  no  purpose  of  his 
own,  must  lay  no  restraint  upon  himself,  but  must  write  as  it  was  given 
him  to  do.  Thus  every  age  might  have  the  revelation  intended  for  it. 

The  conception  of  Herder  as  a  typical  "Sturm  und  Drang"  critic  needs 
some  qualification.  As  a  matter  of  fact  he  often  took  his  position  with 
Lessing  rather  than  with  Hamann  and  Gerstenberg.  In  1764  he  was 
enthusiastic  with  Hamann  and  Gerstenberg  "fur  den  groBen  Wilden 
[Shakespeare],  der  wie  ein  Gott  Menschenherzen  schafft  und  sie  zur 
Hollenglut  erschiittert;  dessen  Schopferstab  hier  ein  Feenreich,  dort 
heulende  Wildnisse  hervorzaubert."12  In  1766  he  used  the  word  "Zweck" 
in  Lessing's  sense:  "Konnte  ich's  doch  laut  ruff  en,  dafi  .  .  .  ein  Shake- 
spearscher  Lear  oder  Hamlet  ohne  alle  Anlage  den  Zweck  des  Trauer- 
spiels  erreicht,  dramatisch  zu  riihren,"13  but  with  Herder  poetry  was 
usually  "Selbstzweck;"  with  Lessing  it  was  a  means  to  an  end;  with 
Herder  a  genius  was  one  more  than  normally  endowed  with  the  ability 
to  feel  and  to  express;  with  Lessing  he  was  an  individual  with  an  inborn 
instinct  for  form  and  for  the  proper  means  to  an  end.  In  an  unpublished 
fragment  of  1766  Herder  agreed  with  Lessing's  assertion  "dafi  wir  in 
unsern  Trauerspielen  mehr  sehen  und  denken  wollen,  als  uns  das  furcht- 

11  DLD,  XXX  (1890)  139  f. 

12  Joachimi-Dege  [763]  108. 

13  Herder,  Werke,  I  436  f. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  245 

same  franzosische  Trauerspiel  zu  sehen  und  zu  denken  giebt,"  and  "dafi 
wir  mehr  in  den  Geschmack  der  Englander  einschlagen,"14  but  added : 

Ja  sie  geben  sehr  viel  zu  sehen;  aber  uns  Deutschen  wirklich  zu  viel.  Man  gebe  doch 
nur  auf  sich  Acht,  was  man  bei  Shakespear  siehet;  immer  zu  viel,  als  nicht  betaubt 
zu  werden,  zu  fremde  Phonomene,  als  an  ihnen  Theil  zu  nehmen;  zu  unwahrschein- 
liche,  als  sie  auch  mit  einem  starken  theatralischen  Glauben  ansehen  zu  konnen.16 

After  the  publication  of  the  Hamburgische  Dramaturgie  he  declared  him- 
self explicitly  in  accord  with  Lessing's  view.  He  stressed  the  imaginative 
power  of  Shakespeare.  In  1768  he  called  him  a  genius  who  is  nothing  in 
the  details  of  execution  but  everything  "im  grolten  wilden  Bau  der 
Fabel."16  In  1770,  in  a  review  of  Gerstenberg's  Ugolino,  he  called  for: 

Ein  theatralisches  Genie,  das  auch  nur  Funken  von  Shakespeares  Geist  hatte,  ihm 
aber  seine  Untereinandermischung,  sein  tlbereinanderwerfen  der  Scenen  und  Em- 
pfindungen  liefie,  und  sich  keine  Episoden  erlaubte — was  ware  dies  fur  eine  schone 
MafSigung  des  Britten!17 

At  one  time  the  influence  of  Young  on  Herder  was  greatly  overesti- 
mated. Much  weightier  was  the  combined  influence  of  Samuel  Johnson, 
Henry  Home,  John  Brown,  Richard  Hurd,  and  Elizabeth  Montagu. 
Baumgarten  and  Mendelssohn  had  anticipated  Home  at  some  points, 
but  it  was  Home  who  first  advocated  the  subjective  and  psychological 
conception  of  poetry  as  an  approach  to  literary  criticism.  Herder  men- 
tions Home  as  early  as  1766.  To  be  sure  Home  chiefly  described  the  new 
method  and  it  remained  for  Herder  to  carry  the  theory  to  its  logical 
conclusion  and  submerge  himself  in  his  poet.  Home's  Elements  of  Criti- 
cism, translated  by  Meinhard,  1763-1766,  and  read  by  Herder  at  about 
that  time,  is,  like  Young's  essay,  largely  based  upon  Shakespeare. 
Herder  also  read  Hurd's  Dissertation  on  the  provinces  of  the  drama,  in 
which  the  author  makes  a  distinction  between  "action"  and  "essential 
fact,"  translated  by  Eschenburg  as  "Handlung"  and  "Begebenheit." 
Herder  makes  a  similar  distinction  in  the  second  draft  of  his  Shakespear.18 
He  also  read  and  commented  upon  Brown's  Dissertation  on  the  Rise, 
Union,  Power,  the  Progressions,  Separations  and  Corruptions  of  Poetry  and 
Music,  1763,  translated  by  Eschenburg  in  1769. 19  Brown  treats  of  the 
origins  of  poetry  among  the  barbarians,  attributes  to  the  Greek  drama 
a  musical  origin,  and  declares  that  the  presence  of  the  chorus  was  the 
reason  for  the  time  and  place  unity  of  the  Greek  drama.  Montagu's 
Essay  on  the  Genius  and  Writings  of  Shakespeare  Herder  read  in  the  trans- 

14  Lessing,  Schriften,  VIII  42.  17  Ibid.,  IV  312. 

15  Herder,  Werke,  II  233.  18  Ibid.,  V  245. 

16  Ibid.,  IV  284.  19  Weber  [843]  110  f. 


246      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

lation  of  Eschenburg  in  1771,  obviously  after  he  had  prepared  the  first 
draft  of  his  Shakespear  but  before  he  wrote  the  second  draft,  which  had 
been  lying  untouched  from  September,  1771  to  the  beginning  of  1772. 
Gerstenberg's  Briefe  uber  die  Merkwiirdigkeiten  der  Literatur  gave  the 
impulse  to  the  first  part,  Montagu's  essay  to  the  second.20 

In  Herder's  essay  there  are  echoes  of  Pope,  Warburton,  Johnson,  and 
Young,  who  had  extolled  Shakespeare's  knowledge  of  the  human  soul  or 
even  called  him  creator,  but  for  verbal  parallels  couched  in  like  effusive 
tones  we  must  turn  to  Henry  Home.  Into  the  second  draft  of  Herder's 
essay  came  the  expansion  of  the  parts  dealing  with  Aristotle  in  his  rela- 
tion to  Shakespeare,  the  remarks  on  the  French  drama,  which  was  merely 
touched  upon  before,  and  the  comments  on  Macbeth.  All  of  these  were 
suggested  by  the  essay  of  Elizabeth  Montagu.  Shakespeare's  right  to  be 
judged  by  a  standard  set  by  himself  and  his  own  times  rather  than  by  the 
"rules"  had  been  asserted  by  Warburton,  Johnson,  and  Young,  but 
Montagu  discussed  at  greater  length  the  difference  between  the  Greek 
drama  and  the  Elizabethan,  using  phrases  and  examples  that  we  think 
of  as  typically  Herderian.  In  short  it  can  no  longer  be  asserted  that  Herder 
was  the  first  promulgator  of  the  method  of  historical  criticism,  but  he 
carried  subjectivity  in  regard  to  Shakespeare  further  than  any  of  his 
predecessors,  sinking  himself  so  completely  into  his  subject  as  to  preclude 
all  esthetic  criticism.  It  remained  for  the  romanticists  to  superimpose 
objectivity  upon  like  subjectiveness  and  so  make  criticism  again  possible. 

However  much  Herder  was  influenced  by  the  views  of  his  English  con- 
temporaries, it  still  remains  true  that  he  had  long  been  approaching 
Shakespeare  by  a  different  route,  which  Caroline  Herder  indicated  with 
sufficient  clarity: 

Seine  Bekanntschaft  mit  diesem  Dichter  [Shakespeare]  und  mit  Ossian  ent- 
wickelte  seine  eigenthumliche  Sympathie  und  vorherrschende  Liebe  zur  einfach- 
riihrenden  Natursprache  der  Volkslieder,  deren  Keim  durch  die  morgenlandische 
Poesie  schon  in  friiher  Jugend  in  ihm  geweckt  worden  war.21 

In  other  words  Herder's  primary  interest  was  in  the  folk  song,  which 
he  first  discovered  in  the  Bible.  The  further  pursuit  led  him  in  the  indi- 
cated order  to  Homer,  not  mentioned  by  Caroline,  and  then  to  Shake- 
speare and  Ossian.  Out  of  the  folk  song,  he  maintained,  more  highly  or- 
ganized forms  of  literature  developed :  the  Homeric  epic  by  oral  tradition, 
the  drama  of  Sophocles  from  dithyrambic  religious  songs,  and  by  1771 
he  was  minded  to  support  the  thesis  that  Shakespeare's  plays  were  by 

20  Ibid.,  45,  48  f. 

21  Caroline  von  Herder,  Erinnerungen  .  .  .,  ed.  J.  G.  Muller,  Tubingen  1820,  I  64. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  247 

the  logic  of  literary  development  the  product  of  English  folk  song  and 
folklore.  In  his  Alte  Volkslieder,  1774,  he  says: 

Die  groBten  Sanger  und  Giinstlinge  der  Musen,  Chaucer  und  Spenser,  Shakespear 
und  Milton,  Philipp  Sidnei  und  Selden — was  kann,  was  soil  ich  alle  nennen?  waren 
Enthusiasten  der  alien  Lieder,  und  der  Beweis  ware  nicht  schwer,  daB  das  Lyrische, 
Mythische,  Dramatische,  und  Epische,  wodurch  die  Englische  Dichtkunst  national 
unterscheidet,  aus  diesen  alten  Resten  alter  Sanger  und  Dichter  entstanden  sey.  Von 
Chaucer,  Spenser,  Shakespear  darfs  keines  Beweises.22 

Under  this  conviction  Herder  in  his  Shakespear  opens  up  the  question : 
"Wie,  auf  welche  Kiinst  und  Schopferweise  Shakespear  eine  elende  Ro- 
manze,  Novelle  und  Fabelhistorie  zu  solch  einem  lebendigen  Gantzen 
habe  dichten  konnen."  He  calls  this  "das  Herz  meiner  Untersuchung" 
and  regrets  that  the  question  has  never  entered  the  mind  of  Warburton 
or  of  Home,  the  "Aristoteles  dieses  britischen  Sophocles."23  In  the  intro- 
duction to  his  Reliques  Percy  noted  that  Shakespeare  had  occasionally 
quoted  ancient  ballads  and  even  taken  the  plot  of  one.  Percy  included  in 
his  collection  "The  Jew  of  Venice,"  "Titus  Andronicus,"  "Complaint," 
and  "King  Leir  and  his  three  Daughters."  Johnson  had  said:  "His  Eng- 
lish histories  he  took  from  English  chronicles  and  English  ballads." 
Theobald  referred  to  Shakespeare's  treatment  of  "translations,  romances, 
and  legends."  Warton  referred  to  an  ancient  ballad  called  "Merchant 
of  Venice,"  and  to  a  ballad  on  "Romeo  and  Juliet,"  closer  to  Shake- 
speare's plot  than  Bandello's  story  which,  he  said,  Shakespeare  may 
never  have  read.  He  added :  "I  doubt  not  but  he  received  the  hint  of  writ- 
ing on  King  Lear  from  a  ballad  of  that  subject."24  Critics  have  troubled 
themselves  unnecessarily  over  the  inclusion  of  songs  from  Shakespeare  in 
Herder's  Volkslieder.  The  inclusion  throws  no  light  on  his  definition  of 
the  "folk  song."  He  reproduced  them  because  they  showed  the  relation- 
ship of  folk  song  to  later  forms,  and  the  poems  as  a  whole,  he  says,  are 
to  be  regarded  "mehr  also  wie  Materialien  zu  Dichtkunst,  als  daB  sie 
Dichtkunst  selber  waren."25 

During  his  torturing  experiences  in  Strassburg  Herder  was  often  visited 
in  his  darkened  room  by  the  young  student  Goethe.  It  has  come  to  be 
popularly  believed  that  Herder  first  taught  Goethe  and  his  Strassburg 
friends  in  1771  to  appreciate  Shakespeare.  The  evidence  is:  Herder's 
views  may  be  gathered  from  his  essay  Shakespear,  published  in  1773 
but  already  begun  in  Strassburg  in  1771.  Goethe's  views  were  proclaimed 
by  the  "Rede"  Zum  Schdkespears  Tag,  delivered  in  Frankfurt  in  1771 

22  Herder,  Werke,  XXXV  8. 

23  Ibid.,  V  229. 

24  Gillies  [853]  270  f. 

25  Herder,  Werke,  XXV  331. 


248      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

simultaneously  with  one  by  Lerse  in  Strassburg,  and  Lenz's  opinions 
appeared  in  his  Anmerkungen  iiber's  Theater,  first  published  as  an  intro- 
duction to  his  Amor  Vincit  Omnia,  a  translation  of  Love's  Labour's  Lost, 
1774.  The  ideas  expressed  in  these  manifestos  are  similar  and  are  couched 
in  similar  phraseology.  They  have  a  common  historical  approach  and  a 
common  polemic  tone  directed  against  the  French;  hence  critics  have 
generally  assumed  that  Herder  was  the  mentor  of  the  group. 

Let  us  first  consider  Goethe.  From  Dichtung  und  Wahrheit  we  learn 
that  he  read  Dodd's  Beauties  of  Shakespeare  in  Leipzig  in  1776.  In  the 
preliminary  outline  to  his  autobiography  Goethe  noted:  "Dodds  Beauties 
of  Shakespeare.  GrofJe  Wirkung  auf  mich.  Auswendiglernen  und  Vor- 
tragen  von  Monologen."26  Several  quotations  from  the  collection  occur 
in  his  letters  to  Cornelia  from  Easter,  1766,  to  May,  1767,  and  signifi- 
cantly they  occur  in  precisely  the  same  sequence  as  in  Dodd.27  During 
his  slow  convalescence  in  Frankfurt  Goethe  broadened,  no  doubt,  his 
acquaintance  with  Shakespeare.  On  February  20,  1770,  he  wrote  to  the 
bookdealer  Reich:  "Nach  Oeser  und  Shakespeare  ist  Wieland  noch  der 
einzige,  den  ich  fur  meinen  echten  Lehrer  erkennen  kann ;  andre  hatten 
mir  gezeigt,  daB  ich  fehlte,  diese  zeigten  mir,  wie  ich's  besser  machen 
sollte."28  There  are  also  passages  in  Goethe's  Ephemerides  which  show 
that  in  his  earliest  Strassburg  days  he  was  reading  Shakespeare  thought- 
fully.29 

In  the  tenth  book  of  Dichtung  und  Wahrheit  Goethe  speaks  of  his  asso- 
ciation with  Herder  without  referring  either  to  Shakespeare  or  to  Ossian. 
In  the  eleventh  book  he  tells  of  a  new  influence  that  began  to  affect  him 
and  his  circle  of  friends  and  turn  them  away  from  French  literature.  He 
mentions  his  earlier  acquaintance  with  Shakespeare  and  with  Wieland's 
translation.  He  tells  how  he  and  his  friends  in  Strassburg  now  read 
Shakespeare  in  whole  and  in  part,  in  the  original  and  in  translation,  and 
how  they  imitated  the  manner  of  life  of  Shakespeare's  time  and  even  his 
quibbles.  Herein  Lenz  distinguished  himself  especially.  Herder  is  not 
mentioned  as  a  leader  and  it  is  inconceivable  that  he  participated  in  any 
absurdities.  Goethe  was  apparently  himself  the  leader  of  the  younger 
circle.  "Hiezu  trug  nicht  wenig  bei,  dafi  ich  ihn  [Shakespeare]  vor  alien 
mit  grolSem  Enthusiasmus  ergriffen  hatte.  Ein  freudiges  Bekennen,  dafi 
etwas  Hoheres  iiber  mir  schwebe,  war  ansteckend  fur  meine  Freunde,  die 
sich  alle  dieser  Sinnesart  hingaben."  Thereupon  Goethe  does  indeed 
mention  Herder:  "Will  jemand  unmittelbar  erfahren,  was  damals  in 

26  Goethe,  Werke,  I  (26)  387.  Cf.  I  (28)  72. 
27Leitzmann  [816]  60  f. 

28  Goethe,  Werke,  IV  (1)  230. 

29  Ibid.,  I  (37)  94  f. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  249 

dieser  lebendigen  Gesellschaft  gedacht,  gesprochen  und  verhandelt  wor- 
den,  der  lese  den  Aufsatz  Herders  liber  Shakespeare  in  dem  Hefte  Von 
Deutscher  Art  und  Kunst;  ferner  Lenzens  Anmerkungen  uber's  Theater."30 
Herder  then  is  only  mentioned  in  passing,  along  with  the  others.  Neither 
did  Goethe  mean  to  infer  that  all  his  friends  in  Strassburg  appreciated 
Shakespeare  in  a  similar  fashion. 

If  Herder  was  not  the  one  who  first  filled  Goethe  with  admiration  for 
Shakespeare,  still  less  was  Herder  Goethe's  teacher  in  the  manner  sug- 
gested by  Suphan.  The  will  for  methodical  instruction  was  lacking  on 
both  sides:  "Ware  Herder  methodischer  gewesen,"  Goethe  says,  in  Dich- 
tung  und  Wahrheit,  "so  hatte  ich  auch  fur  eine  dauerhafte  Richtung 
meiner  Bildung  die  kostlichste  Anleitung  gefunden;  aber  er  war  mehr 
geneigt  zu  prlifen  und  anzuregen,  als  zu  fiihren  und  zu  leiten."31 

Lenz,  on  the  other  hand,  never  exchanged  opinions  with  Herder  in 
Strafiburg,  in  fact  never  met  him  there.  He  prefixed  to  his  Anmerkungen 
liber's  Theater  the  assertion:  "Diese  Schrift  ward  zwey  Jahre  vor  Er- 
scheinung  der  Deutschen  Art  und  Kunst  und  des  Gotz  von  Berlichingen  in 
einer  Gesellschaft  guter  Freunde  vorgelesen."  Some  forty  years  later 
Goethe  observed  in  Dichtung  und  Wahrheit  that  the  assertion  was 
"einigermafien  auffallend"  and  that  the  existence  of  any  such  society  as 
Lenz  spoke  of  was  unknown  to  him.32  Naturally  enough  the  later  com- 
mentators shared  Goethe's  doubts,  for  in  the  first  place  Goethe's  igno- 
rance of  the  society  was  good  negative  evidence,  secondly,  certain  passages 
in  the  Anmerkungen  were  obviously  called  out  by  Herder's  essay,  and 
finally  Lenz's  assertions  were  considered  none  too  trustworthy  where  his 
own  personal  vanity  was  involved.  It  has  been  shown  however,  that  such 
a  society  did  exist,  that  Lenz  was  its  leading  spirit,  that  he  read  papers 
before  it  as  early  as  1771,  that  the  treatise,  as  it  finally  appeared,  was 
made  up  of  four  separate  "Anmerkungen"  written  between  1771  and 
1774,33  and  that  Lenz's  prefatory  remark  in  regard  to  the  priority  of  his 
Anmerkungen  over  Herder's  Shakespeare  and  Goethe's  Gotz  is  justified, 
when  applied  to  the  first  two  parts.  Internal  evidence  also  supports  this 

30  Ibid.,  I  (28)  75. 

31  Ibid.,  I  (27)  314. 

32  Ibid.,  I  (28)  251. 

33  1.  "tlber  die  Theorie  von  den  drei  Einheiten  im  Drama,"  read  before  the  Strass- 
burg "Society  de  philosophie  et  de  belles-lettres"  in  the  winter  of  1771.  2.  tlber  das 
Wesen  des  Dramas,"  read  before  the  same  society  probably  a  short  time  after. 
3.  "Uber  das  Handwerksmafiige  in  der  dramatischen  Literatur  der  Franzosen,"  writ- 
ten not  earlier  than  1773  as  is  shown  by  its  echoes  of  Herder's  Shakespeare.  4.  "Uber 
den  Unterschied  des  antiken  und  modernen  Dramas,"  which  was  added  to  the  others 
in  1774  just  before  the  publication.  Friedrich  [863]  has  republished  the  whole  essay 
in  variorum  type  even  indicating  such  details  as  "erste  Bearbeitung,"  "Flickstellen 
der  ersten  Bearbeitung"  and  "zweite  Uberarbeitung." 


250      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

view.  Lessing's  Hamburgische  Dramaturgie  is  the  only  necessary  presup- 
position to  these  portions.  In  Shakespeare,  in  Zum  Schakespears  Tag,  and 
in  the  earliest  Anmerkungen  Herder,  Goethe,  and  Lenz  develop,  each  in 
his  own  way,  the  fundamental  idea  of  Lessing's  seventeenth  Literatur- 
brief  and  his  Hamburgische  Dramaturgie,  Stuck  46,  regarding  the  unities; 
the  second  of  Lenz's  Anmerkungen  shows  the  author's  familiarity  with 
the  ideas  of  Batteux,  and  Baumgarten  ;34  the  third  the  stimulating  effect 
of  Herder's  Shakespear;  and  the  "erste  Redaktion"  gives  back  verbal 
echoes  of  Goethe's  Rede  zum  Schakespears  Tag.35 

The  second  essay  was  called  "tlber  die  Veranderungen  des  Theaters  in 
Shakespeare."  Lenz  here  defends  the  frequent  change  of  scenes  in  Shake- 
speare's plays,  but  attacks  the  disciples  of  Shakespeare,  "die  uns  glauben 
machen  wollen,  Shakespeares  Schonheiten  bestanden  bloB  in  seiner  Un- 
regelmaBigkeit." 

Whenever  in  the  Anmerkungen  the  subject  of  genius  is  touched  upon 
Young's  essay  on  that  subject  seems  to  play  a  role  either  directly  or 
indirectly.  There  are  certain  inconsistencies  in  Lenz's  work  as  a  whole 
but  few  within  the  limits  of  any  one  group  of  Anmerkungen. 

It  has  sometimes  been  said  that  the  "Sturmer  und  Dranger,"  in  spite 
of  their  impatience  with  Wieland,  derived  their  impressions  of  Shake- 
speare through  him,  particularly  the  idea  of  the  negligibility  of  the  verse 
form  of  his  dramas.  This  statement  calls  for  some  reservations;  Goethe's 
friends  in  Strassburg  sought  in  every  way  to  place  themselves  in  direct 
relation  with  Shakespeare  and  tried  their  hands  at  translation.36  Goethe 
knew  well  that  the  metrical  form  of  Shakespeare  was  not  a  mere  accident, 
but  he  wrote  his  Gotz  von  Berlichingen  in  prose  in  spite  of  this  fact.  With 
Lenz  it  was  otherwise.  His  prose  Coriolanus,  1775,  was  defensible  since 
it  was  intended  only  to  demonstrate  orally  before  the  "StralSburger 
deutsche  Gesellschaft"  one  of  the  theses  of  his  Anmerkungen  ilber's 
Theater:  "fabula  est  una  si  circa  unum  sit."  His  choice  of  prose  for  his 
translation  of  Love's  Labour's  Lost  (Amor  Vincit  Omnia),  however,  is 
defensible  on  no  score,  for  here  he  undertook  to  present  an  unbeautified 
and  unfalsified  German  equivalent  of  Shakespeare's  work  and  deliber- 
ately elected  prose  for  this  romantic  comedy.  Furthermore,  misled  by 
fortune  or  by  Wieland,  he  used  the  Pope  edition  with  all  its  deletions. 
His  translation  thus  exposes  him  as  an  unripe  interpreter  of  Shakespeare. 
Goethe  read  Lenz's  adaptation  with  approval : 

Lenz  behandelt  seinen  Autor  mit  groBer  Freiheit,  ist  nichts  weniger  als  knapp  und 
treu,  aber  er  weifi  sich  die  Rlistung  oder  vielmehr  die  Possenjacke  seines  Vorgangers 

34  Keckeis  [930]  88-95. 

35Friedrich  [863]  79. 

36  Goethe,  Werke,  I  (28)  74. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  251 

so  gut  anzupassen,  sich  seinen  Gebarden  so  humoristisch  gleichzustellen,  dafi  er  dem 
jenigen,  den  solche  Dinge  anmuteten,  gewiC  Beifall  abgewann.37 

Shakespeare  influenced  chiefly  the  technique  and  diction  of  Lenz,  who 
did  not  plunder  Shakespeare  of  characters,  situations,  and  phrases  as 
crudely  as  did  his  contemporary  Klinger.  In  general  he  appropriated  only 
what  was  naturally  his  own  and  gave  it  back  colored  by  his  personality. 
That  Hamlet  should  have  made  a  deep  impression  on  him  foreshadowed 
his  own  fate.  Yet  Shakespeare  was  his  evil  genius  only  in  that  he  led  him 
to  carry  weapons  too  heavy  for  him,38  and  Herder's  "Shakespeare  hat 
euch  ganz  verdorben,"  was  truer  of  Lenz  than  of  Goethe. 

It  was  also  true  of  Klinger,  who  in  the  earliest  and  best  known  of  his 
tragedies  attempted  to  endow  his  characters  with  Shakespearean  passion, 
but  at  most  could  afflict  them  with  melancholia,  hysteria,  frustration,  or 
a  sense  of  persecution ;  and  of  Wagner,  to  whose  plebeian  mind  the  na- 
tural was  the  crude.  Klinger  has  always  impressed  his  readers  as  a  sys- 
tematic plunderer  of  Shakespeare.  In  a  review  of  Stilpo,  Knigge  (signing 
himself  "H")  said:  "Die  Sprache  ist  verschroben,  abgebrochen,  schwache 
Nachahmung  von  Shakespeares  Manier.  Aber  nur  leerer  Wortprunk, 
nichts  ausgezeichnet."39  Schubart  called  Klinger  "unsern  Shakespeare,"40 
Hettner  called  him  "den  tollgewordenen  Shakespeare,"41  and  Pfeffel 
called  him  "einen  Buben,  der  eine  Hand  voll  von  [Shakespeares]  Excre- 
menten  gefressen  hatte."42  The  many  verbal  parallels  may  be  condoned 
a  little,  when  one  recalls  that,  not  content  with  translations,  Klinger 
painfully  read  Shakespeare  in  the  original  with  the  extensive  help  of  a 
dictionary.  Hence  the  phrases  were  deeply  impressed  upon  his  memory. 
"So  kam  es,"  Pfeffel  said,  "daB  Klingers  Werke  gewissermafien  einem 
Kafig  glichen,  in  dem  sich  die  meisten  Motive  aus  Shakespeare  lustig 
eingefangen  hatten."42 

Critics  are  agreed  that  Klinger's  dialogue  is  based  in  good  part  on  a 
study  of  Shakespeare's  and  of  Lessing's  technique.  His  theoretic  views 
regarding  the  drama  are  to  be  found  in  the  introduction  to  his  Theater, 
1786.  They  differ  in  no  important  respect  from  Lenz's.  Like  Lenz  and 
Herder  he  disparaged  the  declamatory  tragedy  of  Corneille  and  Racine. 
Like  Lenz  but  unlike  Herder  he  condemned  the  Greek  drama  as  well  as 
the  Aristotelian  theory  in  toto.  He  took  pleasure  in  flouting  all  the  unities. 
His  Otto  calls  for  fifty-two  changes  of  scenery,  Das  leidende  Weib  for 

37  Ibid.,  I  (28)  76  f. 

38  Genee  [646]  123. 

39  Jacobowski  [842]  23. 

40  Strauss,  Schuberts  Leben,  Berlin,  1849,  I  97. 

41  Hettner,  Geschichte  der  deutschen  Liter atur  im  18.  Jahrhundert,  Theil  3,  Buch  3,  1, 
p.  256. 

42  Pfeffel,  Poetische  Versuche,  Basel,  1879,  I  97. 


252      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

thirty,  Simsone  Grisaldo  for  seventeen,  Die  neue  Arria  for  sixteen.  The 
later  dramas  call  for  fewer.  When  needful,  however,  he  was  able  to  use 
restraint.  Die  Zwillinge,  which  was  written  directly  for  the  theater,  re- 
quires only  three  changes  of  scenery.  Because  Shakespeare  often  intro- 
duced a  "Nebenhandlung"  Klinger  felt  called  upon  to  introduce  some- 
times two  or  more  actions  loosely  connected  with  the  main  plot  as  well 
as  episodes  which  were  almost  totally  devoid  of  such  connection.  Bor- 
rowings of  all  kinds  are  most  frequent  in  the  works  of  Klinger's  earliest 
period :  Otto,  Das  leidende  Weib,  and  Die  Zwillinge;  they  are  less  frequent 
in  Die  neue  Arria,  Simsone  Grisaldo,  Sturm  und  Drang,  and  Stilpo.  From 
1780  on  they  are  rare.  To  the  largest  extent  Klinger  plundered  from  the 
best-known  tragedies  and  from  Coriolanus,  to  the  least  extent  from  the 
comedies.43  In  the  introduction  to  his  Theater  he  says  that  the  English 
humor  does  not  appeal  to  the  Germans. 

In  his  drama  Otto  the  chief  character  is  the  "Herzog."  It  treats  of  the 
ruler,  his  unthankful  sons,  and  the  faithful  son  Otto  whom  the  duke  dis- 
owns. The  characters  can  be  matched  with  those  of  King  Lear,  not  only 
in  their  roles  but  in  their  words.  To  Otto,  however,  is  additionally 
assigned  an  Othello  role.  Die  neue  Arria  is  similarly  modeled  on  Romeo 
and  Juliet;  Die  Zwillinge  is  most  closely  related  to  Julius  Caesar. 
Klinger's  Sturm  und  Drang  shows  traces  of  Shakespearean  dramas  but 
there  is  less  of  the  all-too-obvious  imitation. 

Simsone  Grisaldo,  1776,  was  the  first  comedy  which  Klinger  attempted. 
Its  resemblance  to  the  Shakespearean  drama  is  still  less  obvious  but 
more  essential.  The  title  character  occupies  as  central  a  position  as  that 
of  the  heroes  of  Shakespeare's  tragedies.  He  is  an  Othello  without 
jealousy,  a  Coriolanus  without  dreams  of  grandeur,  a  personage  as  well 
balanced  as  Henry  V,  in  short  a  hero  without  tragic  flaw.  The  characters 
are  arranged  on  different  plateaus,  with  the  serious  at  the  highest  level 
and  the  comic  at  the  lowest.  These  latter  have  their  counterparts  in 
Shakespeare's  comedies.  The  punishment  of  Curio  bears  a  strong  resem- 
blance to  that  of  Falstaff ,  but  also  to  that  of  Malvolio.  The  women  of  the 
play  also  resemble  the  best  of  Shakespeare's  heroines  in  their  steadfast- 
ness of  purpose  and  in  their  readiness  to  take  an  initiative.  In  its  genre 
and  in  its  underlying  ideal  Simsone  Grisaldo  has  been  justly  compared 
with  Shakespeare's  Tempest.  In  all  this  there  is  no  longer  crude  imita- 
tion. The  drama  shows  rather  that  Klinger's  taste  has  been  educated  and 
his  technique  unconsciously  improved  by  his  absorption  of  the  merits 
of  Shakespeare's  genius.44 

43  Jacobowski  [858]  15-23,  55;  Lanz  [859]  56-83. 

44  Vermeil,  E.  Simson  Grisaldo  .  .  .,  Paris,  1913,  152-184. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  253 

In  view  of  the  similarity  of  their  theories,  their  like  orientation  toward 
Shakespeare,  and  it  should  be  added,  toward  Rousseau  as  well,  one  might 
expect  the  dramas  of  Klinger  and  Lenz  to  be  highly  similar.  That  they 
are  so  different  in  total  effect  is  due  in  good  measure  to  Lenz's  close 
adherence  to  the  models  and  principles  of  Diderot  and  Mercier. 

Somewhat  later  than  Hamburg  and  Vienna,  Mannheim  gained  for 
itself  renown  as  a  Shakespeare  city.  It  came  to  the  fore  especially  in  1778 
and  1779.  Eckert  was  already  at  work  on  his  amended  edition  of  the 
Wieland-Eschenburg  translation  and  Gemmingen  had  completed  his 
Richard  III,  which  he  had  begun  out  of  vexation  with  Weisse's  tragedy 
on  the  subject.  The  Mannheim  National-Theater  was  founded  in  Sep- 
tember 1778,  and  Dalberg  soon  became  its  director.  Gemmingen  wrote 
a  Mannheimer  Dramaturgic  fur  das  Jahr  1779,  a  companion  piece  to 
Lessing's  Hamburgische  Dramaturgic  Gemmingen,  Eckert,  and  Dalberg 
were  all  interested  in  Shakespeare,  though  in  a  sober,  rational  fashion, 
but  the  young  "Stiirmer  und  Dranger,"  Maler  Muller  lived  in  Mann- 
heim, 1775-1778,  and  the  most  recent  historian  says:  "Wahrscheinlich 
ist  uberhaupt  er  es  gewesen,  der  Shakespear  in  Mannheim  eingefiihrt 
und  die  Begeisterung  fur  ihn  dort  entfesselt  hat."45  The  Seyler  company 
came  to  Mannheim  in  October,  1778,  and  played  the  Hamburg  version 
of  Hamlet  in  November.  Gemmingen  exclaimed  in  his  journal:  "Freuet 
Euch,  Ihr  Verehrer  des  Schonen,  des  Guten,  des  Erhabenen,  des  Vor- 
treflichen !  Freuet  Euch,  wieder  ein  Schritt  zur  Vollkommenheit  naher !  .  . . 
Vater  Shakespear  kam  heute  zum  ersten  Male  auf  unsere  Buhne — 
Shakespears  Hamlet  ward  gespielt."  But  Mannheim  was  soon  to  make 
its  own  important  contribution  to  the  acceptance  of  the  whole  Shake- 
speare in  Germany. 

Heinrich  Leopold  Wagner  had  gained  notoriety  rather  than  fame  with 
his  naturalistic  dramatization  of  the  Gretchen  theme,  Die  Kindermor- 
derinn,  but  as  a  critic  of  the  theater  he  was  looked  upon  with  respect.  In 
connection  with  the  Hamlet  production  Gemmingen  had  demanded  an 
unadulterated,  unsoftened  Shakespeare,  and  Wagner  was  won  over  to 
the  task  of  providing  a  Macbeth  for  the  Mannheim  stage,  the  more  easily 
perhaps  because  of  his  ire  over  the  Viennese  Macbeth  of  Stephanie  der 
Jiingere.  It  is  the  particular  merit  of  Wagner,  among  all  the  young 
"Genies"  to  have  shown  that  Shakespeare  unamended  and  with  no  con- 
cessions to  French  prescriptions  and  French  taboos  was  suitable  for  the 
German  stage.  His  adaptation  demanded  in  all  eighteen  changes  of 
scene.  Wagner  died  at  the  age  of  thirty-two  shortly  before  the  production 
of  his  Macbeth. 

45  Stahl  [670]  39. 


Chapter  XIX 

SHAKESPEARE  AND  THE  GERMAN 
CLASSIC  DRAMATISTS 

Having  noted  how  the  leading  critics  of  Germany  in  the  eighteenth 
century  opposed  Shakespeare,  or  reconciled  themselves  to  him,  or  seized 
upon  him  as  a  program,  we  have  still  to  inquire  in  what  way  Lessing, 
Goethe,  and  Schiller  were  actually  affected  by  him  in  the  creation  of  their 
dramas.  A  priori  we  might  expect  Lessing's  debt  to  be  the  heaviest,  since 
he  was  admittedly  a  liberal  borrower.  In  the  concluding  number  of  the 
Hamburgische  Dramaturgic  he  wrote: 

Ich  flihle  die  lebendige  Quelle  nicht  in  mir,  die  durch  eigene  Kraft  sich  emporar- 
beitet,  durch  eigene  Kraft  in  so  reichen,  so  frischen,  so  reinen  Strahlen  aufschiefit:  ich 
muC  alles  durch  Druckwerk  und  Rohren  aus  mir  herauf  pressen.  Ich  wtirde  so  arm, 
so  kalt,  so  kurzsichtig  seyn,  wenn  ich  nicht  einigermaaCen  gelernt  hatte,  fremde 
Schatze  bescheiden  zu  borgen,  an  fremdem  Feuer  mich  zu  warmen,  und  durch  die 
Glaser  der  Kunst  mein  Auge  zu  starken.1 

Not  only  Albrecht,  but  many  less  misguided  scholars  have  been  normally 
curious  regarding  such  "fremde  Feuer"  and  "fremde  Schatze,"  but  as 
Lessing  warned,  Shakespeare's  treasures  are  inalienable : 

Was  man  von  dem  Homer  gesagt  hat,  es  lasse  sich  dem  Herkules  eher  seine  Keule, 
als  ihm  ein  Vers  abringen,  das  lafit  sich  vollkommen  auch  von  Shakespeare  sagen. 
Auf  die  geringste  von  seinen  Schonheiten  ist  ein  Stampel  gedruckt,  welcher  gleich  der 
ganzen  Welt  zuruft;  ich  bin  Shakespeares !  Und  wehe  der  fremden  Schonheit,  die  das 
Herz  hat,  sich  neben  ihr  zu  stellen!2 

To  be  sure  one  may  borrow  from  Shakespeare,  but  only  with  caution. 
One  may  borrow  a  face,  a  figure,  or  at  most  a  group,  and  make  of  these 
an  independent  unit.  "Denn  wenn  man  den  Ermel  aus  dem  Kleide  eines 
Riesen  fur  einen  Zwerg  recht  nutzen  will,  so  mufi  man  ihm  nicht  wieder 
einen  Ermel,  sondern  einen  ganzen  Rock  daraus  machen."  No  drama  of 
Lessing  is  the  product  of  such  tailoring.  At  most  Lessing  borrowed  now 
and  then  from  Shakespeare  an  episode  or  a  situation.  Otto  Ludwig 
noted:  "Minna  und  Franziska  sind  Portia  und  Nerissa  und  der  Ring  im 
Kaufmann  hat  heriibergewirkt,"3  and  Tellheim,  denying  that  he  was  a 
mercenary,  said  (IV,  6):  "0  ja,  sagen  Sie  mir  doch  mein  Fraulein,  wie 
kam  der  Mohr  in  venetianische  Dienste?" 

It  is  not  because  of  any  specific  borrowings  that  Minna  von  Bamhelm 
seems  more  Shakespearean  than  its  contemporaries.  It  is  the  first  modern 

1  Lessing,  Schriften,  X  209. 

2  Ibid.,  X  95  f. 

3  Ludwig,  Schriften,  V  330. 

[254] 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  255 

German  drama.  A  chasm  separates  it  from  the  earlier  productions  of 
Lessing  and  from  the  moralizing  dramas  of  the  time.  The  latter  are  often 
dangerously  akin  to  morality  plays,  in  which  virtues  and  vices  are  tem- 
porarily embodied  in  human  beings.  In  Brawe's  Freygeist  the  spirit  of 
good  and  the  spirit  of  evil — impersonated  in  Granville  and  in  Henley — 
struggle  for  the  soul  of  Clerdon,  and  good  and  evil  are  similarly  imper- 
sonated in  Miss  Sara  Sampson.  The  bearers  of  these  evanescent  virtues 
have  always  to  explain  themselves.  Self-conscious,  they  appear  self- 
righteous.  In  Minna  von  Barnhelm  and  in  plays  that  we  recognize  as 
modern,  the  characters  reveal  themselves  unconsciously  and  naively.  In 
the  development  of  the  drama  this  is  a  moment  as  awesome  as  that  when 
robots  suddenly  become  human  beings.  As  Bruggemann  says: 

Diese  fangen  auf  einmal  an,  sozusagen,  von  selber  zu  laufen,  wahrend  sie  fruher 
nur  Schemen  waren,  die  vom  Dichter  vorwartsgeschoben  werden  muflten.  Dieser  ent- 
scheidende  Schritt  wird  mit  der  Minna  von  Barnhelm  getan.  Da  sind  Menschen  von 
Fleisch  und  Blut,  die  ein  eigenes  Leben  erfullt,  keine  Abstraktionen  mehr.4 

This  change  he  attributes  to  the  newly  developing  inner  life  of  the  middle 
class.  Its  individuals  had  trained  themselves  to  note  the  operations  of 
their  own  feelings  and  those  of  others.  But  how  can  an  individual  be- 
come naive  by  any  amount  of  accurate  self-observation!  It  is  more 
probable  that  Lessing  had  acquired  the  new  tone  in  part  from  the  Eng- 
lish dramas  he  had  been  reading,  particularly  Shakespeare's.  So  it  seemed 
to  Ebert  at  the  time.  He  wrote  to  Lessing:  "Selbst  die  comischen  Scenen 
oder  Ztige  [in  Emilia  Galotti]  haben  eine  ahnliche  Empfindung  mit  der 
bei  mir  hervorgebracht,  die  ich  einmal  bey  Durchlesung  der  ersten  Scene 
ihrer  Minna  hatte.  O  Shakespear-Lessing !  Zu  andern,  als  Ihnen,  wiirde 
ich  vielleicht  noch  mehr  sagen."5  And  Otto  Ludwig  noted  in  Emilia 
Galotti  "viel  Shakespearsches,  z.  B.  die  meisterhafte  Emanzipation  vom 
Kathechismus  in  Dialoge,  das  Freimachen  der  Figuren,"6  but  Emilia 
Galotti  is  essentially  more  rationalistic  and  less  Shakespearean  than 
Minna  von  Barnhelm  and  other  critics  have  found  it  so.  In  defense  of  his 
Gotz  Goethe  wrote  to  Herder:  <l Emilia  Galotti  ist  auch  nur  gedacht  .  .  . 
mit  halbweg  Menschenverstand,  kann  man  das  Warum  von  jeder  Scene, 
von  jedem  Wort  mocht'  ich  sagen,  auffinden,"7  and  even  Otto  Ludwig 
had  to  admit:  "Lessing  in  der  Emilia  hat  den  Verstand  zum  Medium 
zwischen  dem  Dichter  und  Zuschauer  gemacht."8  In  the  measure  that 

4  Bruggemann  in  Euphorion,  XXVI  (1925)  893. 

5  Lessing,  Schriften,  XX  151  f. 

6  Ludwig,  Schriften,  V  328. 

7  Goethe,  Werke,  IV  (2)  19. 

8  Ludwig,  Schriften,  V  329. 


256      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

the  characters  in  Emilia  Galotti  were  the  bearers  of  a  political  idea,  their 
spontaneity  suffered.  Moreover  it  must  be  remembered  that  its  begin- 
nings antedated  Minna  by  several  years. 

Still  more  definitely  "gedacht"  is  Nathan  der  Weise.  Here  the  charac- 
ters exist  chiefly  to  represent  the  merits  and  defects  of  their  respective 
religions,  and  above  all  the  beauty  of  toleration.  It  is  from  Nathan  der 
Weise  that  Gundolf  drew  his  best  example  of  the  un-Shakespearean 
quality  of  Lessing's  style.  In  the  monolog  "To  be  or  not  to  be"  each  suc- 
cessive wave  of  thought  bears  with  it  a  suggestion  that  rolls  into  the 
next  one,  yet  all  of  them  heighten  the  effect  of  the  ground  swell  of  emo- 
tion. For  Lessing  the  monolog  of  the  "Tempelherr"  is  characteristic.  He 
seems  to  dissect  each  thought  into  its  parts  and  rejoin  their  parts  in  the 
fashion  of  one  debating  with  himself  or  an  imaginary  opponent.  It  is 
impossible,  Gundolf  said,  somewhat  too  drastically,  to  draw  a  parallel 
between  Lessing  and  Shakespeare.  "[Sie]  haben  so  wenig  mit  einander 
zu  tun,  wie  eine  Maschine,  wo  ein  Rad  kliiglich  ins  andere  greift,  mit 
einem  lebendigen  Gewachs.  Lessings  Dramen  sind  gemacht:  kein  Wort 
darin,  das  nicht  seinen  Zweck  hatte  und  erfiillte.  Shakespeares  Werke 
sind  Geburten."9 

In  his  speech  Zurn  Schakespears  Tag  at  Frankfurt  Goethe  exclaimed : 
"Die  erste  Seite,  die  ich  in  ihm  las,  machte  mich  auf  Zeitlebens  ihm 
eigen."10  Obviously  Goethe  was  recapturing  his  impressions  on  reading 
Dodd's  Beauties  of  Shakespeare  in  Leipzig,  but  he  was  also  recalling  his 
experiences  at  Strassburg,  where  so  much  happened  all  at  once  that  it 
was  not  easy  for  him  to  distinguish  cause  and  effect.  Here  he  fell  for  a 
time  under  Herder's  personal  influence,  rediscovered  Shakespeare,  and 
discovered  his  own  creative  nature  as  well,  and  since  appreciation  and 
creative  self-expression  were  so  nearly  identical  with  him,  one  may  say 
that  it  was  here  that  Goethe  became  "auf  Zeitlebens  Shakespeare  eigen." 
But  in  Strassburg  two  different  attitudes  toward  Shakespeare  were  in 
vogue.  Herder  looked  up  to  him  as  to  a  demigod  "hoch  auf  einem  Felsen- 
gipfel  sitzend!  zu  seinen  FuJten  Sturm,  Ungewitter  und  Brausen  des 
Meeres;  aber  sein  Haupt  in  den  Strahlen  des  Himmels."11  The  young 
geniuses,  on  the  other  hand,  made  him  one  of  themselves,  found  delight 
in  his  quibbles  and  vied  with  him  "durch  tjbersetzung  .  .  .  ja  durch 
originalen  Muthwillen."12 

There  is  a  little  of  both  these  attitudes  in  Goethe's  Zum  Schakespears 
Tag,  but  more  of  the  latter  when  Goethe  offers  himself  to  Shakespeare 
as  a  friend:  "Shakespeare,  mein  Freund,  wenn  du  noch  unter  uns  warest, 

9  Gundolf  [652  ]2  147,  143.  u  Herder,  Werke,  V  208.  Cf.  Price  [324]. 

10  Goethe,  Werke,  I  (37)  130.  12  Goethe,  Werke,  I  (28)  75. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  257 

ich  konnte  nirgend  leben  als  mit  dir,  wie  gern  wollt  ich  die  Nebenrolle 
eines  Pylades  spielen,  wenn  du  Orest  warst,"  but  he  further  declared  with 
due  veneration : 

Shakespeares  Theater  ist  ein  schoner  Raritaten  Kasten,  in  dem  die  Geschichte  der 
Welt  vor  unsern  Augen  an  dem  unsichtbaaren  Faden  der  Zeit  vorbeywallt.  Seine 
Plane  sind,  nach  dem  gemeinen  Styl  zu  reden,  keine  Plane,  aber  seine  Stiicke  drehen 
sich  alle  um  den  geheimen  Punckt,  den  noch  kein  Philosoph  gesehen  und  bestimmt 
hat,  in  dem  das  Eigenthiimliche  unsres  Ich's,  die  pratendierte  Freyheit  unsres  Willens, 
mit  dem  nothwendigen  Gang  des  Ganzen  zusammenstofSt.13 

Under  the  spell  of  such  a  Shakespeare  Goethe  wrote  the  first  draft  of 
his  Gotz  von  Berlichingen  and  sent  it  to  Herder  for  approval.  Herder's 
long  delayed  and  later  lost  reply  seems  to  have  included  the  censure: 
"Shakespeare  hat  euch  ganz  verdorben."14  But  Goethe  had  not  surren- 
dered his  own  individuality  to  ape  Shakespeare.  In  Gotz  there  is  much 
to  distinguish  the  apprentice  from  his  supposed  master.  Goethe's  main 
characters  are  more  given  to  contemplation  and  undramatic  meditation 
than  Shakespeare's.  Not  even  the  monologue  of  Hamlet  may  be  cited 
against  this,  for  the  delay  of  Hamlet  was  a  part  of  the  plot  of  the  drama. 
Again  Goethe's  historical  conscience  was  more  sensitive  than  Shake- 
speare's. For  that  reason  his  creative  work  was  restricted  to  the  periods 
he  knew  best:  classic  Greek  antiquity,  the  Renaissance,  and  the  later 
Middle  Ages.  Goethe's  own  Caesar  remained  incomplete,  perhaps  in  part 
because  of  his  historical  conscience.  Shakespeare's  Caesar  satisfied  him 
incompletely.  "Man  sagt  er  habe  Romer  vortrefflich  dargestellt.  Ich 
finde  es  nicht,  es  sind  lauter  eingefleischte  Englander,  aber  freilich 
Menschen  sind  es  von  Grund  aus."15  If  our  first  impression  of  Julius 
Caesar  had  been  derived  from  seeing  it  played  on  the  undecorated  old 
English  stage  we  might  well  agree  with  him. 

Herder  had  said  of  Shakespeare:  "Er  nahm  Geschichte,  wie  er  sie  fand, 
und  setzte  mit  Schopfergeist  das  verschiedenartigste  Zeug  zu  einem 
Wunderganzen  zusammen,"16  and  Goethe  said:  "Seine  Plane  sind,  nach 
dem  gemeinen  Styl  zu  reden,  keine  Plane."17  With  its  original  title,  Ge- 
schichte Gottfriedens  von  Berlichingen  mit  der  eisernen  Hand,  Goethe's 
drama  challenges  comparison  with  Shakespeare's  histories,  and  it  is  pre- 
cisely with  these  dramas  that  parallels  are  most  frequent,18  but  held 
together  as  it  is  by  the  Gotz-Weislingen  plot,  Gotz  has  as  much  unity  of 
action  as  many  a  historical  play  of  Shakespeare.  At  first  glance  Gotz  with 

13  Ibid.,  I  (37)  133. 

14  Ibid.,  IV  (2)  19. 

15  Eckermann,  Gesprdche,  271;  January  31,  1827.  Cf.  Eckert  [815]  47  f. 

16  Herder,  Werke,  V  218  f. 

17  Goethe,  Werke,  I  (39)  133. 
18Schoffler  [459]  18. 


258      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

its  many  changes  of  scene — fifty-nine  in  the  first  version  and  fifty-six  in 
the  second — seems  to  try  to  out-Shakespeare  Shakespeare,  but  not  out 
of  sheer  bravado.  In  most  of  the  acts  a  moderate  tempo  is  observed,  and 
there  is  a  definite  artistic  purpose  in  the  massing  of  the  twenty-two 
breathless  scenes  of  the  third  act.  At  the  end  of  the  drama  one  has  the 
feeling  of  having  lived  through  many  active  years  of  Gotz's  life,  for  not 
only  Gotz,  but  also  Georg  and  Karl  have  visibly  aged  before  our  eyes,19 
yet  the  time  elapsed  can  be  reckoned  by  months  instead  of  by  years. 
Such  wizardry  with  the  time  element  is  characteristic  of  Shakespeare 
as  well. 

The  language  of  Gotz  is  at  times  Shakespearean.  This  is  partly  affecta- 
tion on  Goethe's  part,  but  partly  second  nature.  The  young  geniuses  at 
Strassburg  had  schooled  themselves  in  Shakespeare's  manner  of  thought 
and  expression.  The  affectation  is  more  restrained  in  the  second  version 
of  Gotz.  Despite  the  Wieland  translation,  Goethe  was  not  under  the  illu- 
sion that  Shakespeare's  dramas  might  well  have  been  written  in  prose.  He 
chose  the  more  difficult  prose  form  deliberately  as  being  more  effective 
and  more  hospitable  to  the  quaint  turns  of  the  "Lebensbeschreibung." 
While  mindful  of  Lady  Macbeth  and  Shakespeare's  clowns,  one  may  still 
say  that  even  the  characters  of  Adelheid  and  Liebetraut  are  basically 
original. 

No  later  work  of  Goethe  is  as  Shakespearean  as  Gotz,  but  Goethe  him- 
self included  Egmont  in  his  Shakespearean  epoch.  To  Eckermann  he 
said:  "Ich.  tat  wohl,  daB  ich  durch  meinen  Gotz  von  Berlichingen  und 
Egmont  ihn  mir  von  Halse  schaffte."20  But  what  did  Goethe  conceive  to 
be  the  essence  of  the  Shakespearean  drama?  In  Dichtung  und  Wahrheit 
he  records:  "Durch  die  fortdauernde  Theilnahme  an  Shakespeare's  Wer- 
ken  hatte  ich  mir  den  Geist  so  ausgeweitet,  daB  mir  der  enge  Biihnen- 
raum  und  die  kurze,  einer  Vorstellung  zugemessene  Zeit  keineswegs  hin- 
langlich  schienen,  um  etwas  Bedeutendes  vorzutragen."-1  Breadth  of 
action  Egmont  has  in  common  with  the  Shakespearean  drama  and  but 
little  more.  It  is  a  character  drama,  and  subjectively  so,  for  it  represents 
Goethe's  "daimon"-driven  conception  of  himself  at  the  moment  it  was 
written.  Iphigenia  and  Tasso  mark  distinctly  the  break  from  Shakespeare. 

Faust  with  its  concept,  man  ever  striving  toward  higher  spiritual 
realms,  with  its  incorporation  of  metaphysical  forces,  with  its  alle- 
gorical significance,  is  fundamentally  un-Shakespearean.  Tempest  alone 
of  Shakespeare's  works  remotely  resembles  it  and  there  is  no  sufficient 

19  Cf.  Meyer-Benfey  [817]  79  f. 

20  Eckermann,  Gesprdche,  212;  December  25,  1825. 

21  Goethe,  Werke,  I  (28)  197. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  259 

evidence  that  Shakespeare's  philosophic  testament  ever  made  a  deep 
impression  on  Goethe.  Hamlet  had  a  far-reaching  significance  in  the  com- 
position of  Werther,  and  Wilhelm  Meister  bears  poetic  testimony  to  the 
impression  that  Hamlet  made  upon  Goethe.  Even  in  the  Theatralische 
Sendung  Wilhelm  had  said  of  Shakespeare's  dramas:  "Die  kostlichen 
Stiicke  scheinen  das  Werk  eines  himmlischen  Genius  zu  sein,  der  sich  den 
Menschen  nahert,  um  sie  mit  sich  selbst  auf  die  gelindeste  Weise  bekannt 
zumachen."22 

Goethe  felt  the  dominating  influence  of  Shakespeare  throughout  his 
life  and  referred  to  him  in  his  later  years  as  "ein  Wesen  hoherer  Art,  zu 
dem  ich  hinaufblicke  und  das  ich  zu  verehren  habe."23  He  said:  "Er  ist 
gar  zu  reich  und  zu  gewaltig.  Eine  produktive  Natur  darf  alle  Jahre  nur 
ein  Stuck  von  ihm  lesen,  wenn  sie  nicht  an  ihm  zugrunde  gehen  will."20 
Next  after  the  influence  of  women  Shakespeare  was  perhaps  the  most 
important  constant  dominant  in  Goethe's  life,  and  he  wrote  gratefully 
of  Shakespeare  and  Frau  von  Stein : 

Einer  Einzigen  angehoren, 
Einen  Einzigen  verehren 
Wie  vereint  es  Herz  und  Sinn! 
Lida!  Gluck  der  nachsten  Nahe, 
William!  Stern  der  schonsten  Hohe, 
Euch  verdank'  ich,  was  ich  bin; 
Tag'  und  Jahre  sind  verschwunden, 
Und  doch  ruht  auf  jenen  Stunden 
Meines  Werthes  Vollgewinn.24 


To  use  the  distinctions  of  Gundolf  again,  Lessing  had  interpreted 
Shakespeare  as  a  "Vernunftganzes,"  Goethe  as  a  "Naturganzes,"  Schiller 
as  a  "Moralganzes."25  An  influence  of  Shakespeare  on  Schiller  was  an 
impossibility  from  the  outset  because  of  their  two  fundamentally  different 
views  of  life.  Schiller  erroneously  understood  Shakespeare  to  believe  that 
the  things  of  this  earth  are  but  counterparts  of  the  metaphysical  order. 
He  read  Macbeth,  Caesar,  and  Lear  in  the  belief  that  they  represented  the 
justice  of  God  to  man,  and  thus,  he  reduced  human  fate  to  secondary  sig- 
nificance ;  but  precisely  this  distortion  rendered  Shakespeare  fully  accept- 
able to  the  German  public.  The  masses  were  led  a  step  upward  toward 
Shakespeare,  and  Shakespeare  was  brought  down  several  stages  toward 
the  public. 

22  Ibid.,  I  (52)  160. 

23  Eckermann,  Gesprache,  17;  March  30,  1824. 

24  Goethe,  Werke,  I  (3)  45. 

25  Gundolf  [ 652  ]2  288. 


260      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

It  was  Professor  Abel  of  the  Karlsschule  who  first  made  Shakespeare 
known  to  Schiller  and  he  has  left  a  record  of  the  event : 

Ich  war  gewohnt  bei  Erklarung  psychologischer  Begriffe  Stellen  aus  Dichtern  vor- 
zulesen,  um  das  Vorgetragene  anschaulicher  und  interessanter  zu  machen;  dieses  tat 
ich  insbesondere  auch,  als  ich  den  Kampf  der  Pflicht  mit  der  Leidenschaft  oder  einer 
Leidenschaft  mit  einer  andern  Leidenschaft  erklarte,  welchen  anschaulicher  zu  ma- 
chen ich  einige  der  schonsten,  hierher  passenden  Stellen  aus  Shakespeares  Othello  nach 
der  Wielandschen  Ubersetzung  vorlas.  Schiller  war  ganz  Ohr,  alle  Ziige  seines  Gesichts 
driickten  die  Gefiihle  aus,  von  denen  er  durchdrungen  war,  und  kaum  war  die  Vor- 
lesung  vollendet,  so  begehrte  er  das  Buch  von  mir  und  von  nun  an  las  und  studierte 
er  dasselbe  mit  ununterbrochenem  Eifer.26 

Schiller  was  at  once  enthralled  by  the  conflicts  in  the  dramas  and  re- 
pelled by  Shakespeare's  aloofness.  As  a  mature  philosopher  he  confessed 
in  his  essay  Uber  naive  und  sentvmentalische  Dichtung: 

Als  ich  in  einem  sehr  friihen  Alter  [Shakespeare]  zuerst  kennen  lernte,  emporte 
mich  seine  Kalte,  seine  Unempfindlichkeit,  die  ihm  erlaubte,  im  hochsten  Pathos  zu 
scherzen,  die  herzzerschneidenden  Auftritte  im  Hamlet,  im  Konig  Lear,  im  Macbeth 
usf.  durch  einen  Narren  zu  storen,  die  ihn  bald  da  festhielt,  wo  meine  Empfindung 
forteilte,  bald  da  kaltherzig  fortrifi,  wo  das  Herz  so  gern  stillgestanden  ware.  Durch 
die  Bekanntschaft  mit  neueren  Poeten  verleitet,  in  dem  Werke,  den  Dichter  zuerst 
aufzusuchen,  seinem  Herzen  zu  begegnen,  mit  ihm  gemeinschaftlich  liber  seinen 
Gegenstand  zu  reflektieren;  kurz,  das  Objekt  in  dem  Subjekt  anzuschauen,  war  es 
mir  unertraglich,  dafi  der  Poet  sich  hier  gar  nirgends  fassen  liefi  und  mir  nirgends 
Rede  stehen  wollte.  Mehrere  Jahre  hatte  er  schon  meine  ganze  Verehrung  und  war 
mein  Studium,  ehe  ich  sein  Individuum  lieb  gewinnen  lernte.  Ich  war  noch  nicht  fahig, 
die  Natur  aus  der  ersten  Hand  zu  verstehen.  Nur  ihr  durch  den  Verstand  reflektiertes 
und  durch  die  Regel  zurechtgelegtes  Bild  konnte  ich  ertragen,  und  dazu  waren  die 
sentimentalischen  Dichter  der  Franzosen  und  auch  der  Deutschen,  von  den  Jahren 
1750  bis  etwa  1780,  gerade  die  rechten  Subjekte.  tlbrigens  schame  ich  mich  dieses 
Kinderurteils  nicht,  da  die  bejahrte  Kritik  ein  ahnliches  fallte  und  naiv  genug  war,  es 
in  die  Welt  hineinzuschreiben.27 

Schiller  appears  more  conscious  of  such  a  change  of  view  than  have 
been  his  critics,  who  have  noted  little  effect  thereof  in  his  dramatic  work. 
His  continued  moral  interpretation  has  found  little  mercy  at  their  hands. 
They  record  without  indignation  that  the  "Sturm  und  Drang"  represent- 
atives conceived  of  Shakespeare  as  the  poet  who  brooked  no  rules,  that 
the  romanticists  conceived  of  him  as  the  poet  of  unbridled  phantasy,  but 
who  is  there  to  condone  the  error  of  the  humanitarian  Schiller  in  inter- 
preting Shakespeare  in  the  light  of  the  good,  the  beautiful,  and  true? 
Schiller  excluded  himself  from  any  comparison  with  Shakespeare.  Poets, 
he  said,  were  by  nature,  "Bewahrer  der  Natur,"  but  they  fell  into 
groups — the  naive  and  the  sentimental.  "Sie  werden  also  die  Natur  sein, 

26  Schiller,  Gesprache,  ed.  J.  Petersen,  Leipzig,  1911,  25. 

27  Schiller,  Werke,  XVII  500. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  261 

oder  sie  werden  die  verlorene  suchen."28  Hence  comparisons  between  the 
naive  Shakespeare  and  the  sentimental  Schiller  can  only  concern  them- 
selves with  externals. 

Schiller's  first  opportunity  to  see  Shakespeare  on  the  stage  came  in 
1778,  when  the  actor  Schikaneder  came  to  Stuttgart  with  his  troupe  and 
played  Richard  III,  Romeo  and  Juliet,  Hamlet,  and  Lear.  All  other 
models  forthwith  dropped  into  the  background.  Die  Rauber  shows  the 
Shakespearean  influence  with  less  affectation  than  Goethe's  Gotz,  for  the 
reason  that  Schiller  had  no  previously  acquired  French  technique  to 
overcome.  In  an  introduction  to  Die  Rauber,  1781,  Schiller  calls  his  work 
"einen  dramatischen  Roman,"  thus  freeing  himself  from  certain  restric- 
tions, as  Goethe  had  with  his  Geschichte  Gottfriedens  von  Berlichingen, 
dramatisiert  and  meriting,  though  not  gaining,  Goethe's  sanction  for  the 
form  he  adopted,  yet  in  reality  Schiller  no  doubt  thought  of  Die  Rauber 
as  a  play,  when  he  declaimed  it  to  his  companions  by  moonlight  in  the 
woods  about  the  "Solitude." 

The  characters  of  Shakespeare's  dramas  had  already  become  objective 
realities  to  Schiller's  mind.  In  his  dissertation,  Versuch  uber  den  Zusam- 
menhang  der  thierischen  Natur  des  Menschen  mit  seiner  geistigen,  he  had 
analyzed  the  influence  of  physical  disturbances  upon  the  body,  using  as 
examples  Cassius,  Richard  III,  and  Lady  Macbeth,  treating  them  as 
actual  cases,  and  slyly  adding  to  the  group  his  own  Franz  Moor,  citing 
as  his  authority  the  English  work,  Krake's  Life  of  Moor.29 

In  an  anonymous  criticism  of  Die  Rauber,  published  after  it  had  been 
played  at  Mannheim,  Schiller  claimed  for  his  Franz  Moor  the  sanction 
of  Shakespeare:  "Einen  iiberlegenen  Schurken  dergleichen  Franz,  der 
jiingere  Moor,  ist,  auf  die  Buhne  zu  bringen  .  .  .  hemt  mehr  gewagt,  als 
das  Ansehen  Shakespeares,  des  groflten  Menschenmalers,  der  einen  Iago 
und  Richard  erschuf,  entschuldigen  .  .  .  kann."30  Schiller  furthermore 
claimed  Richard  III  as  a  prototype  for  Franz  in  the  introduction  to  Die 
Rauber:  "Shakespeares  Richard  III  hat  so  gewilS  am  Leser  einen  Bewun- 
derer,  als  er  auch  ihn  hassen  wiirde,  wenn  er  ihm  vor  der  Sonne  stiinde."31 
In  the  drama  itself  Richard  is  also  mentioned.  Pastor  Moser  says  to 
Franz  (V,  1) :  "Ich  will  an  Eurem  Bette  stehen,  wenn  Ihr  sterbet.  Hiitet 
Euch  dann,  o  hiitet  Euch  ja,  dafS  Ihr  da  nicht  ausseht,  wie  Richard  und 
Nero."  Elsewhere  there  are  traits  of  Iago  as  well  in  Die  Rauber,  yet  with 
all  this  ballast  Franz  is  intended  to  serve  as  little  more  than  a  foil  to  his 
nobler  and  more  desperate  brother. 

28  Ibid.,  XVII  449. 

29  Ibid.,  XVII  133-135. 

30  Ibid.,  XIX  63  f. 

31  Ibid.,  IV  51. 


262      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Fiesco,  too,  is  related  to  Shakespeare's  tragedies.  Hamlet,  Othello, 
Coriolanus,  Julius  Caesar  all  have  left  their  mark,  but  the  relationship 
is  more  elusive.  As  Petersen  has  said,  it  is  "mehr  die  auISeren  Gebarden 
als  der  innere  Schwerpunkt,  mehr  die  Szenerie  als  die  Handlung,  mehr 
das  Motiv  als  die  Motivierung."32  In  Don  Carlos  he  discovers  a  third 
stage  of  development.  In  Die  Rduber  we  find  much  of  Shakespeare's 
rhetoric,  in  Fiesco  much  of  his  theatrical  art,  but  in  Don  Carlos  something 
of  his  method  of  character  development,33  and  it  is  a  fact  that  Schiller 
borrowed  from  the  library  in  Meiningen  Othello  and  Romeo  and  Juliet  by 
way  of  preparation  for  his  third  drama.34  Schiller  himself  admitted: 
"Carlos  hat  .  .  .  von  Shakespeares  Hamlet  die  Seele,  Blut  und  Nerven 
von  Leisewitz's  Julius  und  den  Puis  von  mir."35  The  disillusioned  Schiller 
in  Bauerbach  was  in  a  frame  of  mind  to  appreciate  Timon  of  Athens:  "So 
gewiB  ich  den  Menschen  vor  allem  anderen  in  Shakespeare  aufsuche,  so 
gewilS  weifJ  ich  im  ganzen  Shakespeare  kein  Stuck,  wo  er  wahrhaftiger 
vor  mir  stiinde,  wo  er  lauter  und  beredter  zu  meinem  Herzen  sprache, 
wo  ich  mehr  Lebensweisheit  lernte,  als  in  Timon  von  Athen."36  This  helps 
to  account  for  the  fact  that  Philipp  became  more  than  a  stereotyped 
tyrant,  that  he  became  a  lonely  and  powerful  figure,  more  than  a  foil 
to  the  melancholy  Carlos. 

The  study  of  history  did  not  take  Schiller  away  from  the  drama,  since 
"Weltgeschichte"  and  "Weltgericht"  were  for  him  identical.  He  divided 
his  history  of  the  Thirty  Years'  War  into  dramatic  scenes,  and  he  later 
drew  upon  its  subject  matter  for  a  drama,  but  before  he  wrote  his  Wallen- 
stein  he  had  studied  the  philosophy  of  Kant  and  had  tried  to  make  him- 
self at  home  in  the  Greek  atmosphere.  This  occurred  in  the  best  days  of 
his  friendship  with  Goethe.  The  two  poets  studied  Aristotle  and  Shake- 
speare together  and  Schiller  proposed  a  series  of  versions  of  Shakespear- 
ean plays,  particularly  the  historical  dramas,  for  the  Weimar  stage. 
"Der  Mlihe  ware  es  wahrhaftig  werth  .  .  .  Eine  Epoche  konnte  dadurch 
eingeleitet  werden."37  And  Schiller  was  right,  for  while  Schroder's  versions 
of  Hamlet,  Lear,  and  Othello  had  simply  brought  these  plays  down  to  the 
bourgeois  level,  the  production  of  the  historical  plays  of  Shakespeare  in 
Weimar,  however  badly  they  may  have  been  mutilated,  helped  to  usher 
in  the  classical  period  of  the  German  drama.  They  marked  a  turning 
point  in  Schiller's  dramatic  career.  Through  them  he  gained  a  new  con- 
ception of  Shakespeare,  one  that  he  was  able  to  reconcile  with  the  theory 

32  Petersen  [888]  151. 

33  Ibid.,  152. 

34  Schiller,  Brief e,  I  85. 
36  Ibid..  I  115. 

36  Schiller,  Werke,  XVII  172. 

37  Schiller,  Briefe,  V  292. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  263 

of  Aristotle,  and  found  an  answer  to  the  question  which  seems  to  have 
confounded  Lessing.  In  1781  Schiller  had  taken  exception  to  Richard- 
son's "abstrakte  Menschen."38  On  April  4,  1797,  he  still  found  Shake- 
speare's practice  to  be  in  opposition  to  that  of  the  Greeks,  for  the  Greeks 
were  wont  to  bring  upon  the  stage  more  or  less  idealized  masks.39  Three 
days  later  he  found  that  the  masses  of  the  people  as  represented  in  Julius 
Caesar  were  poetic  abstractions  rather  than  individuals,  adding:  "und 
darum  finde  ich  ihn  [Shakespeare]  hier  den  Griechen  aulterst  nah."40 
Toward  the  end  of  November  he  is  marveling  at  Shakespeare's  art  in 
using  symbols  "wo  die  Natur  nicht  kann  dargestellt  werden,"  and  he 
finds  a  prime  example  of  this  in  Richard  III:  "Kein  Shakespearisches 
Stuck  hat  mich  so  sehr  an  die  griechische  Tragodie  erinnert."37 

That  was  precisely  what  Schiller  sought  for  his  Wallenstein — a  recon- 
ciliation of  the  Greek  drama  with  the  Shakespearean.  "Das  epische  Ge- 
dicht  von  Goethen  .  .  .  hat,  verbunden  mit  der  Lecture  des  Shakespeares 
und  Sophokles,  die  mich  seit  mehreren  Wochen  beschaftigt,  auch  fur 
meinen  Wallenstein  grofie  Folgen."41  With  the  result  he  was,  to  be  sure, 
not  wholly  satisfied:  "Das  eigentliche  Schicksal  thut  noch  zu  wenig,  und 
der  eigne  Fehler  des  Helden  noch  zu  viel  zu  seinem  Ungluck,"  but  he 
adds:  "Mich  trostet  hier  einigermaa!5en  das  Beyspiel  des  Macbeth,  wo  das 
Schicksal  ebenfalls  weit  weniger  Schuld  hat  als  der  Mensch,  daI5  er  zu- 
grunde  geht."42  The  numerous  parallels  of  phrases,  character,  and  situa- 
tion between  Wallenstein  and  other  Shakespearean  plays  as  well  as  with 
Macbeth  need  not  be  recalled  at  this  point.  Koster  has  said  that  except 
perhaps  for  Julius  Caesar  no  other  drama  of  Shakespeare  made  such  a 
deep  impression  on  Schiller  as  Macbeth. A3  Its  imprint  may  be  seen  in  the 
beginning,  at  the  height,  and  at  the  end  of  Schiller's  literary  career. 

Undaunted  by  his  failure  in  Wallenstein  to  find  the  perfect  synthesis 
of  the  Greek  and  Shakespearean  drama,  Schiller  continued  his  effort  in 
the  next  four  plays,  but  of  these  the  first  and  third,  Maria  Stuart  and  Die 
Braut  von  Messina,  lean  toward  the  Greek  drama,  while  Die  Jungfrau 
von  Orleans  and  Wilhelm  Tell  incline  toward  Shakespeare.  To  the  theme, 
Joan  of  Arc,  Schiller  seems  to  have  been  led  chiefly  by  Shakespeare, 
whom  he  sometimes  parallels  closely,  or  responds  to  with  passage  for 
passage.44  Of  especial  interest  in  Die  Braut  von  Messina  is  the  introduc- 

38  See  p.  191,  above. 

39  Schiller,  Brief e,  V  168. 

40  Ibid.,  V  173. 

41  Ibid.,  V  171. 

42  Ibid.,  V  119  f. 

43  Koster  [902]  75. 

44  Cf.  Die  Jungfrau  von  Orleans  I  10,  II  10  and  King  Henry  VI I  2,  III  2. 


264      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

tion  of  the  old  Greek  chorus  which,  Schiller  said,  might  have  been  used 
advantageously  by  Shakespeare,  but  such  a  course  would  have  exposed 
the  dramatic  poverty  of  the  French  tragedy,  since  the  chorus  forces  the 
poet  "seinem  Gemalde  die  tragische  Grofie  zu  geben."45 

While  Schiller  was  at  work  on  his  Wilhelm  Tell,  Schlegel's  translation 
of  Julius  Caesar  was  performed  on  the  Weimar  stage,  October  1,  1803. 46 
Schiller  found  in  this  play  "Interesse  der  Handlung,  Abwechslung  und 
Reichtum,  Gewalt  der  Leidenschaft  und  sinnliches  Leben,"  and  added: 
"Fiir  meinen  Tell  ist  mir  das  Stuck  von  unschazbarem  Wert,  mein 
Schifflein  wird  auch  dadurch  gehoben.  Er  hat  mich  gieich  gestern  in  die 
thatigste  Stimmung  gesetzt."47 

Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  Schiller  was  conscious  of  Shakespeare  through- 
out his  dramatic  career.  In  his  earliest  plays  he  found  in  Shakespeare 
suggestions  for  characters,  situations,  and  method  of  dramatic  expression. 
In  his  final  years  Shakespeare  was  for  him  a  problem  of  inner  form  never 
completely  solved.  The  unfinished  Demetrius  would  no  doubt  have 
brought  him  nearer  to  his  goal,  or  at  least  placed  his  relation  to  Shake- 
speare in  a  more  advantageous  light,  yet  Schiller  never  understood 
Shakespeare  correctly,  and  his  misunderstanding  brought  good  and  harm 
to  the  German  public.  Shakespeare  accepted  the  world  as  it  is,  with  its 
meaning  only  in  itself.  Schiller  understood  Shakespeare  to  agree  with 
him  that  the  things  of  this  earth  are  but  counterparts  of  a  higher  world 
order.  This  discrepancy  has  been  brilliantly  defined  by  Gundolf : 

Shakespeares  Menschen  sind  .  .  .  Geschopfe,  die  aus  ihrer  Wirklichkeit  heraus 
leidenschaftlich  wollen  .  .  .  und  dadurch  mit  andern  Teilen  der  Wirklichkeit  in  Wider- 
streit  geraten.  Dieser  Widerstreit  ist  ihr  Schicksal.  Die  Menschen  von  Schillers 
Shakespeare  sind  isolierte  Geschopfe,  die  entweder  gegen  oder  fur  jene  moralische 
Weltordnung  .  .  .  wollen  und  handeln  und  dadurch  in  Schuld  oder  Unschuld  treten . .  . 
Bei  Shakespeare  ist  die  Weltgeschichte  der  Komplex  der  Taten,  Leiden  und  Ge- 
schicke.  Nach  Schiller  ware  sie  das  Weltgericht .  .  . 

Shakespeare  sah  im  Untergang  keinen  Richterspruch,  auch  kannte  er  kein  Gut  und 
Bose  fur  alle  Falle. .  .  .  Die  Moral  ist  fur  Shakespeare  eine  der  Wirklichkeiten  der  Welt 
wie  andere  auch,  und  nicht  immer  siegreich.  Dummheit,  Bosheit,  Genie,  Schonheit, 
Kraft  usw.  sind  oft  gerade  so  machtig  oder  machtiger.  .  .  .  Seine  Figuren  siegen  oder 
fallen  nie,  um  dem  oder  jenem  Sittengesetz  zu  gentigen,  sondern  weil  der  Kampf 
zwischen  Wirklichkeiten  ein  erschiitterndes,  erhebendes  oder  erheiterndes  Schauspiel 
ist  fur  den  Gott.  .  .  .  Man  muB  schon  vollig  durch  Schillerische  Aesthetik  verbildet, 
unbefangenen  Gefuhls  beraubt  sein,  wenn  man  am  Schlufi  des  Ccisar,  des  Antonius, 
des  Lear  statt  der  tragischen  Erhebung  oder  Erschutterung  iiber  die  Groflheit,  Gewalt 
und  Furchtbarkeit  des  Weltgeschehens  ein  moralisches  Behagen  empfindet  iiber  die 
gottliche  Gerechtigkeit.  .  .  .  Doch  Schiller  las  alle  diese  Stiicke  in  dem  Sinn  als  handle 
es  sich  um  einen  Prozess  zwischen  Gut  und  Bose,  der  vor  dem  Richterstuhl  der  sitt- 
lichen  Nemesis  sich  abspiele.48 

45  Schiller,  Werke,  Stuttgart,  1904,  XVI  126.  47  Schiller,  Brief e,  VII  81. 

46  Cf.  p.  266  f.,  below.  «  Gundolf  [652]2  290-293. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  265 

Schiller,  Gimdolf  said,  "verwandelte  alles,  was  [bei  Shakespeare]  Ur- 
kraft  oder  Gestalt  war,  in  Ideen,  in  ein  Mittelding  zwischen  Leben  und 
Denken."  It  was  this  which  brought  Shakespeare  part  way  down  to  the 
level  of  the  people  and  elevated  the  people  part  way  up  to  Shakespeare's 
height : 

Was  Goethes  Gotz  nicht  vermocht,  geschweige  Herders  Werben  noch  Lessings 
Fackel  noch  Wielands  und  Eschenburgs  Dolmetschung  noch  Schrdders  entgegen- 
kommende  Verstiimmelung :  das  haben  Schillers  Dramen  vermocht.  Durch  Schiller 
haben  erst  die  Deutschen  in  ihrer  Gesamtheit  Licht  und  Warme  der  dramatischen 
Zentralsonne  empfangen.49 

Seven  months  after  Goethe  became  director  of  the  theater  in  Weimar 
he  presented  on  the  stage,  November  29,  1791,  Leben  und  Tod  des  Konigs 
Johann.  It  was  the  first  production  of  this  tragedy  in  Germany  and  also 
of  any  Shakespearean  play  in  Germany  without  adaptation.  A  few  all- 
too-free  passages  were  stricken  out  and  minor  portions  of  minor  roles, 
but  the  text  was  essentially  Shakespeare's  own.  For  the  role  of  Prince 
Arthur,  Goethe  trained  personally  the  fourteen-year-old  Christiane,  the 
orphan  daughter  of  the  actor  Neumann.  Goethe  himself  played  the  part 
of  Hubert.  Our  chief  record  of  the  play  is  Goethe's  poem  "Euphrosyne," 
written  on  the  occasion  of  Christiane's  early  death  in  1797. 50  The  script 
of  the  play  was  lost  with  the  burning  of  the  Weimar  theater,  March, 
1825.  The  basis  of  the  production  was  the  prose  of  Eschenburg.  The 
verse  translations  of  Schlegel  had  not  begun  to  appear.  Henry  IV,  parts 
one  and  two,  were  played  on  separate  evenings,  April  14  and  21,  1792. 
The  records  of  these  performances  were  also  burned,  and  nothing  definite 
can  be  said  regarding  the  extent  of  Goethe's  adaptation. 

For  the  same  reason  as  little  can  be  said  of  the  production  of  King 
Lear,  June  18,  1796,  according  to  the  version  of  Schroder,  but  some  in- 
ferences may  be  drawn  from  Goethe's  impatience  with  the  tragic  flaw 
in  Lear's  character.  Schroder  omitted  the  introductory  scene  and  thereby 
changed  the  whole  character  of  the  play,  but  Goethe  says : 

Er  hatte  doch  recht.  Denn  in  dieser  Scene  erscheint  Lear  so  absurd,  dafi  man  seinen 
Tochtern  in  der  Folge  nicht  ganz  Unrecht  geben  kann.  Der  Alte  jammert  einen,  aber 
Mitleid  hat  man  nicht  mit  ihm,  und  Mitleid  wollte  Schroder  erregen,  sowie  Abscheu 
gegen  die  zwei  unnatiirlichen,  aber  doch  nicht  durchaus  zu  scheltenden  Tochter.51 

Even  in  his  Mannheim  days  Schiller  had  hoped  for  a  verse  translation 
of  Shakespeare's  plays  and  had  thought  of  making  the  beginning  himself. 
He  was  overjoyed  when  he  heard  of  Schlegel's  undertaking  and  published 

49  Ibid.,  288. 

50  Goethe,  Werke,  I  (1:1)  281. 

51  Ibid.,  I  (41)  69. 


266      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

a  fragment  of  the  new  translation  in  the  Horen,  1796.  Schiller  wrote  to 
Schlegel:  "Der  Gedanke  ist  sehr  glticklich,  und  der  Himmel  lohne  es 
Ihnen,  darJ  Sie  uns  von  dem  traurigen  Eschenburg  befreyen  wollen."52 
Not  Weimar,  however,  but  Berlin  was  the  first  city  to  produce  a  Shake- 
spearean play  in  Schlegel's  version,  but  Iffland's  production  of  Hamlet  in 
Berlin,  October  15,  1799,  was  not  an  unqualified  success.  Iffland  was  well 
cast  as  Polonius  but  no  adequate  Hamlet  was  available.  Critics  and 
public  accepted  the  production  coolly  and  the  direction  presently  re- 
turned to  Schroder's  version. 

Goethe  was  eager  to  present  a  Shakespearean  tragedy  in  verse  form. 
Macbeth  was  the  first  choice  and  Schiller  undertook  to  prepare  the  text. 
The  version  was  first  played  May  14,  1800.  Gundolf  calls  it 

eine  Mustersammlung  um  die  wesentlichen  Unterschiede  zwischen  Schillers  und 
Shakespeares  Sprache  zu  vergegenwartigen.  Nirgends  ergeht  sich  Schillers  Trieb,  alles 
was  bei  Shakespeare  Leidenschaft  ist,  als  Moral  zu  lesen,  was  Ausdruck  von  Wesen 
ist,  zur  Beziehung  auf  das  Ideal  umzumlinzen,  freier  und  wohlgefalliger.63 

Yet  Schiller's  version  was  played  in  Berlin,  Vienna,  and  in  nearly  all 
important  cities  of  Germany  and  it  gained  a  popularity  that  a  faithful 
version  could  not  have  found.  Perhaps  it  was  because  of  this  that  Schlegel 
postponed  until  too  late  a  translation  of  the  tragedy. 

Goethe  was  more  than  ever  convinced  that  the  verse  form  was  manda- 
tory. Julius  Caesar  was  available  in  Schlegel's  translation.  With  unprece- 
dented care  the  preparations  were  made,  and  the  play  was  produced 
October  1,  1803,  to  the  entire  satisfaction  of  Goethe,  Schiller,  and  the 
public.  The  production  marks  the  high  point  in  the  Shakespearean  pres- 
entations under  Goethe's  directorate.  Close  fidelity  to  the  text  seems  to 
have  been  observed.  Iffland,  in  Berlin,  heard  of  the  success  and  wrote 
to  Schlegel  for  advice  as  to  adaptation.  Schlegel  referred  the  question 
to  Goethe  and  Goethe  replied : 

Bey  der  unendlich  zarten  Zweckmafiigkeit  dieses  Stucks,  in  die  man  sieh  so  gern 
versenkt,  scheint  kein  Wort  entbehrlich,  so  wie  man  nichts  vermiCt,  was  das  Ganze 
fordert,  und  doch  wtinscht  man,  zur  aufiern  theatralischen  Zweckmafiigkeit,  noch  hie 
und  da  durch  Nehmen  und  Geben  nachzuhelfen.  Doch  liegt,  wie  bei  Shakespeare 
uberhaupt  Alles  schon  in  der  Grundanlage  des  Stoffs  und  der  Behandlung,  dafi,  wie 
man  irgendwo  zu  riicken  anfangt,  gleich  mehrere  Fugen  zu  knistern  anfangen  und 
das  Ganze  den  Einsturz  droht.64 

The  changes  which  Goethe  made  are  more  precisely  indicated  in  the 
same  letter  to  Schlegel,  October  27,  1803. 

Goethe  next  undertook  a  presentation  of  Othello,  which  had  not  been 

52  Schiller,  Brief e,  IV  427. 

63  Gundolf  [ 652  ]2  308. 

64  Goethe,  Werke,  IV  (16)  337  f. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  267 

translated  by  Schlegel.  Heinrich  Voss  prepared  a  translation  especially 
intended  for  the  production.  Schiller  participated  in  the  work.  Voss  re- 
ports: "Wir  gingen  gemeinschaftlich  das  Ganze  durch,  besprachen  jede 
schwierige  Stelle  mit  kritischer  Umstandlichkeit,  fochten  an,  verteidig- 
ten,  anderten,  bis  er  endlich  ungefahr  die  jetzige  Gestalt  erhielt."55  The 
tragedy  was  presented  June  8,  1805  "nach  den  Forderungen  des  Theaters 
und  der  Decenz,  so  weit  es  nothig  war,  umgeandert."56  Moreover  Iago, 
as  a  foil  to  Othello,  was  made  a  more  perfect  villain.  Schiller  would 
doubtless  have  been  pleased  with  the  result  had  he  lived  to  attend  its 
premiere. 

In  1806  Goethe  placed  on  the  program  for  the  second  time  King  John, 
this  time  in  Schlegel's  translation,  and  in  1809  Hamlet  in  Schlegel's 
translation.  His  actual  participation  was  less  than  might  have  been  ex- 
pected of  the  author  of  Wilhelm  Meister.  He  attended  neither  the  rehear- 
sals nor  the  first  performance. 

Goethe  had  planned  a  production  of  Romeo  and  Juliet  in  1797,  based 
on  Schlegel's  translation.  The  death  of  "Euphrosyne"  (Christine  Neu- 
mann) interrupted  his  plan.  Toward  the  end  of  1811  he  determined  to 
carry  it  through.  He  conducted  the  rehearsals  personally  and  with  vigor 
from  December,  1811,  to  January,  1812,  as  may  be  seen  from  his  "Tage- 
blicher."  The  performance  was  a  great  success  in  Weimar  and  was  copied 
by  Iffland  in  Berlin.  In  the  course  of  time  it  has  become  as  thoroughly 
condemned  as  Schiller's  "Mac&e£/i-Bearbeitung."  In  "Shakespeare  und 
kein  Ende,"  Goethe  wrote: 

[Shakespeare]  zerstort  .  .  .  den  tragischen  Gehalt  .  .  .  beinahe  ganz  durch  die  zwei 
komischen  Figuren,  Mercutio  und  die  Amme  .  .  .  Betrachtet  man  die  Okonomie  des 
Stiicks  recht  genau,  so  bemerkt  man,  daB  diese  beiden  Figuren,  und  was  an  sie  granzt, 
nur  als  possenhafte  Intermezzisten  auftreten,  die  uns  bei  unserer  folgerechten,  tjber- 
einstimmung  liebenden  Denkart  auf  der  Btihne  unertraglich  sein  miissen.57 

In  Goethe's  production  the  nurse  and  Mercutio  were  decharacterized. 
Goethe  omitted  the  opening  scene  which  accounts  for  Romeo's  frame  of 
mind  at  the  outset,  the  final  scene  representing  the  reconciliation  of  the 
hostile  houses,  and  in  fact  everything  that  did  not  pertain  directly  to 
the  "Haupthandlung"  as  he  conceived  it.  He  even  omitted  Juliet's  ap- 
parent death.  Goethe  found  great  pleasure  in  the  adaptation:  "Diese 
Arbeit  war  ein  grofies  Studium  fur  mich,  und  ich  habe  wohl  niemals  dem 
Shakespeare  tiefer  in  sein  Talent  hineingeblickt,  aber  er,  wie  alles  Letzte 
bleibt  denn  doch  unergriindlich."58  Nevertheless  Goethe  felt  some  mis- 

65  Othello,  trsl.  Voss,  Jena,  1806,  75. 

66  Schiller,  Briefe,  VII  234. 

57  Goethe,  Werke,  I  (41)  67  f. 

68  Riemer,  Mittheilungen  uber  Goethe,  Berlin,  1841,  II  655  f. 


268      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

givings  for  he  wrote  to  Cotta  in  February,  1812:  "Fur  den  Druck  ist  das 
Stuck  nicht  geeignet ;  auch  mochte  ich  denen  abgottischen  Ubersetzern 
und  Conservatoren  Shakspeares  nicht  gerne  einen  Gegenstand  hingeben, 
an  dem  sie  ihren  Dunkel  auslassen  konnen."59  It  is  difficult  to  believe 
that  Goethe  really  thought  he  could  produce  his  version  of  Romeo  and 
Juliet  on  the  Weimar  stage  and  yet  escape  the  criticism  of  the  romanti- 
cists. 

Goethe's  most  creative  effort  in  Shakespearean  adaptation  never  bore 
fruit  for  the  Weimar  theater.  It  is  of  course  true  that  Goethe  treated  of 
Wilhelm  Meister's  views  on  Hamlet  with  his  pervading  mild  irony,  yet 
much  of  the  criticism  must  be  recognized  as  Goethe's  own,  including  his 
characterization  of  Hamlet:  "Eine  groBe  That  auf  eine  Seele  gelegt,  die 
der  That  nicht  gewachsen  ist  .  .  .  Hier  wird  ein  Eichbaum  in  ein  kost- 
liches  Gefaft  gepflanzt,  das  nur  liebliche  Blumen  in  seinen  SchoB  hatte 
aufnehmen  sollen;  die  Wurzeln  dehnen  sich  aus,  das  GefaU  wird  zer- 
nichtet."60 

The  chief  fault  Goethe  found  in  the  exposition  of  Hamlet  was  the  com- 
plicated action.  For  the  several  motives  he  wished  to  substitute  the  unrest 
in  Norway  which,  more  clearly  defined,  should  usurp  the  place  of  all 
other  darkly  hinted  background  conditions.61  On  the  basis  of  Wilhelm 
Meister's  suggestions,  August  von  Klingemann,  the  director  of  the 
Brunswick  theaters,  produced  a  new  version  of  Hamlet  for  his  stage  in 
1814,  which  met  with  only  qualified  approval. 

Believing  in  the  infallibility  of  Wilhelm  Meister,  the  romanticists 
accepted  the  hero's  interpretation  of  Hamlet  without  question.  August 
Wilhelm  Schlegel  regarded  it  as  the  last  word  on  the  subject.  Anything 
more  would  be  an  "Iliad  after  Homer,"62  but  the  romanticists  still 
cherished  a  grudge  because  of  Goethe's  adaptations  of  Shakespeare  on 
the  Weimar  stage.  As  late  as  1823  Tieck  wrote  of  Goethe's  version  of 
Romeo  and  Juliet: 

Es  ist  iiberhaupt  nur  einem  so  grofien  Dichter  wie  jenem  erlaubt  und  zu  vergeben, 
wenn  er  das  Meisterwerk  eines  anderen  grausam  behandelt,  wie  mit  diesem  Trauer- 
spiel  wirklich  geschehen  ist,  in  welchem  man  vom  Original  nur  wenig  wiederfindet 
und  selbst  das,  was  noch  dasteht,  durch  die  sonderbaren  Umanderungen  in  einem 
ganz  andern  Lichte  erscheint,  und  seine  wahre  Bedeutung  verloren  hat.63 

The  opposition  of  the  romanticists  called  out  Goethe's  defense, 
Shakespeare  und  kein  Ende,  in  three  parts:  "Shakespeare  als  Dichter 

69  Goethe,  Werke,  IV  (22)  286. 

60  Ibid.,  I  (24)  76. 

61  Ibid.,  I  (22)  159  f. 

62  A.  W.  Schlegel,  Samtliche  Werke,  ed.  E.  Booking,  Leipzig,  1S44,  VII  32. 

63  Tieck,  Kritische  Schriften,  Leipzig,  1848-1852,  III  175. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  269 

tiberhaupt,"  and  "Shakespeare  verglichen  mit  den  Alten  und  den  Neu- 
esten,"  1815;  and  "Shakespeare  als  Theaterdichter,"  1826.  In  the  first 
part  Goethe  emphasized  Shakespeare's  insight  into  the  human  soul,  but 
said:  "Shakespeare  spricht  durchaus  an  unsern  innern  Sinn."64  Hamlet's 
ghost  and  Macbeth's  witches  were  better  so  perceived  than  on  the  stage. 
There  was  no  higher  pleasure  than  that  of  listening  with  closed  eyes  to 
Shakespeare's  plays  well  read.  The  second  part  reminds  the  romanticists 
that  Shakespeare  was  interested  in  the  actualities  of  this  world  rather 
than  in  its  hidden  mysteries. 

Derm  wenn  auch  Wahrsagung  und  Wahnsinn,  Traume,  Ahnungen,  Wunderzeichen, 
Feen  und  Gnomen,  Gespenster,  Unholde  und  Zauberer  ein  magisches  Element  bilden, 
das  zur  rechten  Zeit  seine  Dichtungen  durchschwebt,  so  sind  doch  jene  Truggestalten 
keineswegs  Hauptingredienzien  seiner  Werke,  sondern  die  Wahrheit  und  Tiichtigkeit 
seines  Lebens  ist  die  gro-Be  Base,  worauf  sie  ruhen;  defihalb  uns  alles  was  sich  von  ibm 
herschreibt,  so  echt  und  kernhaft  erscheint.65 

The  third  part  returns  to  the  thesis  that  Shakespeare  was  not,  after  all, 
a  practical  model  for  the  theatrical  writer : 

Sein  grofies  Talent  ist  das  eines  Epitomators,  und  da  der  Dichter  tiberhaupt  als 
Epitomator  der  Natur  erscheint,  so  miissen  wir  auch  hier  Shakespeare's  grofies  Ver- 
dienst  anerkennen,  nur  laugnen  wir  dabei  und  zwar  zu  seinen  Ehren,  da!5  die  Biihne 
ein  wiirdiger  Raum  fur  sein  Genie  gewesen.66 

But  before  Goethe's  death  the  production  of  Shakespeare's  plays  was 
so  far  improved  that  Goethe  was  able  to  agree  with  the  romanticists, 
more  specifically  with  Tieck : 

Wo  ich  ihn  [Tieck]  ferner  auch  sehr  gerne  antreffe,  ist,  wenn  er  als  Eiferer  fur  die 
Einheit,  Untheilbarkeit,  Unantastbarkeit  Shakespeare's  auftritt  und  ihn  ohne  Redac- 
tion und  Modification  von  Anfang  bis  zu  Ende  auf  das  Theater  gebracht  wissen  will. 
Wenn  ich  vor  zehn  Jahren  der  entgegengesetzten  Meinung  war  und  mehr  als  Einen 
Versuch  machte,  nur  das  eigentlich  Wirkende  aus  den  Shakespeare'schen  Stiicken 
auszuwahlen,  das  Storende  aber  und  Umherschweifende  abzulehnen,  so  hatte  ich,  als 
einem  Theater  vorgesetzt,  ganz  recht.  .  .  .  Nun  [aber]  sind  Schauspieler  so  gut  wie 
Dichter  und  Leser  in  dem  Falle,  nach  Shakespeare  hinzublicken  und  durch  ein  Be- 
miihen  nach  dem  Unerreichbaren  ihre  eignen  innern,  wahrhaft  nattirlichen  Fahig- 
keiten  aufzuschliefSen.67 

64  Goethe,  Werke,  I  (41:1)  54. 

65  Ibid.,  57  f. 

66  Ibid.,  67;  cf.  Eckermann,  Gesprdche,  212;  December  25,  1825. 

67  Goethe,  Werke,  I  (40)  179  f. 


Chapter  XX 
SHAKESPEARE  SINCE  1800 

The  well  informed  no  longer  attribute  the  "rediscovery"  of  Shake- 
speare in  the  eighteenth  century  to  German  scholarship,  but  they  do  not 
minimize  its  real  contribution.  Since  the  time  of  Herder,  Germany  has 
done  more  than  any  other  nation  to  make  his  dramas  a  vital  factor  of 
modern  life.  There  the  study  of  Shakespeare  is  most  ardently  prosecuted ; 
there  his  plays  are  most  frequently  produced  and  most  appreciatively 
and  critically  received  by  people  of  varying  degrees  of  education.  No 
other  nation  has  produced  such  notable  adherents  of  Shakespeare  as 
Herder,  Goethe,  and  Schiller,  nor  has  Shakespeare  at  any  time  or  place 
more  nearly  established  a  cult  than  with  the  "Stunner  und  Dranger" 
and  the  romanticists,  whose  influence  was  felt  even  in  England. 

The  course  of  Shakespearean  interpretation  since  1800  has  been  largely 
dominated  by  the  program  of  the  romanticists,  most  of  whose  work  was 
intended  only  for  the  elite,  but  they  sought  to  render  Shakespeare  acces- 
sible to  all  their  countrymen  and  thereby  to  lift  them  out  of  the  medioc- 
rity of  the  time.  Their  efforts  were  successful:  Shakespeare's  sayings 
have  become  as  proverbial  in  Germany  as  in  England;1  his  words  and 
themes  have  been  utilized  by  German  composers;  and  especially  since 
the  time  of  Tieck  he  has  appeared  as  a  figure  in  German  novels,  stories, 
and  dramas.2 

In  order  to  carry  out  their  program  the  romanticists  engaged  them- 
selves simultaneously  on  three  fronts:  against  the  rationalists,  who 
saw  in  Shakespeare  the  typification  of  formlessness;  against  the  ad- 
herents of  the  "Sturm  und  Drang"  movement,  who  declined  to  recog- 
nize Shakespeare  as  a  conscious  artist;  and  against  Goethe  and  Schiller 
with  their  diluted  productions  in  Weimar.  The  last-named  contest  was 
the  urgent  one,  for  the  earlier  oppositions  were  already  on  the  wane.  Yet 
Goethe,  Schiller,  and  the  romanticists  were  at  bottom  allies  in  that  they 
represented  the  forces  that  had  overcome  rationalism.  For  the  romanti- 
cists Shakespeare  was  the  typical  romantic  poet.  To  use  Gundolf 's  terms, 
he  appealed  to  them  "als  der  universale  Phantast  (Tieck),  als  der  uni- 
versale Denker  und  Ironiker  (Friedrich  Schlegel),  als  der  Sprachmeister 
schlechthin  (August  Wilhelm  Schlegel)."3  Tieck  thus  appears  as  the  suc- 

iLeo  [678]. 

2  E.  g.  Tieck's  two  "Novellen,"  Ein  Dichterleben,  1825,  and  Der  Dichter  und  sein 
Freund,  1829.  Of  dramas  by  better-known  dramatists:  Die  Sommernacht,  a  fragment 
by  Tieck,  1789,  first  published  in  1851;  Shakespeare  in  der  Heimat  oder  die  Freunde  by 
Holtei,  1840;  William  Shakespeare  by  Lindner,  1864;  Christoph  Marlowe  bv  Wilden- 
bruch,  1884;  and  Shakespeare  by  Bleibtreu,  1907.  Cf.  Ludwig  in  ShJ  LIV  (1918)  1-22. 

3  Gundolf  [  652  ]2  333. 

[270] 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  271 

cessor,  in  certain  respects,  of  Wieland  and  Maler  Muller,  and  Friedrich 
Schlegel  as  the  successor  of  Lessing.  August  Wilhelm  Schlegel  was  with- 
out a  real  predecessor  but  his  translation  presupposes  a  Goethe  and  a 
romantic  school.  "Durch  Goethe  ward  die  deutsche  Sprache  erst  reich 
genug,  Shakespeare  auszudriicken,  durch  die  romantische  Schule  frei 
genug,  durch  Schlegel  entsagend  genug."4 

The  translation  of  Shakespeare  was  but  the  foundation  of  a  greater 
work,  part  of  which  the  romanticists  completed  and  part  of  which  occu- 
pied the  attention  of  their  successors  throughout  the  nineteenth  century. 
They  planned  a  philological  and  critical  edition  of  Shakespeare  antici- 
pating Delius,  and  a  literary-historical  edition  anticipating  Ulrici;  they 
planned  a  study  of  Shakespeare's  time  in  order  to  understand  him  better, 
and  they  undertook  a  study  of  his  life  in  order  to  gain  a  picture  of  his 
development  as  an  artist  and  to  determine,  if  possible,  the  sequence  of 
his  works.  Still  more  important  to  them  was  the  esthetic  and  philosophic 
interpretation  of  Shakespeare.  They  neglected  no  means  to  carry  out 
their  program.  In  the  journals  they  conducted  a  campaign  against  their 
German  opponents  and  against  incapable  English  commentators  and 
editors.  They  sought  to  control  Shakespearean  production  on  the  stage 
in  order  that  the  stage  should  be  adapted  to  Shakespeare,  not  Shake- 
speare to  the  stage.  They  criticized  stage  decoration,  actors,  and  cos- 
tumes, according  praise  where  it  was  due.  They  gained  the  universities 
for  their  cause,  without  much  effort,  but  with  the  stage  and  the  people 
they  were  less  successful.  To  compensate  for  this  Tieck  held  Shakespeare 
evenings  in  which  Shakespeare  was  read,  unabbreviated,  unre vised,  and 
unrefined. 

The  Schlegel-Tieck-Dorothea  Tieck-Baudissin  translation  of  Shake- 
speare, popularly  called  the  Schlegel-Tieck  translation,  has  established 
itself  firmly  in  public  favor  in  Germany.  Its  phraseology  has  become  a 
part  of  the  common  cultural  possession  of  the  land  and  is  felt  to  be  as 
sacred  as  the  texts  of  Homer  or  Goethe,  despite  the  fact  that  its  canon- 
icity  will  not  stand  the  test  of  critical  examination  of  the  original  drafts 
of  the  manuscript.  The  first  impulse  to  this  translation  dates  back  to 
1789  when  August  Wilhelm  Schlegel  was  a  student  at  Gottingen  and  a 
close  friend  of  Burger,  then  a  professor  there.  The  two  met  often  and 
worked  together  on  a  metrical  translation  of  A  Midsummer  Night's 
Dream5  but,  as  Schlegel  himself  testified,  no  part  of  this  product  went 
into  his  later  work,6  for  by  1797  he  had  formed  a  new  conception  of 
Shakespeare  and  of  the  proper  form  of  translation.7 

4  Ibid.,  351  f.  6  Bernays  [782]  111. 

B  Wurzbach,  G.  A.  Burger,  Leipzig,  1900,  265  f.         7  Schlegel  [797]. 


272      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Between  1797  and  1801  Schlegel  translated  no  less  than  thirteen  im- 
portant dramas  of  Shakespeare.8  Eight  years  elapsed  and  then  came 
Richard  III,  followed  by  another  long  pause.  Meanwhile,  as  early  as 
1806,  Voss  had  translated  Othello  and  King  Lear,  two  dramas  which 
Schlegel  had  as  yet  neglected.  After  Schlegel's  second  pause,  Voss  and 
his  assistants  resumed  their  work  much  to  the  vexation  of  Schlegel,9  who 
therefore  ought  to  have  been  gratified  when  Tieck10  expressed  his  willing- 
ness to  continue  Schlegel's  work.  Tieck  fell  heir  to  some  of  the  dramas 
that  were  rhythmically  most  difficult  to  render.  Gundolf  said,  and  who 
should  know  better:  "An  Coriolanus  oder  Macbeth,  an  Antonius  und 
Cleopatra  oder  an  Troilus  und  Cressida  ware  wohl  auch  Schlegel  beim 
damaligen  Stande  der  deutschen  Sprache  gescheitert."11  Tieck  called  to 
his  assistance  his  daughter  Dorothea,  and  when  the  work  began  to  lag 
again,  a  second  helper,  Graf  Wolf  von  Baudissin.1'2  By  1833  the  work  was 
completed. 

Schlegel's  part  of  the  translation  is  the  most  masterly  but  even  his  is 
impeachable.  There  are  errors  of  his  own  in  it  and  errors  of  the  printers, 
for  Schlegel  never  corrected  the  final  proofs.  The  manuscripts,  which  are 
still  accessible  for  study,  show  that  Schlegel  offered  frequently  a  choice 
of  translations  and  left  it  to  Karoline  Schlegel  to  select  from  these  or  to 
alter  at  her  discretion.  They  show  further  a  propensity  on  her  part  to 
choose  or  alter  unwisely.13  In  the  printed  dramas  Cdsar,  Was  ihr  wollt, 

8  Schlegel's  translations:  I.  (1797)  Sommernachtstraum  and  Romeo  und  Julia;  II. 
(1797)  Julius  Casar  and  Was  ihr  wollt;  III.  (1798)  Sturm  and  Hamlet;  IV-V.  (1799) 
Der  Kaufmann  von  Venedig,  Wie  es  euch  gefdllt,  Konig  Johann,  and  Richard  II;  VI. 
(1800)  Heinrich  IV;  VII-VIII.  (1801)  Heinrich  V  and  Heinrich  VI. 

9  Schlegel  received  word  from  his  brother:  "der  alte  Vofi  wolle  mit  seinem  Sohn 
[sic]  Johann  Heinrich  und  Abraham,  vermutlich  auch  mit  seinen  Schwiegersohnen, 
Enkeln,  gebornen  und  ungebornen,  mit  Einem  Worte  der  ganzen  tjbersetzungs- 
Schmiede-Sippschaft,  auch  die  von  mir  schon  iibersetzten  Stiicke  neu  ubersetzen. 
Dies  ist  freilich  eine  grofie  Impertinenz:  allein  wir  haben  kein  ausschliefiendes  Privi- 
legium;  es  kommt  darauf  an,  wie  das  Publicum  die  Sache  nimmt."  Briefe  von  und  an 
A.  W.  Schlegel,  ed.  J.  Korner,  Wien,  1930,  II  109.  Cf.  Genee  [1013]  12  f. 

10  But  cf.  Zeydel  [1313]  17  ff. 
"Gundolf  [652]2  189. 

12  Baudissin  had  already  translated  Henry  VIII,  1818.  In  the  division  of  the  work 
Coriolanus,  Two  Gentlemen  of  Verona,  Timon  of  Athens,  The  Winter's  Tale,  Cymbeline, 
and  Macbeth  fell  to  the  share  of  Dorothea  Tieck.  To  Baudissin's  lot  fell  Love's  Labour's 
Lost  (the  lyric  passages  by  Dorothea  Tieck),  Much  Ado  about  Nothing,  The  Taming  of 
the  Shrew,  Henry  VIII,  Measure  for  Measure,  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  Titus  Andronicus, 
Comedy  of  Errors,  Troilus  and  Cressida,  The  Merry  Wives  of  Windsor,  Othello,  and 
King  Lear. 

13  Conrad  [1025]  discusses  Karoline's  mistreatment  of  Schlegel's  manuscript  under 
the  captions:  "Sprachfehler,  Denkfehler,  richtige  Ubersetzungen  der  Handschrift 
falsch  in  der  ersten  Ausgabe,  mangelhafte  Auswahl  bei  mehrfachen  Fassungen  Schle- 
gels,  unverstandliche  kleine  Anderungen  des  Manuskripts,  Auslassungen  aus  dem 
Manuskript,  Schlegels  Ubersetzungsfehler  unverbessert."  After  58  pages,  devoted  to 
these  topics,  follow  four  pages  devoted  to  "wirkliche  Besserungen  von  Karolinens 
Hand."  In  the  four  dramas  investigated  he  finds  about  30  improvements  made  by 
Karoline  and  about  331  instances  in  which  she  chose  unwisely  or  altered  for  the  worse. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  273 

Sturm,  and  Hamlet  there  are  hundreds  of  renderings  not  found  in  Schle- 
gel's  manuscript. 

Still  weaker  is  the  defense  for  Tieck's  continuation.  His  actual  partici- 
pation in  the  translation  was  largely  of  a  supervisory  nature.  The  manu- 
scripts and  correspondence  still  extant  show  that  Baudissin  prepared  the 
original  draft  of  all  plays  assigned  to  him  and  submitted  them  for  criti- 
cism to  Tieck,  who  made  some  improvements,  but  sometimes  imposed 
a  worse  translation  upon  Baudissin.  Only  in  one  play  do  we  find  the 
actual  phrasing  of  Tieck  in  continuity.  This  is  in  the  first  three  acts  of 
Love's  Labour's  Lost,  with  which  comedy  Tieck  had  planned  to  assist 
Schlegel  as  early  as  1800.  Baudissin  adopted  a  large  part  of  Tieck's  trans- 
lation without  change.14  Dorothea  Tieck  "learned  by  doing."  In  a  letter 
to  a  friend  she  wrote  somewhat  naively:  "Auch  bei  den  Stiicken,  die 
Baudissin  iibersetzt  hat,  habe  ich  fast  immer  den  Korrigierstunden  bei- 
gewohnt  und  dadurch  viel  English  gelernt."15  Despite  merits  as  a  trans- 
lator she  was  notably  unsuccessful  in  her  Macbeth,  which  has  failed  to 
satisfy  the  demands  of  critics,  actors,  editors  and  readers.  Dorothea 
Tieck  has  been  unduly  blamed  for  the  shortcomings  of  her  translation. 
Lacking  the  necessary  books  of  reference  and  working  under  pressure  she 
finished  her  work  in  six  weeks.  Furthermore  there  is  evidence  still  avail- 
able which  shows  conclusively  that  her  father  rather  than  Dorothea  was 
responsible  for  many  of  the  unfortunate  translations.16 

Despite  recognized  shortcomings  the  Schlegel-Tieck  translation  was 
long  regarded  as  final.  A  twelve-volume  translation  of  1839,  representing 
the  combined  efforts  of  A.  Bottger,  H.  Doring,  A.  Fischer,  L.  Hilsenberg, 
W.  Lampadius,  Th.  Miigge,  Th.  Oelkers,  E.  Ortlepp,  0.  Pietz,  K.  Sim- 
rock,  E.  Susemihl,  and  E.  Theim,  did  not  seriously  challenge  its  position. 

The  year  1864  found  Dingelstedt  as  "Intendant"  of  the  Weimar  Hof- 
theater.  He  planned  to  celebrate  the  three-hundredth  anniversary  of 
Shakespeare's  death  by  two  accomplishments:  First,  a  "Deutsche 
Shakespeare-Gesellschaft"  should  be  founded,  and  second  a  new  and 
better  Shakespeare  translation  should  be  achieved  by  the  joint  efforts 
of  the  best  adapted  men  of  letters.  For  this  effort  he  had  begun  laying 
plans  as  early  as  1858.  He  proposed: 

Man  iiberweise  die  Stiicke  nach  Gruppen  an  die  Dichter  nach  der  besonderen  Rich- 
tung  eines  jeden  oder  nach  Schulen  und  Gesellschaften.  Freiligrath,  der  Meister  im 
Ubersetzen,  Herwegh,  Kinkel,  mogen  durch  die  historischen  Dramen  sturmen,  Wien 
und  Berlin  die  Lustspiele,  die  Dresdener  und  Miinchener  Poeten  die  Tragodien  iiber- 
nehmen;  fur  die  Sagenkiindigen  Rheinlander  und  Schwaben  bleiben  die  Marchen,  die 
epischen  Dichtungen.17 

14  Wetz  [1018]  322;  Bernays  [1004]  551;  Liideke  [1036]  28. 

1B  Quoted  by  Wetz  [1018]  350. 

«  Winter  [1033].  17  Quoted  by  Schoof  [989]  137  f. 


274      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Freiligrath,  then  in  exile  in  England,  restricted  his  future  cooperation, 
which,  however,  did  not  take  place : 

Doch  habe  ich  von  vornherein  erklart,  daB  ich  unter  keiner  Bedingung  irgend  eins 
der  bereits  von  Schlegel  iibersetzten  Stucke  ubernehmen  konne!  Schlegels  Shakespeare 
ist  zu  tief  in  Saft  und  Blut  des  deutschen  Volkes  gedrungen,  als  daC  es  notig  ware  und 
gelingen  konnte,  ihn  durch  neue  Ubersetzungen  zu  ersetzen.18 

Dingelstedt  had  first  to  make  his  peace  with  Gutzkow.  Dingelstedt 
had  recently  written:  "Das  jungdeutsche  Tendenzdrama  weif5  nichts  von 
Shakespeare."  Gutzkow,  who  had  just  written  his  Hamlet  in  Wittenberg 
and  as  "Intendant"  at  Dresden  had  produced  several  Shakespearean 
plays,  showed  his  resentment  yet  promised  future  cooperation,  but  before 
long,  Dingelstedt  and  Gutzkow  were  again  at  odds.  Other  efforts  also 
came  to  naught.  It  is  doubtful  whether  Kinkel  or  Feodor  Wehl  ever  re- 
sponded to  the  invitation.  Hebbel  considered  favorably  a  translation  of 
King  Lear.  That  he  did  not  accomplish  it  was  apparently  due  to  Dingel- 
stedt's  failure  to  answer  his  letters.19 

Herwegh  alone  of  the  group,  as  first  planned,  completed  his  contribu- 
tion, Coriolanus,  nine  years  after  it  was  first  projected.  By  that  time, 
1867,  Ulrici  was  president  of  the  "Gesellschaft"  and  insisted  on  absolute 
authority  to  alter  lines.  Much  was  altered  for  the  worse.  Ulrici  so 
affronted  Dingelstedt  and  Herwegh  that  both  withdrew  from  the  Deut- 
sche Shakespeare-Gesellschaft  and  its  projected  translation. 

Dingelstedt  now  pursued  his  plan  independently  and  completed  it  in 
ten  volumes  in  1867,  for  which  he  prepared  four  dramas  himself.  His 
cooperators  were  W.  Jordan,  L.  Seeger,  Karl  Simrock,  and  H.  Viehoff. 
None  of  these  had  been  thought  of  at  the  inception  of  the  project. 

Almost  simultaneously  there  appeared  two  other  translations: 

(1)  Shakespeares  dramatische  Werke  nach  der  tJbersetzung  von  Aug.  W.  Schlegel 
und  L.  Tieck,  sorgfaltig  revidiert  und  teilweise  neu  bearbeitet,  mit  Einleitungen  und 
Noten  versehen,  unter  der  Redacktion  von  H.  Ulrici  hrsg.  durch  die  Deutsche  Shake- 
speare-Gesellschaft, Berlin,  1867-1871;  12  Bde. 

(2)  William  Shakespeares  dramatische  Werke,  ubersetzt  von  Fr.  Bodenstedt,  N. 
Delius,  G.  Gildemeister,  G.  Herwegh,  Paul  Heyse,  Hermann  Kurz,  Adolf  Wilbrandt, 
mit  Einleitungen  und  Anmerkungen  hrsg.  von  Fr.  Bodenstedt,  Leipzig,  1867-71;  9 
Bde.  (2.  Aufl.  1873;  3.  Aufl.  1878-79.) 

These  new  translations  were  timely.  Friedrich  Schlegel  had  asserted: 
"Shakespeares  Universalitat  ist  der  Mittelpunkt  der  romantischen 
Kunst."20  The  new  antiromantic  generation  was  unwilling  to  concede 
such  exclusive  possession,  but  found  it  difficult  to  establish  a  counter 

18  Ibid.,  147. 

19  Ibid.,  155,  148  f. 

20  Athenaeum,  Fragment  no.  147. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  275 

claim.  The  "Jungdeutschen"  insisted  that  literature  should  serve  the 
needs  of  its  time  and  the  prime  need  to  their  minds  was  democracy. 
Grabbe  made  a  direct  attack  with  his  Ueber  die  Shakespearomanie.  Her- 
wegh  more  diplomatically  tried  to  assimilate  Shakespeare  to  the  cause. 
He  could  not  assert  that  Shakespeare  was  "biirgerlich,"  but  at  least  he 
stressed  the  value  of  the  human  being,  and  that  in  itself  was  helpful. 
Coriolanus  was  a  logical  first  choice  for  translation.  He  interpreted  the 
drama  as  representing  a  struggle  between  the  aristocratic  conception  of 
government  and  the  popular.  To  be  sure,  the  translation  was  not  as 
effective  as  he  had  hoped.21 

In  accord  with  the  principles  of  his  group  Herwegh  laid  more  stress  on 
realism  and  popular  appeal  than  on  beauty  for  its  own  sake.  With  his 
Coriolanus  and  the  seven  plays  he  translated  for  Bodenstedt  he  made  the 
largest  single  contribution  to  the  new  movement.  His  translations  are 
less  literary  than  Schlegel's,  but  more  faithful  to  the  text  than  Dorothea 
Tieck's  and  Baudissin's.  He  strove  to  free  the  originals  from  too  ab- 
struse literary  allusions  and  to  express  the  ideas  with  the  utmost  clarity. 
His  accompanying  notes  are  neither  esthetic  nor  politically  propagandic, 
except  that  he  does  not  refrain  from  an  occasional  thrust  at  the  romanti- 
cists.22 

Further  attempts  to  alter  radically  the  German  texts  of  Shakespeare 
awaited  the  coming  of  the  next  century,  but  meanwhile  the  method  of 
stage  presentation  of  the  plays  was  changing  with  the  changing  times. 
We  may  take  the  productions  at  Weimar  as  the  starting  point.  Goethe 
and  Schiller  believed  in  verse  production.  Here  they  agreed  with  Schlegel. 
They  insisted  upon  the  preservation  of  the  tragic  element,  however  much 
the  public  grieved.  Here  they  were  more  steadfast  than  Schroder.  They 
believed  in  adaptation — a  liberal  use  of  the  censoring  pen  for  the  sake  of 
propriety  or  as  concessions  to  the  limitations  of  the  stage.  Here  they 
were  in  accord  with  Schroder.  The  tampering  with  the  text  might  go  so 
far  as  to  denaturize  the  play  completely  as  in  Goethe's  adaptation  of 
Romeo  and  Juliet  or  Schiller's  of  Macbeth.  The  weakened  versions  of 
Goethe,  Schiller,  Schroder,  and  even  of  less-gifted  adaptors  held  their 
own  well  past  the  middle  of  the  century.  Vienna,  Braunschweig,  Diissel- 
dorf  became  active  centers  of  Shakespeare  production  under  the  direc- 
tions respectively  of  Schreyvogel,  1814-1832,  Klingemann,  1814-1828, 
and  Immermann,  1832-1837.  All  made  use  of  the  verse  translation  of 
Voss  for  King  Lear.  Schreyvogel  was  hampered  by  restrictions  of  censor- 
ship. Immermann  was  the  first  to  present  in  full  its  tragic  conclusion.23 

21  A.  Brandl  in  ShJ,  XXXVII  (1901)  liii. 

22  Kayser  [996]  234  f.,  236  f. 

23  Altaian  [975]. 


276      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

A  bright  episode  during  these  years  was  the  series  of  Shakespearean 
productions  by  Ludwig  Devrient  in  Berlin,  1815-1832.  There  followed  a 
stretch  of  rather  unproductive  years.  Heinrich  Laube  strove  against 
censorship  in  Vienna  during  the  early  part  of  his  directorship,  1849  ff., 
but  eventually  was  disheartened  by  an  unappreciative  public.  The  Shake- 
speare tricentennial  gave  a  new  impetus  to  productions.  Dingelstedt  in 
Vienna  produced  the  whole  series  of  chronicle  dramas,  April  23-30,  thus 
taking  up  a  project  which  Goethe  and  Schiller  had  discussed  and  which 
Grabbe  had  urged  in  vain  for  Diisseldorf.  In  Karlsruhe,  Edward  Dev- 
rient, the  nephew  of  Ludwig,  was  director  in  1864.  From  August  of  that 
year  until  May,  1865,  he  produced  a  new  play  of  Shakespeare  every  fort- 
night, twenty  plays  in  all.  Shortly  after  this  Wilhelm  Oechelhauser  came 
to  the  fore  as  an  adaptor  of  Shakespearean  plays.  His  principle  was  the 
closest  possible  adherence  to  the  original  text.  His  versions  were  widely 
accepted  in  Germany.  In  Berlin  they  were  taken  up  one  hundred  and 
fifty  times  during  1873-1877. 

In  Coburg,  the  director,  Friedrich  Haase,  produced  Hamlet  in  1868, 
attempting  to  introduce  the  stage  decoration  and  costuming  he  had  seen 
in  use  by  Charles  Keane  in  London.  This  proved  to  be  a  turning  point 
in  the  development  of  Shakespearean  production  in  Germany.  One  of  the 
spectators  was  the  Duke  of  Meiningen.  Filled  with  enthusiasm,  he  di- 
rected his  company  of  players  toward  Shakespeare.  Star  acting  was  to 
be  discountenanced.  Every  minor  actor  was  drilled  in  his  part.  The  ut- 
most historical  exactitude  in  costuming  was  to  be  observed  and  the  stage 
to  be  set  with  meticulous  precision  even  at  the  expense  of  the  waiting 
public.  After  his  players  had  attained  what  he  regarded  as  near  perfection 
they  accepted  calls  to  other  theaters.  These  tours  continued  from  1875 
to  1890  and  set  the  standard  for  Shakespearean  production  throughout 
Germany.  A  reaction  finally  set  in  based  in  part  on  the  feeling  that  his- 
torical exactitude  was  not  the  essential  in  Shakespeare's  dramas.  For  a 
time  the  Shakespeare  stage  came  into  favor.  Then  the  meticulously  his- 
torical stage  of  the  Meininger,  the  romantic  stage  of  Italian  descent,  and 
the  neutral  Shakespearean  stage  all  went  into  the  discard  and  the  type 
of  staging  to  which  Max  Reinhardt  has  given  his  name  became  the  vogue. 

Shortly  before  this  time  in  England,  Edward  Gordon  Craig  began 
designing  Shakespeare  sets  contrived  to  transform  the  stage  into  a  fairy 
land.  Color  and  design  were  revised  not  to  imitate  reality  but  to  accen- 
tuate the  moods  of  the  drama.  The  production  of  Das  Winter  mar  chen  in 
the  "Deutsches  Theater"  in  Berlin,  September  16,  1906,  revealed  the  fact 
that  Max  Reinhardt  was  pursuing  a  like  aim.24  Reinhardt's  stage  was 
admired  and  imitated  in  the  period  of  the  impressionists  and  the  neo- 

24  Marx  [1123]  56. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  277 

romanticists.  For  about  twenty-five  years,  1905-1930,  this  tendency  pre- 
vailed. Some  critics  contended  that  it  was  leading  to  the  triumph  of 
stage  decoration  over  acting,  and  attempts  were  made  to  return  to  the 
Shakespeare  stage  as  well  as  to  a  simple  stage  in  which  only  such  decora- 
tions were  used  as  were  at  the  same  time  props.  During  this  time  cos- 
tuming wavered  between  the  historically  authentic,  and  the  Renaissance 
with  an  occasional  ill-starred  experiment  in  modern  costume. 

From  1928-1933  the  Shakespearean  stage  seemed  to  be  dominated  by 
Hans  Rothe,  a  competent  student  of  Shakespeare  possessed  of  the  laud- 
able desire  to  make  Shakespeare  well-known  to  broader  masses  of  people. 
He  made  Henry  IV  into  an  entertainment  of  one  evening  with  Falstaff 
as  the  chief  character.  He  made  the  Merry  Wives  of  Windsor  into  a  play 
called  Falstaff  in  Windsor.  He  made  over  The  Comedy  of  Errors,  and 
Two  Gentlemen  of  Verona  with  fundamental  changes.  In  other  dramas 
he  made  changes  sufficiently  drastic  to  alter  the  nature  of  the  characters 
and  actions.  The  language  of  his  plays  approached  that  of  the  twentieth 
century.  In  one  of  his  best  years  he  presented  his  versions  one  hundred 
and  fifty  times  in  Berlin,  while  the  Schlegel-Tieck-Baudissin  versions 
were  presented  only  fifty  times.  It  came  to  be  evident  that  Rothe  was 
more  interested  in  effective  theater  than  in  Shakespeare.  Critics,  press, 
and  authorities  began  to  interest  themselves,  and  in  1936  "der  Fall 
Rothe"  was  "erledigt."25 

Rothe's  versions  stand  in  marked  contrast  to  Gundolf's,  both  in  pur- 
pose and  effect.  Gundolf  sought  to  ennoble  the  language  in  its  effort  to 
encompass  Shakespeare.  Presumably  he  thought  his  versions  too  good 
for  the  masses  of  the  public.  His  Antony  and  Cleopatra  was  played  in 
Frankfurt  in  1915  without  success.  A  few  attempts  were  also  made  to 
use  his  versions  with  modifications,  but  it  is  now  clear  that  his  transla- 
tion is  for  the  library  rather  than  the  stage. 

Meanwhile  a  new  city  was  coming  to  the  fore.  Under  the  direction  of 
Saladin  Schmidt  the  theater  of  the  industrial  city  of  Bochum  in  the 
Ruhr  began  to  devote  intensive  study  to  Shakespeare's  dramas.  Begin- 
ning about  1923  twenty-eight  plays  were  brought  to  successful  produc- 
tion on  the  stage.  Then  in  the  first  Bochum  "Shakespeare- Woche"  all 
the  English  historical  dramas  were  presented  in  sequence  in  a  single 
week.  This  success  was  followed  ten  years  later  by  a  second  week  in  which 
all  the  Roman  dramas  were  staged. 


The  rationalists,  the  "Sturmer  und  Dranger,"  in  fact  the  German 
eighteenth  century  in  its  entirety  felt  no  compulsion  to  come  into  any 
26  Re  Rothe  cf.  JEGPh,  XXXVI  (1937)  256. 


278      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

relationship  with  Shakespeare's  sonnets.  The  romanticists  were  imagi- 
natively historical  and  also  historically  philological.  They  sought  not 
so  much  to  interpret  Shakespeare  in  the  light  of  the  Elizabethan  time, 
as  to  develop  a  picture  of  that  time  through  a  more  accurate  view  of 
Shakespeare,  and  they  believed  also  that  the  sonnets  of  Shakespeare 
could  be  made  to  throw  light  upon  his  dramas.  Tieck  once  wrote:  "Man 
hat  mich  oft  aufgefordert,  ein  Leben  Shakespeares  zu  schreiben.  Das 
Meiste,  was  ich  von  ihm  weifi,  habe  ich  in  diesen  Sonetten  erfahren."26 
He  made  the  sonnets  in  good  part  the  basis  of  his  "Novelle,"  Ein  Dichter- 
leben. 

The  history  of  the  translation  of  the  sonnets  does  not  begin  until  the 
nineteenth  century.  The  resultant  products  have  recently  been  analyzed 
in  detail.27  Tieck  never  carried  out  his  plan  of  translating  the  sonnets  and 
ultimately  left  the  task  to  the  ill-equipped  Dorothea  Tieck.  Lachmann's 
translations  represent  the  philological  element  of  the  romantic  school. 
They  are  meticulously  correct  but  unpoetic.  It  remained  for  Gottlieb 
Regis  to  do  justice  to  the  full  romantic  intent  in  1836 :  "Eine  bewunderns- 
werte  Leistung,  die  wiirdig  ihren  Platz  behauptet  neben  den  ganz  groBen 
Ubersetzungen  der  Romantik,  neben  der  Drameniibersetzung  Schle- 
gels."28 

The  epoch  of  poetic  realism  had  little  or  naught  in  common  with  the 
age  of  Shakespeare.  The  realists  were  interested  in  any  facts  of  Shake- 
speare's life  which  might  be  deduced  from  his  sonnets,  provided  these 
could  shock  in  no  way  the  moral  sense  of  the  public.  They  sought  to 
render  the  sonnets  agreeable  to  broad  masses  of  the  reading  public  by 
expressing  them  in  the  language  of  the  best  middle-class  public,  smooth- 
ing over  all  problematical  lines  and  using  trite  phrases  which  had  been 
confirmed  as  poetic.  Bodenstedt  wrote:  "Meine  Absicht  war  einfach,  die 
Sonette  in  die  poetische  Sprache  unserer  Zeit  zu  iibersetzen,"  and  he  was 
content  with  his  success.  He  reported  that  he  had  read  his  translations 
to  "den  sittsamsten  Herren  und  Damen  .  .  .  ohne  jemals  einen  Laut 
sittlicher  Entriistung  zu  vernehmen."29  Bodenstedt  was  the  character- 
istic translator  of  the  time.  Much  that  might  be  said  of  his  Shakespeare 
translations  would  apply  to  Jordan  and  Simrock  as  well,  and  also  to 
Ludwig  Fulda,  although  Fulda's  translations  did  not  appear  until  1911, 
four  years  after  the  translations  of  Stefan  George.  Kahn  classifies  Shake- 
speare's sonnets  as  "klassisch-renaissancehaft  im  Gegensatz  zum  ba- 
rocken  Pathos  Miltons."30  The  language  is  "antinaturalistisch"  and 
"deklamatorisch"  rather  than  "prezios."   The  translations  of  Stefan 

26  Taschenbuch  Penelope  auf  das  Jahr  1826.  29  Ibid.,  65. 

27  Kahn  [675].  3°  Ibid.,  31  f. 

28  Ibid.,  60. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  279 

George  are  conscientiously  faithful  to  the  original.  He  might  have  been 
vexed  to  find  them  associated  with  Lachmann's  in  this  respect,  but  the 
language  instead  of  being  "oratorisch"  is  "prezios"  and  "gesucht."31  Of 
the  thirty  or  more  translators  since  his  time,  presumably  no  one  had 
solved  more  successfully  than  Gottlieb  Regis  the  difficult  task  of  trans- 
lating Shakespeare's  sonnets. 

While  much  has  been  said  and  written  regarding  the  glorification  of 
Shakespeare  by  the  romanticists,  their  poetic  new  creations  in  the  spirit 
of  Shakespeare  have  been  underestimated.  August  Wilhelm  Schlegel  said : 
"Der  dramatische  Dichter  hat  die  Aufgabe,  popular  zu  sein,  den  Gebil- 
detesten  zu  geniigen  und  den  groBen  Haufen  anzulocken,  was  auch 
Shakespeare  und  Calderon  geleistet  haben,"32  and  at  the  conclusion  of 
his  lectures  in  Vienna  he  called  for  dramatists  who  should  bring  upon  the 
stage  the  epochs  of  German  history  "in  einer  Reihe  Schauspiele  wie  die 
historischen  von  Shakespeare."  He  wrote  to  Fouque:  "Welch  ein  Feld 
fur  einen  Dichter,  der  wie  Shakespeare  die  poetische  Seite  groBer  Welt- 
begebenheiten  zu  fassen  wufite."33  The  Shakespearean  elements  in  the 
dramas  of  Schlegel's  disciples  have  been  partly  hidden  by  the  recom- 
mended admixture  of  "altdeutscher"  and  Calderonian  elements. 

According  to  an  anecdote  related  by  his  biographer  Kopke,  Hamlet 
became  the  object  of  young  Tieck's  first  enthusiasm.34  Not  long  after, 
toward  the  end  of  the  1770's,  Tieck  had  the  opportunity  of  seeing  many 
Shakespearean  plays  given  in  Berlin — Coriolanus,  Hamlet,  Macbeth, 
Othello,  and  The  Merchant  of  Venice.  A  poem,  Die  Sommernacht,  written 
by  Tieck  in  1789,  celebrated  Shakespeare  as  the  greatest  of  all  poets. 
Tieck  imparted  his  enthusiasm  to  many  friends  but  only  Wackenroder 
responded  as  he  wished.35  The  correspondence  shows  that  Tieck  began  in 
Halle  to  read  Shakespeare's  dramas  intensively,  to  memorize  long  pas- 
sages from  them,  to  read  Eschenburg's  notes  and  probably  all  that  Les- 
sing,  Gerstenberg,  Lenz,  and  Herder  had  written  on  Shakespeare.  His 
first  steps  toward  independent  scholarship  were  taken  in  Gottingen  in 
1792.  Here  for  the  first  time  he  could  read  Shakespeare  and  his  contem- 
poraries in  the  original  English  and  study  the  Elizabethan  period. 

On  his  return  to  Berlin  in  1794  Tieck  offered  an  acting  version  of 
Tempest  to  the  theater.  When  nothing  came  of  this  he  had  the  version 
published  by  Nicolai  in  1796  together  with  a  treatise  Uber  Shakespeares 
Behandlung  des  Wunderbaren,  a  work,  to  use  Gundolf's  characterization, 

31  Ibid.,  92. 

32  Quoted  by  Kluckhohn  [1101]  45. 

33  Ibid.,  46. 

34  Kopke,  Ludwig  Tieck,  Leipzig,  1884,  I  42.  Cf.  Zeydel  [1313]. 
35Liideke  [1309]  23. 


280      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

worin  er  alle  diejenigen  Krafte  Shakespeares  herausstellte,  deren  unmittelbare  Nach- 
ahmung  im  Bereich  seiner  eignen  Anlage  waren.  Shakespeare  ist  ihm  nicht  der 
Schopfer  sondern  der  Zauberer,  nicht  der  Gestalter  sondern  der  Spieler,  nicht  der 
Seher  sondern  der  Traumer,  der  unverantwortliche  Landschafter,  Stimmungs-  und 
Taschen-Kiinstler.36 

In  this  essay  is  to  be  found  the  first  reference  to  a  larger  treatise  on 
Shakespeare,  a  much  postponed  work,  in  which  even  Tieck's  friends  at 
last  lost  faith.  Tieck's  "Shakespeare-Novelle,"  Ein  Dichterleben,  has 
sometimes  been  characterized  as  the  grave  of  his  book  on  Shakespeare, 
but  it  was  not  exclusively  a  counsel  of  despair  that  led  to  this  burial. 
Poetic  theory  was  in  part  responsible.  Friedrich  Schlegel  had  said:  "Uber 
Dichtung  ist  es  nur  erlaubt  zu  dichten,"  and  Tieck's  associate,  Novalis, 
was  at  that  time  engaged  in  writing  his  Heinrich  von  Ofterdingen.  It  was 
not  until  1817  that  Tieck  found  time  and  means  for  a  four  week  visit  to 
the  British  Museum.  Then,  before  he  was  able  to  utilize  the  material  he 
had  collected,  he  had  committed  himself  to  the  completion  of  Schlegel's 
undertaking.  This  work  absorbed  much  enthusiasm,  that  might  perhaps 
otherwise  have  gone  into  further  dramas  or  "Novellen"  inspired  by 
Shakespeare's  life  or  poetry. 

We  find  Shakespeare's  influence  most  obvious  therefore  in  Tieck's 
early  works.  In  his  Brief e  iiber  Shakespeare,  1800,  he  wrote: 

Das  Zentrum  meiner  Liebe  und  Erkenntnis  ist  Shakespeares  Geist,  auf  den  ich  alles 
unwillkurlich  und  oft,  ohne  daft  ich  es  wei6,  beziehe;  alles,  was  ich  erfahre  und  lerne, 
hat  Zusammenhang  mit  ihm;  meine  Ideen  sowie  die  Natur,  alles  erklart  ihn  und  er 
erklart  die  anderen  Wesen,  und  so  studiere  ich  ihn  unaufhorlich.37 

There  are  many  reminiscences  of  Macbeth  in  his  Siward,  and  there  is 
much  of  the  character  of  Hamlet  in  his  Karl  von  Berneck,  1795,  the  last 
of  his  youthful  dramas.  In  the  satirical  plays  of  his  following  period  he 
leaned  upon  Jonson  rather  than  Shakespeare38  but  in  his  more  serious 
dramas  he  returned  to  Shakespeare.  His  Leben  und  Tod  der  heiligen 
Genoveva,  1800,  has  a  decidedly  old-English  tone,  reminding  of  The  True 
Chronicle  History  of  the  Whole  Life  and  Death  of  Thomas  Lord  Cromwell 
and  The  Life  and  Death  of  Jack  Straw,  but  the  actual  form  of  Tieck's 
Genoveva  is  Shakespearean,  as  Tieck  himself  admitted  in  a  letter  to  his 
friend  Solger: 

Es  gehort  zu  meinen  Eigenheiten,  dafi  ich  lange  Jahre  den  Perikles  von  Shakespeare 
vielleicht  ubertrieben  verehrt  habe;  ohne  diesen  ware  Zerbino  nicht,  noch  weniger 
Genoveva  oder  Oktavian  entstanden.  Ich  hatte  mich  in  diese  Form  wie  vergafft,  die  so 
wunderbar  Epik  und  Drama  verschmelzt;  es  schien  mir  moglich,  selbst  Lyrik  hinein- 
zuwerfen.39 

36Gundolf  [652  ]2  124. 

37Kluckhohn  [1101]  33. 

38Stanger  [1460]. 

39  Solgers  Nachgelassene  Schriften  und  Briefwechsel,  ed.  Tieck,  Leipzig,  1S26,  I  502. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  281 

To  Iffland  Tieck  wrote:  "Ich  habe  in  diesem  Schauspiel  [Genoveva]  den 
Versuch  gemacht,  die  Shakespearesche  Form  mit  der  spanischen  zu 
vereinigen."40  Reminiscent  of  Shakespeare  also  are  several  women  char- 
acters as  well  as  the  romantic  outdoor  atmosphere.  Genoveva  became  for 
the  romantic  circle  what  Emilia  Galotti  had  been  for  an  earlier  generation, 
a  living  exemplification  of  its  dramatic  principles. 

In  Kaiser  Oktavianus,  1804,  only  the  first  part  is  in  structure  remi- 
niscent of  Pericles,  the  second  part  resembles  rather  Henry  IV  in  form. 
After  finishing  his  Kaiser  Oktavianus  Tieck's  dramatic  impulse  slum- 
bered for  ten  years.  Reawakened  it  produced  a  few  dramas  which  were, 
to  be  sure,  rather  old-English  in  their  general  tone  but  not  specifically 
Shakespearean. 

Almost  until  the  present  day  no  one  has  challenged  Tieck's  assertion 
that  Novalis  showed  no  response  to  the  poetic  art  of  Shakespeare.41 
Tieck's  superficial  comment  is  pardonable,  for  the  response  was  not 
obvious.  Novalis  had  long  possessed  the  Eschenburg  translation,  but 
about  two  months  after  the  death  of  his  Sophie  he  received  from  Fried- 
rich  Schlegel  a  copy  of  August  Wilhelm  Schlegel's  translation  of  Romeo 
and  Juliet.  In  his  "Journal"  he  noted,  May  13,  1797: 

Ich  fing  an,  Shakespeare  zu  lesen — ich  las  mich  recht  hinein.  Abends  ging  ich  zu 
Sophien.  Dort  war  ich  unbeschreiblich  freudig — aufblitzende  Enthusiasmusmomente. 
Das  Grab  blies  ich  wie  Staub  vor  mir  hin — Jahrhunderte  waren  wie  Momente — ihre 
Nahe  war  fuhlbar — ich  glaubte,  sie  solle  immer  vortreten  .  .  .  Abends  hatte  ich  noch 
einige  gute  Ideen.  Shakespeare  gab  mir  viel  zu  denken.42 

Night,  love,  and  death  are  the  dominant  notes  in  Romeo  und  Julia  and 
in  Novalis's  Hymnen  an  die  Nacht.  In  an  essay  "Uber  Shakespeares 
Romeo  und  Julia"  (Die  Horen,  July,  1797)  Schlegel  spoke  of  the  lines 
beginning:  "Spread  thy  close  curtain,  love-performing  night,"  calling 
them  Juliet's  "Hymnus  an  die  Nacht."  Novalis  returned  the  translation 
of  Romeo  and  Juliet,  May  25,  with  the  comment  that  more  than  poetry 
was  in  the  tragedy:  "Jetzt  fing  ich  an  zu  ahnden,  was  Shakespeare  so 
einzig  macht.  Er  durfte  leicht  divinatorische  Anlagen  entwickeln."43 
Novalis's  Hymnen  an  die  Nacht  were  not  published  until  1800,  but  it  is 
generally  believed  that  they  were  begun  in  1797,  not  long  after  the  death 
of  Sophie  and  about  the  time  he  received  the  translation.  The  poems 
signify  that  Novalis  had  abandoned  the  idea  of  a  flight  into  death  in 
favor  of  a  flight  into  poetic  creation. 

"Kluckhohn  [1101]  34. 

41  Novalis,  Schriften,  ed.  Kluckhohn  and  Samuel,  Leipzig,  [1928]  IV  458. 

42  Ibid.,  IV  285. 

43  Ibid.,  V  205. 


282      University  of  Calif 'ornia  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

A  critic  has  recently  defined  the  relation  between  Novalis's  cycle  and 
Shakespeare's  tragedy: 

As  the  expression  of  an  "Urerlebnis"  Romeo  und  Julia  could  reappear  in  the  Hymnen 
an  die  Nacht,  but  only  after  it  had  undergone  a  complete  metamorphosis.  When  it  did, 
it  helped  Novalis  to  find  himself  as  a  poet;  above  all,  it  liberated  him  from  the  fear 
and  despair  which  had  haunted  him  in  the  early  months  of  1797  and  which  continued 
to  loom  behind  all  his  poetic  works.44 

The  shades  of  Calderon  and  of  Shakespeare  hover  over  the  dramas  of 
Brentano.  Die  Griindung  Prags,  1813,  is  more  strongly  under  the  spell  of 
Calderon,  but  Ponce  de  Leon,  1801,  despite  its  theme,  is,  with  its  bold 
playing  on  words  and  its  disguises,  highly  Shakespearean.  It  also  draws 
upon  As  yon  Like  it,  Much  Ado  about  Nothing,  and  Twelfth  Night  for 
motifs. 

Achim  von  Arnim's  drama  Halle  und  Jerusalem,  1811,  shows  the  con- 
tending forces  at  work.  Its  initial  impulse  was  "altdeutsch."  Arnim  in- 
tended little  more  than  a  light  adaptation  of  Gryphius's  Cardenio  und 
Celinde.  First  the  introductory  narrative  was  transformed  into  action. 
Then  the  scene  was  changed  to  modern  Halle,  bringing  with  it  the  stu- 
dent life  which  Arnim  knew  so  well.  Comic  and  tragic  scenes  were  juxta- 
posed as  in  Shakespeare's  dramas.  For  the  variations,  prose  and  verse, 
Arnim  substituted  verse  and  "unbestimmte  Jamben."  He  borrowed  the 
marriage  music  from  Romeo  and  Juliet  and  the  play  within  the  play  from 
Hamlet.  Finally  the  stage  for  which  he  wrote  was  not  the  baroque  but 
the  Shakespearean.  The  Nachspiel,  Jerusalem,  is  materially  related  to 
Calderon's  work,  but  the  form  is  rather  that  of  Shakespeare's.  His  later 
plays  Der  Auerhahn  and  Der  echte  und  der  falsche  Waldemar  have  similar 
Shakespearean  characteristics.  Arnim  clearly  strove  to  give  his  main 
dramatic  characters  Shakespearean  strength,  and  in  this  he  succeeded 
at  least  better  than  his  fellow  romanticists.45 

Heine's  comments  on  Shakespeare  shed  more  light  on  Heine  than  on 
Shakespeare.  A  text  was  wanted  for  a  series  of  mediocre  steel  engravings 
to  be  published  under  the  title  Shakespeares  Madchen  und  Frauen,  1823. 
Heine  accepted  the  contract,  partly  on  account  of  the  generous  hono- 
rarium and  partly  lest  it  should  go  to  Tieck  if  he  declined  it.  His  text 
consists  of  three  parts.  The  first,  which  alone  concerns  us  here,  deals 
with  the  history  of  Shakespeare's  fame  in  England  and  Germany.  Heine 
did  not  know  of  Gerstenberg  and  the  Schleswigsche  Literaturbriefe  nor  of 
Goethe's  Zum  Schdkespears  Tag,  which  indeed  had  not  yet  seen  the  light, 
but  otherwise  he  was  well  read  in  the  critical  literature  on  the  subject. 

44Rehder  [848]. 
"Kluckhohn  f  11011. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  283 

He  lent  the  weight  of  his  authority  to  the  then  prevalent  belief  that  it 
was  Lessing  who  almost  single-handedly  had  won  for  Shakespeare  recog- 
nition in  Germany  and  England,  and  was  inclined  to  believe  "die  ganze 
Lessingsche  Dramaturgie  sei  im  Interesse  Shakespears  geschrieben."46 
Heine's  division  of  mankind  into  two  groups — one  Greeks,  the  other 
Nazarenes  (Jews  and  Christians) — is  well  known,  but  Shakespeare  defied 
such  classification,  and  Heine  perforce  admitted  that  Shakespeare  was  a 
synthesis  of  the  two.47 

Heine  admired  above  all  in  Shakespeare  the  violent  contrasts,  the 
"Stimmungsbrechungen.''  In  his  Harzreise  he  wrote: 

Das  Leben  ist  im  Grunde  so  fatal  ernsthaft,  dafi  es  nicht  zu  ertragen  ware  ohne 
solche  Verbindung  des  Pathetischen  mit  dem  Komischen.  Das  wissen  unsere  Poeten. 
Die  grauenhaftesten  Bilder  des  menschlichen  Wahnsinns  zeigt  uns  Aristophanes  nur 
im  lachenden  Spiegel  des  Witzes,  den  groCen  Denkerschmerz,  der  seine  eigne  Nichtig- 
keit  begreift,  wagt  Goethe  nur  in  den  Knittelversen  eines  Puppenspiels  auszusprechen, 
und  die  todlichste  Klage  iiber  den  Jammer  der  Welt  legt  Shakespeare  in  den  Mund 
eines  Narren,  wahrend  er  dessen  Schellenkappe  angstlich  schuttelt.  Sie  habens  alle 
dem  grofien  Urpoeten  abgesehen,  der  in  seiner  tausendaktigen  Welttragodie  den 
Humor  aufs  hochste  zu  treiben  weiB.48 

To  a  similar  purport  Heine  expressed  himself  in  a  letter: 

Das  Ungeheurste,  das  Entsetzlichste,  das  Schaudervollste,  wenn  es  nicht  unpoetisch 
werden  soil,  kann  man  auch  nur  in  dem  buntscheckigen  Gewande  des  Lacherlichen 
darstellen,  gleichsam  versohnend,  darum  hat  auch  Shakespeare  das  Grafilichste  im 
Lear  durch  den  Narren  sagen  lassen,  darum  hat  auch  Goethe  zu  dem  furchtbarsten 
Stoffe,  zum  Faust,  die  Puppenspielform  gewahlt,  darum  hat  auch  der  noch  grofiere 
Poet,  namlich  Unser  Herrgott,  alien  Schreckensszenen  dieses  Lebens  eine  gute  Dosis 
SpaChaftigkeit  beigemischt.49 

Shakespeare  occupied  an  important  place  in  the  German  philosophy 
of  the  nineteenth  century,  most  important  of  all  perhaps  in  that  of 
Schopenhauer,  who  as  a  boy  had  studied  in  Wimbledon  in  1803.  Very 
probably  Shakespeare's  dramas  were  known  to  Schopenhauer  before  his 
sixteenth  year.50  Since  art  alone,  according  to  his  view,  made  life  toler- 
able, it  is  but  natural  that  his  philosophical  discussions  should  be  full  of 
quotations  from  the  great  poets,  above  all  from  Goethe  and  Shakespeare. 
To  express  it  approximately,  Shakespeare  represented  for  him  "die  Welt 
als  Wille,"  and  Goethe  "die  Welt  als  Vorstellung."51  In  his  reflective 
moments  Shakespeare,  to  be  sure,  could  admit : 

We  are  such  stuff 
As  dreams  are  made  of,  and  our  little  life 
Is  rounded  with  a  sleep. 


«  Heine,  Werke,  VIII  171.  49  Ibid.,  IV  512. 

47  Ibid.,  VIII  397.  50  Wieninger  [974]  170. 

48  Ibid.,  IV  180.  61  Gebhard  [973]  171. 


284      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Here  Hamlet  had  defined  for  Schopenhauer  the  relation  of  life  to 
death.  The  heroes  of  the  Greek  drama  died  at  the  behest  of  fate,  died 
calmly  and  nobly,  but  still  reluctantly.  Shakespeare's  heroes  died  with  a 
deeper  insight,  with  the  recognition  that  life  was  after  all  nothing. 
Schopenhauer  agreed  too  with  Shakespeare's  conception  of  fate  and  char- 
acter. The  one  was  the  other.  No  individual  could  change  his  character, 
which  none  the  less  determined  his  life  and  thus  reduced  him  to  a  puppet- 
like existence,  in  which  the  world  was  a  stage  and  the  men  and  women 
merely  players.  Of  all  Shakespeare  dramas,  Schopenhauer  quotes  most 
frequently  Hamlet.  Kuno  Fischer  surmised  this  was  because  he  felt  a 
spiritual  kinship  with  Hamlet 

nicht  blofi  als  der  geniale  Pessimist,  der  er  sein  wollte  und  war,  sondern  auch  schick- 
salsverwandt  als  der  Sohn  einer  Mutter,  die  nach  seinem  Dafurhalten  die  Liebe  des 
Gatten,  seines  edlen  Vaters,  nicht  zu  schatzen  gewufit,  und  an  ihm  und  an  seinem 
Andenken  versiindigt  habe.62 

Nietzsche  and  a  school  friend  first  read  Byron  and  Shakespeare  at 
Pforta  at  the  beginning  of  1862.  One  of  Nietzsche's  shrewd  relatives 
attributed  his  sudden  flagging  of  interest  in  humdrum  studies  to  the 
impression  he  received  from  these  poets.  The  young  men  forthwith  de- 
clared their  previous  writings  to  be  milk-and-water  sentimentality,  and  a 
period  of  imitation  began,  at  least  on  Nietzsche's  part,  which  he  later 
declared  to  be  loathsome  and  childish.  It  was  in  this  early  period  that 
Nietzsche  wrote  the  poem  Nachtgedanken,  1863,  in  which  he  represented 
himself  in  a  Faustian  pose  among  his  books,  saying : 

Du  gabst  mir  Trost,  du  gabst  mir  Wein  und  Brot, 

Mein  Shakespeare,  als  mich  Schmerzen  niederzwangen.53 

Before  his  school  society  Nietzsche  read  a  paper  in  which  he  referred  to 
Byron's  heroes  as  "Ubermenschen"  just  as  he  described  Shakespeare's 
heroes  twenty  years  later  in  a  letter  to  his  sister: 

Es  gibt  starke  Selbste,  deren  Selbstsucht  man  beinahe  gottlich  nennen  moehte 
(z.B.  die  Zarathustras) — aber  jede  Starke  ist  schon  an  sich  etwas  fur  den  Blick 
Lebendes  und  Beseligendes.  Lies  Shakespeare:  er  steckt  voll  solcher  starken  Men- 
schen,  roher,  harter  Granitmenschen.  An  diesen  ist  unsere  Zeit  so  arm.54 

His  sister  maintained  that  the  idea  of  the  "Ubermensch"  developed 

under  the  spell  of  Shakespeare  and  Byron  long  before  the  theories  of 

Darwin  were  known — of  which  Nietzsche  himself  was  always  skeptical. 

In  the  often-quoted  parable  at  the  beginning  of  Also  sprach  Zarathnstra 

M  Kuno  Fischer,  Shakespeares  Hamlet,  Heidelberg,  1896,  150. 
53  Nietzsche,  Gesammelte  Werke,  Munchen,  1920-1929,  I  193. 
64Ludwig  [971]  39. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  285 

he  made  use  of  them,  to  be  sure,  but  only  as  a  simile  to  make  clearer  his 
thought.55  At  first  the  figure  of  the  "superman"  appeared  to  him  merely 
as  an  enchanting  vision,  but  he  later  found  some  real  instances  in  the 
past,  and  among  these  he  ranked  Shakespeare,  Byron,  Caesar,  Napoleon, 
Goethe,  and  several  of  the  Greeks.56  Of  all  Shakespeare's  works  Nietzsche 
admired  Caesar  most:  "Wenn  ich  meine  hochste  Formel  fur  Shakespeare 
suche,  so  finde  ich  immer  nur  die,  dafi  er  den  Typus  Caesar  concipiert 
hat."57  In  respect  to  form,  to  be  sure,  Nietzsche  could  not  commend 
Shakespeare's  work,  at  least  not  in  his  later  years.  He  once  said:  "Mein 
Artisten-Geschmack  [nimmt]  die  Namen  Moliere,  Corneille  und  Racine 
nicht  ohne  Ingrimm  gegen  ein  wlistes  Genie  wie  Shakespeare  in  Schutz."58 
On  another  occasion  he  quoted  Byron  as  saying:  "Ich  betrachte  Shake- 
speare als  das  schlecheteste  Vorbild,  wenn  auch  als  den  auflerordentlich- 
sten  Dichter."  In  Ecce  homo  Nietzsche  wrote: 

Ich  kenne  keine  herzzerreissendere  Lekture  als  Shakespeare:  was  muB  ein  Mensch 
gelitten  haben,  um  dergestalt  es  ndthig  zu  haben,  Hanswurst  zu  sein!  Versteht  man  den 
Hamlet?  Nicht  der  Zweifel,  die  GewiBheit  ist  das,  was  wahnsinnig  macht. 

So  saying,  the  thought  occurs  to  him  that  only  a  philosopher  could  speak 
so  truly,  and  Nietzsche  is  "instinktiv  sicher  und  gewifS,  dafi  Lord  Bacon 
der  Urheber,  der  Selbstthierqualer  dieser  unheimlichsten  Art  Literatur 
ist."59  The  statement  stands  alone,  and  elsewhere  Nietzsche  discoun- 
tenances the  Baconists,60  but  this  has  not  prevented  them  from  pro- 
claiming Nietzsche  as  one  of  their  number. 

No  German  Shakespeare,  indeed  no  modern  Shakespeare  is  to  be 
expected.  After  Egmont  Goethe  declared  his  freedom  from  Shakespeare. 
Kleist  never  fulfilled  the  prophecy  of  Wieland,  but  he  responded  to 
Shakespeare's  most  tragic  notes.  Grabbe  challenged  Shakespeare,  Grill- 
parzer  consciously  avoided  him.  Hebbel  was  shielded  by  a  Hegelian 
view  of  history  foreign  to  Shakespeare.  Otto  Ludwig  and  Georg  Buchner 
died  just  after  they  had  undergone  their  apprenticeship  to  Shakespeare. 
Gerhart  Hauptmann  lived  to  profit  by  it. 

Wieland's  testimony  regarding  Kleist  is  well  known :  "Wenn  die  Geister 
des  Aeschylus,  Sophokles  und  Shakespeare  sich  vereinigten,  eine  Tra- 
godie  zu  schaffen,  sie  wurde  das  sein,  was  Kleist's  Tod  Guiskards  des 
Normannen,  sofern  das  Ganze  demjenigen  entsprache,  was  er  mich  da- 
mals  horen  liefi."61  Wilbrandt  and  others  accepted  this  as  Kleist's  intent. 

55  Forster-Nietzsche,  Life  of  Nietzsche,  trsl.  Ludovici,  New  York,  1912,  II  199. 

56  Ibid.,  II  203;  cf.  Forster-Nietzsche  [1304]  151. 
67  Nietzsche,  Werke,  XXI  200. 

58  Ibid.,  VIII  192. 

59  Ibid.,  XXI  200,  201. 

60  Ludwig  [971  ]  34,  but  cf.  Nietzsche,  Werke,  XIX  245. 

61  Von  Bhlow,  Heinrich  von  Kleists  Leben  und  Brief e,  Berlin,  1848,  32. 


286      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Some  later  critics,  to  be  sure,  have  been  skeptical.62  His  first  tragedy,  Die 
Familie  Schroffenstein,  calls  Romeo  and  Juliet  to  mind,  less  persistently 
King  Lear,  Macbeth,  King  John,  Othello,  and  Richard  II,63  but  here  as 
well  as  later  we  have  to  do  with  an  elusive  relation,  of  which  Kleist  him- 
self may  have  been  unconscious.  The  serious  comedy  Measure  for  Measure 
has  in  different  ways  left  its  trace  on  Prinz  Friedrich  von  Homburg  and 
on  Der  zerbrochene  Krug.  This  comedy  presents  parallels  to  Measure  for 
Measure  not  only  in  its  main  theme  but  also  in  its  individual  scenes,  and 
many  speeches  seem  to  echo  Shakespeare's  play  or,  to  be  more  precise, 
Eschenburg's  translation  of  it.64 

Like  Shakespeare,  Kleist  seized  upon  life  with  a  passionate  fervor,  but 
he  demanded  of  it  a  worthy  content.  'Teh  habe  keinen  andern  Wunsch 
als  zu  sterben,  wenn  mir  drei  Dinge  gelungen  sind:  ein  Kind,  ein  schon 
Gedicht,  und  eine  groBe  Tat."  His  exaltation  of  death  was  but  a  corollary 
of  his  Shakespearean  appreciation  of  life.  "Das  Leben  hat  doch  immer 
nichts  Erhabneres,  als  nur  dieses,  dafi  man  es  erhaben  wegwerfen  kann."65 
The  phrase  "reif  zum  Tod"  recurs  in  his  letters  and  dramas.  Whether  or 
not  he  derived  this  phrase  from  King  Lear,  as  one  critic  surmises,66  it 
brings  him  on  to  a  plateau  with  Shakespeare.  It  is  precisely  at  crises  of 
his  dramas,  where  life  is  at  stake,  that  Kleist  seems  most  strikingly 
Shakespearean,  and  grim,  ironic,  Shakespearean  laughter  often  accom- 
panies death.  Kleist  appears  to  have  known  Shakespeare  well,  either  in 
the  original  or  in  translations,  but  if  it  was  ever  his  intention  to  unite 
the  art  of  the  Greeks  with  that  of  Shakespeare  he  was  foredoomed  to 
failure.  He  could  not  with  the  Greeks  assign  a  determining  role  to  the 
fates  and  thus  lighten  the  responsibility  of  man.  Like  Shakespeare  he 
was  an  individualist,  but  again  not  a  Shakespearean  individualist — for 
that  he  came  too  late.  His  characters  could  not  live  themselves  out  in 
supreme  disregard  of  society;  they  had  to  pit  themselves  against  society 
or  yield  to  the  common  good.  For  that  reason  Kleist  could  not  adopt  and 
adapt  Shakspeare's  tragic  characters  as  entities.  Moreover  his  dramatic 
work  was  un-Shakespearean  for  the  simple  reason  that  he  lived  and  wrote 
not  in  the  triumphant  age  of  Elizabeth  but  in  one  of  Prussia's  darkest 
epochs. 

Grabbe  succeeded  by  dint  of  imitation,  protestation,  and  emulation 

in  connecting  his  name  with  Shakespeare's.  In  his  Herzog  Theodor  von 

Gotland  he  followed  his  model  Titus  Andronicus  rather  slavishly.  The 

62  Wukadinovic,  S.  Kleist-Studien,  Stuttgart,  1904;  Fischer,  O.  Kleisis  Guiskard 
Problem,  Dortmund,  1912. 
"Corssen  [1078]  22-24. 

64  Krumpelmann  [1080]. 

65  Brief e  Heinrich  von  Kleists,  ed.  Michael,  Leipzig  [1925],  182. 
66Corssen  [1078]  76. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  287 

idea  of  the  extinction  of  an  entire  family  as  a  means  of  revenge  appealed 
strongly  to  his  poetic  temperament.  The  two  Moors,  Aaron  and  Berdon, 
in  the  two  plays  in  question,  are  similar  in  action  and  words  and  char- 
acter. Both  seek  to  gain  revenge  with  the  aid  of  cat's-paws.  In  Grabbe's 
Marius  und  Sulla,  furthermore,  there  are  a  large  number  of  parallels  to 
Coriolanus  both  in  motifs  and  phrasing.67  Grabbe's  two  works  were  pub- 
lished in  1827  together  with  an  essay  Uber  die  Shakespearomanie  criticiz- 
ing the  imitators  of  Shakespeare : 

Nachahmung  ist  iiberall  verwerflich  und  schickt  sich  nur  fur  gedankenlose  Kinder 
und  Affen.  Der  Deutsche  fuhlt  das,  er  lafit  sich  daher  nicht  gerne  Nachahmer  schelten, 
und  sucht  fast  immerdar  die  Nachahmung  durch  Ubertreibung  zu  verstecken.  .  .  .  Wir 
wiinschen  und  hoffen  Dichter,  welche  es  nicht  bei  der  Nebenbuhlerei  des  Shakespeare 
beruhen  lassen,  sondern  indem  sie  alle  Fortschritte  der  Zeit  in  sich  aufnehmen,  ihn 
iiberbieten.  Hat  sich  ein  solches  Talent  noch  immer  nicht  gezeigt,  so  ist  das  kein  Be- 
weis,  daB  es  nicht  noch  kommen  kann,  und  in  mehrerer  Hinsicht  hat  Goethes  Erschei- 
nung  hier  bereits  unsern  Wunsch  erfiillt. 

Mit  Shakespeare,  das  heifit,  durch  Streben  in  dessen  Manier,  erwirbt  sich  kein 
Dichter  Originalitat;  bei  jetzigem  Stande  der  Buhne  wird  er  beinahe  schon  dadurch 
ein  Original,  daJ3  er  Shakespeares  Fehler  vermeidet.68 

Don  Juan  und  Faust,  Napoleon,  Die  Hermannsschlacht,  and  the 
"Hohenstaufen"  dramas  represent  an  attempt  to  emulate  Shakespeare 
and  surpass  him.  Grabbe  wrote  to  a  friend  in  1829:  "Bin  ich  nicht  ein 
bischen  ein  Sappermenter?  Den  Sir  Shakespeare  wollen  wir  doch  wohl 
herunterkriegen.  Fur  sein  bestes  historisches  Stuck  gebe  ich  nicht  einmal 
den  Barbarossa.,,G9  As  the  subject  matter  is  different,  a  paralleling  of 
motifs  occurs  only  by  accident.  Thus  Grabbe's  Kaiser  Friedrich  in  Rein- 
rick  VI,  when  excommunicated,  replies  to  the  message  of  the  pope  in 
phrases  rather  closely  resembling  those  of  Shakespeare's  King  John. 
Aschenbrodel  is  related  in  an  interesting  way  to  The  Merchant  of  Venice. 
It  required  no  mean  skill  to  blend  so  successfully  motifs  from  Shake- 
speare's drama  into  this  fairy  drama.  The  Jew  plot  in  Grabbe's  drama 
corresponds  to  the  Shylock  plot  and  the  role  of  Aschenbrodel  to  that  of 
Portia,  with  a  similarity  which  may  be  traced  into  details.70 

From  his  vulgar  surroundings  Grabbe  could  scarcely  hope  to  produce 
such  works  as  were  fostered  by  the  stimulating  Elizabethan  atmosphere. 
Like  the  "Sturm  und  Drang"  dramatists  he  could  imitate  Shakespeare 
chiefly  in  his  ruder  aspects.  At  any  rate  Grabbe's  tirades  are  better  sus- 
tained and  more  resonant  than  the  explosions  of  temper  in  Klinger's 
Sturm  und  Drang,  and  there  is  evidence  of  greater  force  and  more  finesse 

67  Hoch  [1053]  26-31,  37,  45. 

68  Grabbe  [641]  466  f. 

69  Grabbe,  Samtliche  Werke,  ed.  Grisebach,  Berlin,  1902,  IV  265. 

70  Hoch  [1053]  49  and  57  ff . 


288      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

than  were  possessed  by  the  earlier  "Genies."  In  emulation  with  Marlowe, 
at  least,  Grabbe  might  have  acquitted  himself  with  credit. 

Grillparzer  found  in  the  library  of  his  father  of  Shakespeare's  works 
only  Hamlet  and  King  Lear,  both  in  Schroder's  stage  edition.  In  his 
earliest  productive  years  Grillparzer  looked  upon  Schiller  as  a  model,  but 
articles  by  Schreyvogel  in  the  Sonntagsblatt  called  his  attention  to  Shake- 
speare. Later,  as  a  private  teacher  in  the  house  of  Graf  Seilern  in  1812, 
he  had  at  his  disposal  a  complete  Shakespeare  in  Theobald's  edition,  but 
only  a  meager  command  of  English.  His  first  real  acquaintance  with 
Shakespeare  therefore  dates  from  the  reading  of  the  Schlegel  translations 
while  he  was  an  assistant  in  the  library  at  Vienna  in  1813.  A  part  of  the 
money  earned  by  Die  Ahnfrau  was  invested  in  an  edition  of  Shakespeare. 

In  spite  of  the  author's  protests  Die  Ahnfrau  will  doubtless  always  be 
classed  as  a  fate  tragedy.  Grillparzer  maintained  that  he  had  not  in- 
vented a  new  system  of  fatalism  but  had  only  made  use  of  the  supersti- 
tious notions  of  an  unenlightened  age  for  a  poetic  purpose,  and  this  was 
the  very  defense  he  made  on  one  occasion  for  the  witch  scenes  in  Mac- 
beth.71 After  the  publication  of  Die  Ahnfrau  Grillparzer  began  to  study 
Shakespeare  until,  about  1822,  he  saw  danger  therein: 

[Shakespeare]  tyrannisiert  meinen  Geist,  und  ich  will  frei  bleiben.  Ich  danke  Gott, 
daB  er  da  ist,  und  dafi  mir  das  Gliick  ward,  ihn  zu  lesen  und  wieder  zu  lesen  und  auf- 
zunehmen  in  mich.  Nun  aber  geht  mein  Streben  dahin,  ihn  zu  vergessen.  Die  Alten 
starken  mich,  die  Spanier  regen  mich  zur  Produktion  an  .  .  .  Der  Riese  Shakespeare 
aber  setzt  sich  selbst  an  die  Stelle  der  Natur,  deren  herrliches  Organ  er  war,  und  wer 
sich  ihm  ergibt,  dem  wird  jede  Frage,  an  sie  gestellt,  ewig  nur  er  beantworten.  Nichts 
mehr  von  Shakespeare  !72 

On  another  occasion  Grillparzer  quoted  an  oft-spoken  regret  of  the 
time,  "dal3  es  Ferdinand  Raimund  an  Bildung  fehle"  and  added:  "Wenn 
diese  noch  dazugekommen  ware,  stlinde  der  leibhaftige  Shakespeare 
da."73  A  direct  line  leads  from  the  old  Spanish  drama  through  the  baroque 
theater  of  Vienna,  and  the  "Marchendrama"  of  Raimund  and  others  to 
Grillparzer's  dramas.  Shakespeare's  dramas  are  the  product  of  the  same 
era  as  Lope  de  Vega's.  Well  versed  in  the  literature  of  Spain,  Grillparzer 
recognized  this  kinship,  but  though  he  himself  was  a  heritor  of  the  Vien- 
nese theatrical  tradition,  he  was  a  product  of  the  Biedermeier  period, 
and  for  him  the  motives  and  conventions  of  the  average  man  should  and 
did  triumph  over  the  efforts  of  the  "Kraftmenschen."  Thus  a  recent 
critic  has  analyzed  Grillparzer's  declaration  of  freedom  from  Shake- 
speare.74 


71  Gross  [1058]  18. 

72  Grillparzers  Sdmtliche  Werke,  ed.  Sauer,  Stuttgart,  Cotta,  1892,  XVIII  134. 

73  Ibid.,  XVIII  34. 
74G6rlich  [1063]. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  289 

In  1836  Grillparzer  visited  London  and  saw  Julius  Caesar,  Macbeth, 
Romeo  and  Juliet,  and  Richard  III  played  at  the  Drury  Lane  Theatre 
and  Covent  Garden.  He  also  attended  one  of  Ludwig  Tieck's  Shake- 
speare evenings  and  heard  Holtei's  recitation  of  Julius  Caesar  in  Vienna 
in  1841.  Moreover  he  saw  many  of  Shakespeare's  plays  at  the  Burg- 
theater  before  he  foreswore  the  theater  entirely.  Hamlet  made  the  strong- 
est appeal  to  his  melancholy  nature  but  he  regarded  Macbeth  as  Shake- 
speare's greatest  work. 

Shakespearean  problems,  moods,  and  characters  may  have  stimulated 
Grillparzer's  creative  imagination.  Hero  and  Juliet  were  comparable 
characters,75  but  Grillparzer  could  only  have  patterned  after  Shakespeare 
at  the  expense  of  his  own  poetic  genius.  When  he  planned  a  cycle  of  his- 
torical dramas  he  did  not  carry  it  out  in  Shakespearean  fashion.  Shake- 
speare's heroes  were  "mannliche  Vollnaturen,"  who  overrode  all  re- 
straints, nor  did  Shakespeare  ever  become  so  interested  in  their  psychol- 
ogy as  to  relent  the  pace  of  the  dramas.  The  tragedy  of  Grillparzer's 
heroes,  as  well  as  of  his  own  life,  originated,  as  Volkelt  said,  "aus  einer 
dem  Leben  nicht  gewachsenen  Innerlichkeit."76  Ottokar  and  Rudolf  are 
the  nearest  to  "mannliche  Vollnaturen"  with  perhaps  a  reservation  in 
favor  of  Leon  in  Weh  dem,  der  liigt!  "Shakespeare  selbst,"  Hebbel  once 
said,  "wurde  vor  dem  ersten  Akt  des  Ottokar  die  Mutze  geluftet  haben,"77 
but  even  in  this  most  Shakespearean  of  Grillparzer's  dramas,  action  is 
subordinated  to  character  more  than  in  Shakespeare's  historical  plays, 
and  in  the  sequels,  Der  Bruderzwist  im  Hause  Habsburg  and  Libussa,  the 
overemphasis  is  still  more  obvious. 

The  four  great  dramatists  born  in  1813,  Hebbel,  Wagner,  Ludwig,  and 
Buchner,  all  made  their  reckoning  with  Shakespeare  in  different  fashions. 
Hebbel  felt  it  was  his  mission  to  elevate  tragedy  by  dint  of  the  philosophy 
of  history  to  a  higher  than  Shakespearean  level.  Goethe,  to  be  sure,  said 
of  Shakespeare:  "Seine  Stlicke  drehen  sich alle um den  geheimen Punckt, 
in  dem  das  Eigentumliche  unsres  Ich's,  die  pratendierte  Freyheit  unsres 
Willens,  mit  dem  nothwendigen  Gang  des  GanzenzusammenstolSt."78  We 
may  well  doubt  with  Gundolf  whether  this  correctly  characterizes  Shake- 
speare,79 but  on  the  other  hand  it  is  as  if  coined  for  Hebbel.  The  scene  of 
the  conflict  of  Shakespeare's  heroes  is  laid  in  their  own  beings.  They  are 
free  agents  and  can  choose  their  course.  Hebbel's  characters  are  repre- 
sentatives of  humanity  who  participate  involuntarily  in  its  evolutionary 

75  Gross  [1058]  31.  Cf.  Yates  [1059]. 

76  Volkelt,  Franz  Grillparzer  als  Dichter  des  Tragischen,  Nordlingen,  1888,  36. 
"Gross  [1058]  27  i. 

78  Goethe,  Werke,  I  (37)  133. 

79  Gundolf  [652]2213,  227. 


290      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

struggle.  They  may  fight  valiantly  or  endure  serenely,  but  the  stand  they 
take  is  predetermined  by  their  environment  (Maria  Magdalena),  by 
their  mere  being  (Agnes  Bernauer),  or  by  their  responsibilities  (Herzog 
Ernst).  Thus  regularly  similar  situations  fail  to  develop  parallel  courses 
of  action.  Brutus  is  free  to  choose,  while  Judith's  course  is  dictated  to  her 
by  Jehovah,  and  Angelo  in  Measure  for  Measure  is  freer  than  Golo  in 
Genoveva. 

Hebbel's  dramas  harmonize  in  a  higher  unity  the  drama  of  the  Greeks 
and  of  Shakespeare.  With  the  Greeks  fate  must  conquer  and  is  so  over- 
powering as  to  crush  individual  will.  With  Shakespeare  will  is  trium- 
phant. With  Hebbel  both  man  and  evolutionary  progress  (Hebbel's  sub- 
stitute for  fate)  are  unconquerable  and  are  pitted  against  each  other  in  a 
never-ending  struggle.  Almost  to  the  same  extent  as  Shakespeare,  Hebbel 
developed  the  tragedy  out  of  the  character  of  his  heroes,  while  with  the 
Greeks  the  tragic  heroes  have  the  character  given  them  by  the  myth. 

Hebbel  once  planned  to  write  a  treatise  which  would  no  doubt  have 
sought  to  demonstrate  wherein  his  tragedy  marked  an  advance  over 
Shakespeare's80  but  he  refrained  because  he  felt  that  Shakespeare  had 
become  a  trite  theme  in  Germany.81 

Not  the  much-admired  Hamlet  but  the  much-criticized  King  Lear  was 
Hebbel's  favorite  among  Shakespeare's  tragedies : 

Das  Hochste,  was  Shakespeare  geschaffen  hat,  ist  der  Lear  .  .  .  Hamlet  ist  Shake- 
speares  Testament  in  Geheimschrift  abgefafit.  Es  ist  ein  Stuck,  wie  im  Grabe  ge- 
schrieben  .  .  .  ein  furchtbares  Ade,  das  er  der  Welt  zurief,  als  er  ihr  den  Rucken 
wandte  und  wieder  in  Nichts  verschwand.  Aber  Lear  ist  der  Triumph  liber  alle 
Schmerzen  .  .  .  Lear  ist  das  einzige  Werk,  das  mit  der  Antigone  verglichen  werden 
kann,  .  .  .  auch  der  Form  nach  einzig  und  unerreichbar,  besonders  auch  darin,  dafi 
Goneril  und  Regan  selbst  .  .  .  nicht  allein  eine  Art  von  Berechtigung  finden  sondern 
auch  ihre  Erklarung;  wir  sehen  ein,  daB  ein  jahzorniger  Vater  eben  solche  heim- 
tuckische,  kalte,  ihn  nur  fiirchtende  Kinder  erzeugen  mufite.82 

Perhaps  Hebbel  saw  here  a  merit  which  escaped  the  attention  of  Shake- 
speare himself,  but  it  must  be  added  that  Solger  had  said  much  the  same 
thing  in  an  essay  which  Hebbel  had  read  and  admired.83 

As  might  be  surmised,  Hebbel  was  most  interested  in  Shakespeare's 
historical  plays.  His  few  material  borrowings  from  Shakespeare  are  un- 
important, and  Shakespeare  was  a  healthful  counterbalance  to  his  re- 
flective tendencies.  Hebbel  once  said  of  Goethe  and  Schiller:  "Sie  haben 
sich  im  Einzelnen  von  Shakespeare  so  fern  wie  moglich  gehalten,  ihn  im 

80  Alberts  [1064]  1. 

81  Hebbel,  Werke,  ed.  Werner,  Berlin,  1902,  XIV  130. 

82  Ibid.,  XIV  261. 
83Braun  [10571. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  291 

Ganzen  aber  nie  aus  den  Augen  verloren;"84  and  the  same  observation 
has  been  applied  to  Hebbel  himself. 

Hebbel's  Maria  Magdalena  and  Ludwig's  Erbforster  mark  the  turning 
away  from  the  earlier  dramatic  form  and  toward  the  drama  of  Ibsen  in 
the  late  nineteenth  century.  Ludwig's  Shakespeare-Studien,  have  for 
Richard  M.  Meyer  a  somewhat  similar  significance.85  Is  Ludwig  describ- 
ing Shakespeare's  plays  or  Ibsen's,  he  asks,  when  he  says: 

"Der  Stoff  ist  unter  den  andern  der  glucklichste  fur  die  Bearbeitung,  der  am 
meisten  Stetigkeit  hat,  der  immer  dieselbe  kleine  Anzahl  von  Personen  im  engsten 
Raume  zusammenhalt  und  mit  ruhiger  Bewegung  seinem  Abschlusse  entgegengeht, 
so  Hamlet,  Othello,  der  Anfang  von  Julius  Caesar."86 

This  describes  Hamlet  and  Othello  not  so  well  as  Ghosts,  Nora,  Rosmers- 
holm.  Similarly,  when  Ludwig  says  "ein  gutes  Stuck  ist  nichts  als  eine 
Katastrophe,"  Meyer  asks  again:  "Is  it  a  defense  of  Shakespeare's 
dramas  or  of  Nora?"87  But  on  the  other  hand  Ibsen's  drama  runs  counter 
to  some  of  Ludwig's  most  specific  demands:  rapid  change  of  scene,  use  of 
the  monologue  when  needed,  utilization  of  historical  material,  main- 
tenance of  Shakespeare's  dramatic  style,  and  agreement  with  Shake- 
speare's sense  of  the  tragic.88 

In  accepting  Shakespearean  art  as  dramatic  law  Ludwig  fell  in  with 
the  trend  of  the  time  as  represented  by  the  criticism  of  Robert  Prutz, 
Hermann  Hettner,  Julian  Schmidt,  Heinrich  Kurz,  and  Friedrich  Theo- 
dor  Vischer.  His  treatment  differed  from  theirs  chiefly  in  that  it  was  more 
concrete.  It  was  formerly  the  fashion  to  state  that  Ludwig  lost  his  cre- 
ative urge  by  his  concentration  on  the  study  of  Shakespeare's  technique. 
The  formula  can  no  longer  stand.  Ludwig  discovered  that  his  Der  Erb- 
forster, 1850,  failed  to  realize  his  ideal.  Forthwith  he  began  his  Shake- 
speare-Studien in  which  he  said:  "Jede  Kunst  schlieBt  ein  Handwerk  in 
sich  ein;  das  Handwerk  der  Kunst  nenne  ich  den  Teil  derselben,  der 
gelehrt  und  gelernt  werden  kann ;  wo  das  Handwerk  auf hort,  da  beginnt 
die  Kunst."89 

In  the  course  of  these  studies  Ludwig  began  several  dramas  which  he 
planned  to  complete  with  due  regard  to  proper  hand  work  but  with  free 
play  to  art,  among  them  a  Wallenstein,  a  Maria  von  Schottland,  and  Der 
Sandwirt  von  Passeier.  He  abandoned  work  on  them  in  order  to  concen- 
trate on  Tiberius  Gracchus  which,  as  planned,  would  have  deserved  a 
humble  place  beside  Julius  Caesar  and  Coriolanus.  On  this  tragedy  he 

84  Alberts  [1065]. 

85  Meyer,  Die  deutsche  Literatur  des  19.  Jahrhunderts,  Berlin,  1900,  327. 

86  Ludwig,  Schriften,  V  94.  Cf.  Meyer  [1085]  83. 

87  Ibid.,  V  413. 

88  Adams  [1086]. 

89  Ludwig,  Schriften,  V  35. 


292      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

worked  amidst  pain  and  in  a  race  with  impending  death.90  After  many 
years  enough  fragments  and  plans  of  this  drama  have  come  to  light  to 
prove  that  Ludwig's  creative  urge  was  directed  rather  than  stifled  by  his 
Shakespeare-Studien . 9 1 

In  view  of  Georg  Biichner's  similarly  incomplete  career  it  was  for- 
tunate that  his  study  of  Shakespeare  was  begun  in  his  early  youth  and 
under  favorable  auspices.  Led  by  the  brothers  Friedrich  and  Georg  Zim- 
mermann,  a  group  of  young  students  read  in  the  "Buchwald"  near  Darm- 
stadt many  plays  of  Shakespeare,  including  The  Merchant  of  Venice, 
Othello,  Romeo  and  Juliet,  and  Richard  III.  The  Zimmermann  brothers 
brought  to  the  group  a  clear  understanding  of  Herder's  conception  of 
Shakespeare  and  it  was  this  view  to  the  exclusion  of  all  the  more  recent 
ones,  which  persisted  with  Buchner  and  became  fruitful  for  him. 

Btichner  conceived  of  Shakespeare  as  a  manifestation  of  life,  just  as 
nature  and  history  were  others.  He  was  averse  to  idealists.  In  defense  of 
his  Dantons  Tod  he  wrote  to  his  family  from  Strassburg,  July  28,  1835: 

Der  Dichter  ist  kein  Lehrer  der  Moral,  er  erfindet  und  schafft  Gestalten,  er  macht 
vergangene  Zeiten  wieder  aufleben,  und  die  Leute  mogen  dann  daraus  lernen  .  .  .  was 
im  menschlichen  Leben  um  sie  herum  vorgeht  .  .  .  Wenn  man  ubrigens  noch  sagen 
wollte,  der  Dichter  miisse  die  Welt  nicht  zeigen,  wie  sie  ist,  sondern  wie  sie  sein  solle, 
so  antworte  ich,  dal?  ich  es  nicht  besser  machen  will,  als  der  liebe  Gott,  der  die  Welt 
gewifi  gemacht  hat,  wie  sie  sein  soil. 

He  condemns  "die  sogenannten  Idealdichter,"  who  create  "Marionet- 
ten  mit  himmelblauen  Nasen  und  affectiertem  Pathos,"  but  not  human 
beings  of  flesh  and  blood,  and  concludes:  "Mit  einem  Wort,  ich  halte  viel 
auf  Goethe  und  Shakespeare,  aber  sehr  wenig  auf  Schiller."92 

Numerous  quotations  in  Biichner's  works  and  the  similarities  of  situa- 
tion and  character  are  evidences  that  Shakespeare  was  constantly  his 
guide.  These  are  particularly  frequent  in  Dantons  Tod  and  in  Leonce  und 
Lena.93  At  first  glance  Dantons  Tod  with  its  mass  scenes,  popular  orators, 
and  fickle  populace  seems  to  be  Biichner's  closest  approach  to  Shake- 
speare, but  in  its  political  purposefulness  it  is  un-Shakespearean.  It  is 
rather  the  piece  of  an  apprentice,  who  therewith  became  a  master.  The 
fragments  of  Woyzeck  give  evidence  of  independence. 

Richard  Wagner  was  another  dramatist  who  knew  Shakespeare  well 
and  pondered  deeply  upon  him,  but  without  ever  losing  his  own  poetic 
freedom  thereby.  Shakespeare  was  apparently  the  first  English  poet 
whom  he  knew;  in  fact  he  learned  English  in  order  to  be  able  to  read  him 

90  Cf.  Fischer  [1087]. 
91Richter  [1091]. 

92  Georg  Biichners  gesammeltc  Schriflen,  ed.  Lindau,  Berlin,  1909,  II  1S9. 

93  Vogeley  [1049]' 30-33. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  293 

in  the  original.  His  attention  was  called  to  Shakespeare  very  early  from 
two  sides.  His  uncle,  Adolf  Wagner,  was  a  writer  on  modern  literature 
and  a  critic  of  Shakespeare,  and  his  sister  Rosalie  was  a  much-admired 
player  of  Shakespearean  roles.  While  still  a  youth  Wagner  produced  the 
dramatic  monstrosity,  Leubald  und  Adelaide,  which  plunders  from  Romeo 
and  Juliet,  King  Lear,  Hamlet,  and  Macbeth,  and  later  his  somewhat 
better  Liebesverbot,  1836,  based  on  Macbeth  and  Measure  for  Measure.  He 
read,  apparently,  most  of  Shakespeare's  dramas  as  a  young  man  and 
reread  them  frequently;  he  naturally  attended  many  performances  in 
Germany  as  well  as  a  few  in  London.  He  made  three  visits  to  London 
under  greatly  differing  circumstances:  In  1839  he  came  as  a  poor  orches- 
tra leader  seeking  a  position,  in  1855  as  the  public  enemy  of  Mendelssohn, 
whom  everyone  admired,  and  in  1877  as  the  master  of  Bayreuth. 

Wagner,  like  Herder,  explained  Shakespeare  not  in  the  light  of  the 
Greeks  but  of  Shakespeare's  own  time,  above  all  not  in  the  light  of 
nineteenth-century  morality.  His  bete  noire  in  Shakespearean  criti- 
cism was  Gervinus,  and  here  he  agreed  with  Liszt,  Gottfried  Keller,  and 
Grillparzer.  With  Hebbel  he  was  agreed  that  Shakespeare's  dramas  did 
not  mark  the  culminating  point  of  all  dramatic  development. 

Wie  der  Karren  des  Thespis  iD  dem  geringen  Zeitumfange  der  athenischen  Kunst- 
blute  sich  zu  der  Biihne  des  Aschylos  und  Sophokles  verhalt,  so  verhalt  sich  die 
Biihne  Shakespeares  in  dem  ungemessenen  Zeitraum  der  allgemeinsamen  mensch- 
lichen  Kunstblute  zu  dem  Theater  der  Zukunft.94 

The  latest  of  the  great  German  followers  of  Shakespeare  was  Gerhart 
Hauptmann.  On  August  12,  1897,  Hauptmann  wrote  in  his  note  book: 
"Ehe  denn  Nietzsche  war,  war  Goethe,  und  ihm  verdanke  ich  nachst  mir, 
das  meiste.  Wer  mir  sagt,  Goethe  sei  mein  Vordermann,  Shakespeare  sei 
mein  Vordermann,  der  sagt  mir  die  Wahrheit.  Nietzsche  ist  nicht  mein 
Vordermann."95 

Hauptmann  first  saw  Shakespeare's  plays  in  the  productions  of  the 
Meininger  in  Breslau  in  1876-1877.  These  included  Julius  Caesar  and 
Macbeth.  "Kein  Wort  ermmt  den  Umfang  des  geistigen  Gutes,  mit  dem 
ich  in  diesen  wenigen  Abendstunden  fur  mein  ganzes  Leben  ausgestattet 
wurde."  Later,  1880-1881,  he  saw  productions  of  Tempest  and  of  Hamlet 
by  the  same  company.  Forthwith  he  began  to  read  all  of  Shakespeare's 
plays  in  the  Bodenstedt-Freiligrath  edition.  In  1884-1885,  when  studying 
dramatic  art  under  Alexander  Hessler,  the  Harro  Hassenreuter  of  Die 
Ratten,  it  was  Hauptmann's  ambition  at  some  time  to  play  the  role  of 
Hamlet.  In  1891  as  he  traveled  past  Hohenhaus  he  said  to  his  companion 

94  Wagner,  Werke,  ed.  Golther,  Berlin  [1919]  III  110. 

95  For  the  following  see  Voigt  and  Reichart  [1152]. 


294      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Paul  Schlenter:  "Wenn  ich  mal  einen  Sommernachtstraum  schreiben 
sollte,  so  kann  er  nur  dort  oben  spielen."  The  next  year  his  play  Die 
Jungfern  von  Bischofsberg  appeared,  followed  soon  after  by  Die  versunkene 
Glocke  which  reminds  strongly,  at  times,  of  A  Midsummer  Night' s  Dream. 

The  first  impression  is  that  Hauptmann's  Schluck  und  Jau,  1900,  is 
merely  a  development  of  the  introduction  to  The  Taming  of  the  Shrew, 
but  like  most  of  Hauptmann's  work  it  is  the  product  of  varied  reading, 
of  experience,  of  time  and  of  unconscious  production.  As  Hauptmann 
says:  "Man  schafft  aus  dem  Unbewufiten."  The  episode  of  Sly  brought 
to  his  mind  the  story  of  "the  sleeper  awakened"  in  the  Arabian  Nights. 
This  seemed  to  him  fraught  with  deeper  significance.  While  at  work  on 
"Hassan  der  Menschenhasser"  he  wrote  on  the  manuscript  the  single 
word  "Tim on."  Then  having  found  the  dominant  motif  for  his  work,  he 
returned  to  Schluck  und  Jau  and  gave  it  a  serious  content. 

The  route  from  Shakespeare's  Tempest  to  Hauptmann's  Didipohdi  is 
similarly  circuitous,  and  can  only  be  retraced  by  the  aid  of  a  manuscript 
in  Hauptmann's  "Hausarchiv"  bearing  the  title  uDie  Inset,  Paraphrase 
zu  Shakespeare's  Sturm."  The  paraphrase  is,  like  Hauptmann's  Hamlet  in 
Wittenberg,  in  good  part  a  new  creation. 

During  the  years  1925-1936  Hauptmann  thought  much  about  Hamlet. 
Beyond  that  only  his  autobiographical  works  were  begun  and  completed 
during  this  time;  Das  Buck,  der  Leidenschaft  and  Das  Abenteuer  meiner 
Jugend.  Hauptmann  first  planned  to  write  what  might  be  called  an 
autobiographical  Hamlet  novel.  This  was  to  differ  from  Wilhehn  Meister 
in  that  the  Hamlet  figure  was  to  be  closely  related  to  the  author  and 
hence  the  unifying  element  of  the  whole,  not  merely  an  episodic  role 
as  in  Goethe's  novel.  In  the  midst  of  this  work  he  was  halted  by  the  dis- 
covery that  the  tragedy  of  Hamlet,  as  written,  did  not  satisfy  all  his 
demands.  Using  the  Schlegel  translation  as  his  basis  he  prepared  a  new 
Hamlet  which  was  produced  in  Dresden  in  1927.  In  a  published  defense, 
however,  he  stated  that  a  new  translation  was  necessary  since  the  Schle- 
gel translation  was  laden  with  errors.  His  treatise  on  Hamlet  and  his 
partial  translation  are  now  available  in  the  "Ausgabe  letzter  Hand." 

Meanwhile  Hauptmann  felt  the  need  of  creating  for  himself  a  more 
definite  conception  of  Hamlet's  early  life,  a  life  spent  in  part  at  Witten- 
berg during  a  period  with  which  the  author  of  Florian  Geyer  was  familiar, 
and  he  proceeded  to  dramatize  Hamlet's  life  during  the  Wittenberg 
years.  The  Hamlet  novel,  Im  Wirbel  der  Berufung,  and  the  Hamlet 
drama  both  were  completed  in  1936.  The  drama,  Hamlet  in  Wittenberg, 
had  its  premiere  in  November.  Hauptmann  felt  guilty  of  no  impiety  in 
his  attempt.  In  his  introduction  he  called  his  labor  "Schopfung  im  leeren 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  295 

Raum."  He  was  familiar  with  Gutzkow's  fragment  Hamlet  in  Wittenberg, 
but  knew  nothing  of  Karl  von  Holtei's  fragment,  "Ophelia  und  der  Stu- 
dent aus  Wittenberg."  At  first  Hauptmann  expected  to  fill  his  dramas 
with  notable  personages  of  the  time  and  place.  Out  of  their  disputations 
a  humanistic  Hamlet  should  emerge,  but  he  soon  realized  that  this  was 
insufficient  for  his  purpose.  His  hero  must  be  torn  between  a  desire  to 
know  and  a  desire  to  experience.  Hence  the  episode  of  the  gypsy  love. 
To  this  point  his  life  problem  was  approximately  Faustian.  Tragedy 
entered  when  he  was  compelled  to  forego  both  his  desires  and  instead 
become  a  man  of  action. 

Other  completed  dramas  of  Hauptmann  and  a  large  number  of  in- 
completed fragments  bear  a  close  relation  to  Shakespeare's  tragedies.  In 
the  foregoing  account  only  a  few  of  Hauptmann's  important  dramas  have 
been  touched  upon.  The  question  remains:  Wherein  lies  the  close  affinity 
of  Hauptmann  to  Shakespeare?  It  has  been  said  that  Hauptmann  deals 
frequently  with  pathological  beings.  This  he  would  not  attempt  to  deny. 
In  one  of  his  notes  he  quoted  Paul  Ernst:  "Der  Dichter,  der  zum  Patho- 
logischen  seine  Zuflucht  nimmt  habe  schlecht  komponiert,  sagt  P.  E." 
Hauptmann  took  issue  with  him  here : 

Was  konnen  fur  den  Dichter  die  "normalen"  Menschen  bedeuten?  Erst  die  iMi) 
sind  es,  die  einen  Menschen  fur  den  Dramatiker  interessant  machen,  nicht,  weil  dann 
ein  anormaler  Zustand  gegeben  ware,  oder  gar  etwas  Krankhaftes,  sondern  weil  ganz 
im  Gegenteil  die  urtumlichen  und  urmenschlichen  Krafte,  die  sonst  ungeweckt  in  den 
Tiefen  der  Seele  schlummern,  an  die  Oberflache  gelangen.  Es  handelt  sich  dabei  .  .  . 
um  das  Sprengen  des  Alltags-Menschlichen.  Sind  nicht  alle  Gestalten  gerade  bei 
Shakespeare  mit  ihren  ungeheuren  Leidenschaften  "pathologisch"? 

Hauptmann  quoted  Goethe's  observation:  "Was  ist  denn  iiberall  tra- 
gisch  wirksam  als  das  Unertragliche?",  analyzed  the  self-deception  of  the 
chief  characters  in  King  Lear  and  concluded:  "Die  Tragik  liegt  nicht 
etwa  nur  in  dem  Falle  Lear.  Sie  liegt  in  der  ganzen  Formel  des  blinden 
vernunf tlosen  Lebens . ' ' 

After  the  completion  of  his  Hamlet  novel  and  his  Hamlet  drama, 
Hauptmann  began  a  work  which  is  a  valediction  in  much  the  same  sense 
as  Shakespeare's  Tempest.  In  Die  Tochter  der  Kathedrale,  Prospero,  Ariel, 
Puck,  and  Caliban  receive  a  metaphysical  explanation.  During  the  last 
years  of  his  life  Hauptmann  departed  from  the  world  of  Shakespeare  and 
returned  to  his  earliest  field  of  interest.  The  product  of  this  was  four 
dramas  which  together  made  up  an  "Atriden-Tetralogie." 

For  nearly  two  hundred  years  the  stage,  the  literature,  and  the  thought 
of  Germany  has  been  under  the  spell  of  Shakespeare.  As  a  recent  critic 
has  said : 


296      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Kein  wahrhaft  grower  Menschengestalter  Deutschlands  ist  ohne  eine  giiltige  Nach- 
schopfung  aus  der  Galerie  Shakespear'scher  Helden,  Kauze  und  Verbrecher  zum 
ewigen  Ruhme  gelangt,  von  Friedrich  Ludwig  Schroder  uber  Ludwig  Devrient  und 
Kainz  zu  Werner  Kraufl,  kein  grofier  Spielleiter  von  Immermann  bis  Fehling  und 
Weichert.  Jede  Generation  hat  ihn  sich — neugestaltend,  neudichtend  aus  dem  eignen 
Zeitgefiihl  von  A.  W.  Schlegel  iiber  den  Bodenstedt-Geibelkreis  bis  Gerhart  Haupt- 
mann — neu  erworben  um  ihn  neu  zu  besitzen.96 

96Stahl  [11281. 


Part  Four 
THE  ERA  OF  WORLD  LITERATURE 


Chapter  XXI 

ENGLISH  LITERATURE  IN  THE  GERMAN 
ROMANTIC  PERIOD 

Amidst  the  ebb  and  flow  of  literatures  in  the  eighteenth  century,  it  is 
possible  to  distinguish  what  currents  came  from  England  to  accelerate 
the  movements  successively  toward  rationalism,  sentimentalism,  and 
"Sturm  und  Drang"  in  Germany.  Standing  before  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury we  seem  to  be  looking  into  a  maelstrom  in  which  many  waters 
mingle.  As  Goethe  said  to  Eckermann,  January  31,  1827:  "National- 
literatur  will  jetzt  nicht  viel  sagen,  die  Epoche  der  Weltliteratur  ist  an 
der  Zeit,  und  jeder  muC  jetzt  dazu  wirken,  diese  Epoche  zu  beschleuni- 
gen."1  Goethe's  introduction  to  the  German  translation  of  Carlyle's  Life 
of  Schiller  ended  with  a  plea  for  international  cooperation  in  literary  pro- 
duction, but  Goethe  warned  against  a  common  supernational  literature 
to  be  attained  by  the  elimination  of  national  characteristics : 

Eine  wahrhaft  allgemeine  Duldung  wird  am  sichersten  erreicht,  wenn  man  das 
Besondere  der  einzelnen  Menschen  und  Volkerschaften  auf  sich  beruhen  lafit,  bei  der 
tJberzeugung  jedoch  festhalt,  da!3  das  wahrhaft  Verdienstliche  sich  dadurch  auszeich- 
net,  daI3  es  der  ganzen  Menschheit  angehort.2 

This  warning  was  meant  particularly  for  Germany : 

Der  Deutsche  lauft  keine  grofiere  Gefahr,  als  sich  mit  und  an  seinen  Nachbarn  zu 
steigern;  es  ist  vielleicht  keine  Nation  geeigneter,  sich  aus  sich  selbst  zu  entwickeln  .  .  . 
Jetzt,  da  sich  eine  Weltliteratur  einleitet,  hat  genau  besehen  der  Deutsche  am  meisten 
zu  verlieren;  er  wird  wohl  thun,  dieser  Warnung  nachzudenken.3 

The  dawn  of  the  nineteenth  century  found  English  literature  occupy- 
ing no  such  position  of  transcendance  as  thirty  years  earlier,  before  Gotz 
von  Berlichingen  and  Werther  were  written.  Almost  immediately  German 
literature  leaped  into  a  commanding  position  and  could  now  look  back 
upon  a  glorious  past  of  its  own.  Goethe  still  remembered  gratefully  the 
German  debt  to  English  literature.  To  Eckermann  he  said,  December  3, 
1824:  "Unsere  Romane,  unsere  Trauerspiele,  woher  haben  wir  sie  denn 
als  von  Goldsmith,  Fielding  und  Shakespeare?"  and  he  added  modestly: 
"Und  noch  heutzutage,  wo  wollen  Sie  denn  in  Deutschland  drei  literari- 
sche  Helden  finden,  die  dem  Lord  Byron,  Moore  und  Walter  Scott  an 
die  Seite  zu  setzen  waren?"4  But  at  the  same  time  Goethe  could  hope: 

Es  bilde  sich  eine  allgemeine  Weltliteratur,  worin  uns  Deutschen  eine  ehrenvolle 
Rolle  vorbehalten  ist.  Alle  Nationen  schauen  sich  nach  uns  um,  sie  loben,  sie  tadeln, 

1  Eckermann,  Gesprache,  271.  s  Ibid.,  I  (41:2)  201  f. 

2  Goethe,  Werke,  I  (41:2)  306.  4  Eckermann,  Gesprache,  142. 

[299] 


300      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

nehmen  auf  und  verwerfen,  ahmen  uns  nach  und  entstellen,  verstehen  oder  miCver- 
stehen  uns,  eroffnen  und  verschlieflen  ihre  Herzen:  Diefl  alles  miissen  wir  gleichgtiltig 
aufnehmen,  indem  uns  das  ganze  von  grofiem  Wert  ist.8 

The  turn  in  the  tide  of  travel  is  significant.  Arnim's  visit  to  Scotland 
in  1803,  Tieck's  to  London  in  1817,  and  the  visits  of  Fontane  to  England 
and  Scotland  in  1842,  1852,  and  1856  were  made  with  serious  literary 
purposes  in  view.  The  visits  of  Heine,  Grillparzer,  and  Hebbel  to  London 
were  of  a  casual  nature.  Kinkel  and  Freiligrath  arrived  in  England  as 
political  refugees  rather  than  as  literary  pilgrims.  But  in  general  the 
stream  of  travel  was  in  the  other  direction.  Heretofore  English  men  of 
letters  had  rarely  thought  it  necessary  to  include  Germany  in  their  grand 
tour,  but  Coleridge  and  Wordsworth  set  the  example  in  1798,  followed 
by  Thomas  Campbell  in  1800.  All  three  made  it  their  first  concern  to 
visit  Klopstock  in  Hamburg.  After  that  it  grew  to  be  the  custom  for 
English  and  American  men  of  letters  to  become  acquainted  with  Ger- 
many. Such  journeyings  often  meant  little.  Byron  in  1816,  Browning  in 
1838,  and  Dickens  in  1846  merely  made  the  Rhine  trip;  Scott  passed 
through  Germany  in  his  last  days,  1832,  and  Thackeray  as  a  youth  of 
nineteen  was  hospitably  received  at  Weimar  in  1830,  but  the  experience 
had  no  notable  effect  upon  his  literary  career.  George  Meredith,  on  the 
other  hand,  attended  until  the  age  of  sixteen,  1844,  a  Moravian  school 
in  Neuwied,  receiving  impressions  that  did  much  to  shape  his  future 
career.  Bulwer-Lytton  visited  Germany  in  1848  and  dedicated  his  Pil- 
grims of  the  Rhine  to  the  German  people.  After  writing  his  Falkland, 
comparable  in  many  respects  to  Werther,  he  turned  his  attention  to 
"metaphysical  novels,"  by  which  he  meant  novels  of  apprenticeship  to 
life,  such  as  Wilhelm  Meister.6  George  Eliot  and  George  Henry  Lewes 
established  literary  relationships  in  Weimar  and  Berlin  in  1864;  and  in 
1868  Matthew  Arnold  studied  the  school  system  of  Prussia,  returning  to 
open  the  eyes  of  his  countrymen  to  the  defects  in  their  own  educational 
system.  The  visits  of  American  scholars  to  German  universities  were 
destined  to  affect  higher  education  in  America  and  the  sojourns  of  Irving 
and  Longfellow  were  to  bear  fruit  for  our  literature. 

It  is  possible  in  this  period  to  distinguish  numerous  reciprocal  influ- 
ences. To  take  the  example  nearest  at  hand,  Goethe  remained  sensitive 
to  the  trend  of  English  thought,  yet  his  own  influence  on  English  and 
American  literature,  largely  through  the  advocacy  of  Carlyle,  Emerson, 
and  Margaret  Fuller,  is  of  greater  importance;  and  again  Walter  Scott, 
who  so  radically  affected  German  literature,  owed  a  debt  in  turn  to 

5  Goethe,  Werke,  I  (41:2)  265. 

6  See  Susanne  Howe,  Wilhelm  Meister  and  his  English  Kinsmen  .  .  .,  N.Y.,  1930; 
chap,  vi,  Bulwer-Lytton. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  301 

Germany.  Gotz  von  Berlichingen  evoked  in  Germany  nothing  better  than 
a  sequence  of  mediocre  "Raubritterromane"  and  "Ritterstiicke,"  but 
Walter  Scott  read  it,  translated  it  in  his  early  years,  and  it  was  one  of  the 
stimuli  that  called  forth  his  epic  work  in  poetry  and  prose.  In  sending 
his  novels  into  Germany,  Scott  was  repaying  a  literary  debt.  Transplan- 
tation, acclimatization,  and  mingling  of  stock  are  often  conducive  to 
literary  production ;  La  Nouvelle  Heloise  and  Werther  attest  the  truth  of 
this. 

In  this  connection  one  can  ill  refer  to  Byron.  He  was  not  a  typical 
British  figure.  Contemporary  English  and  Scottish  society  disowned  him. 
He  was  rather  the  personification  of  a  spirit  abroad  in  Europe  at  the  time 
and  merely  chanced  to  be  born  in  England.  He  was  a  part  of  the  romantic 
movement  which  is  in  itself  evidence  that  European  literature  had  be- 
come a  unity. 

The  early  German  romanticists,  who  included  remote  India,  ancient 
Greece,  the  Spain  of  the  Middle  Ages,  and,  above  all,  the  German  Middle 
Ages,  in  their  enthusiasms,  were  far  from  overlooking  England.  The 
rationalism  of  Addison  and  Pope  interested  them  not  at  all.  Thomson  and 
Milton  were  no  longer  names  to  conjure  with,  Arnim  and  Brentano  were 
providing  Germany  with  a  collection  of  folk  songs  comparable  to  Percy's 
but  the  Elizabethan  age  appealed  to  their  imagination  and  formed  one 
of  their  chief  occupations. 

The  activities  of  Tieck  are  representative.  The  Schlegels  had  pre- 
empted the  dramas  of  Shakespeare,  but  Tieck,  undaunted,  took  up  the 
subject  of  Shakespeare's  contemporaries,  made  many  excellent  dis- 
coveries, and  published  his  collection,  Altenglisches  Theater,  1811,  and 
his  Vorschule  zu  Shakespeare,  1823,  accepting  with  enthusiasm  every 
rumor  that  attributed  any  work  to  Shakespeare  and  exalting  him  for 
such  achievements  as  the  older  King  John  and  the  older  King  Lear, 
Arden  of  Feversham,  Locrine,  Sir  John  Oldcastle,  Thomas  Lord  Cromwell, 
Edward  III,  and  The  London  Prodigal.  From  about  1820  on  the  super- 
vision of  the  continuation  of  Schlegel's  translation  of  Shakespeare  occu- 
pied his  attention. 

Tieck  was  as  much  interested  in  the  theater  as  in  the  texts.  In  The 
Knight  of  the  Burning  Pestle  Beaumont  and  Fletcher  had  presented  upon 
the  stage  not  only  the  stage  itself  but  audience  and  critics,  and  Ben 
Jonson  had  used  a  similar  device  in  his  two  "Everyman"  plays.  Tieck 
adopted  this  plan  in  his  two  satirical  plays,  Der  gestiefelte  Kater,  1797, 
and  Die  verkehrte  Welt,  1798.  In  his  attempt  to  modernize  Jonson's 
Volpone  and  adapt  it  to  Berlin  conditions,  Ein  Schurke  iiber  den  anderen 
oder  die  Fuchsprelle,  1798,  he  only  succeeded  in  completely  denaturizing 


302      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

his  original.  In  his  restless  search  for  new  material  from  the  Elizabethan 
period  he  generally  failed  to  lend  distinction  to  the  themes  he  laid  hands 
upon,  but  in  his  later  play,  Fortunatus,  1815,  he  blended  rather  dis- 
creetly Elizabethan  and  romantic  elements.  The  theme  is  a  folk  tale  that 
Dekker  had  used,  the  form  is  that  of  the  old  chronicle  play,  and  the 
atmosphere  should  have  been  approximately  that  of  The  London  Prodi- 
gal, with  its  scenes  of  public  life,  but  what  the  unknown  Elizabethan 
dramatist  drew  from  observation  Tieck  rather  too  obviously  drew  from 
conscientious  study.7 

The  original  impulse  to  Tieck's  Vittoria  Accorombona  came  also  out  of 
the  Elizabethan  period.  When  Tieck,  in  1792,  read  Webster's  drama  The 
White  Devil,  it  suggested  to  him  only  a  romantic  tale  dealing  with  magic, 
and  the  idea  of  expanding  it  to  a  historical  novel  did  not  come  to  him 
until  long  after  when  he  had  read  both  Scott's  Waverley  and  Manzoni's 
/  Promessi  Sposi. 

Tieck  was  interested  not  only  in  the  Elizabethan  school,  but  at  one 
time  or  another  found  a  starting  point  for  his  imaginative  works  in  such 
widely  different  authors  as  Ossian,8  Scott,0  and  Richardson.  Whether 
the  letter  form  of  his  William  Lovell,  1795,  came  by  way  of  Le  Pay  son 
perverti  of  Restif  de  la  Bretonne  or  of  Richardson's  novels  has  been  a 
question.  Its  more  sensuous  elements  went  back  to  the  French  source 
and  the  moral  aims,  which  he  at  least  professed,  are  inspired  by  Richard- 
son. To  be  sure  Restif  professed  much  the  same  virtuous  motives  as 
Tieck,  such  as  "die  Enthiillung  der  Heuchelei,  Weichlichkeit  und 
Luge  .  .  .  die  Verachtung  des  Lebens,  die  Anklage  der  menschlichen 
Natur,"10  but  Tieck  himself  indicated  his  indebtedness  to  an  English 
source.11  In  his  novel  he  twice  paid  his  compliments  to  Richardson12 
and  manifestly  patterned  his  style  and  even  certain  incidents  upon 
Clarissa,15  but  he  wavered  between  his  two  models,  mingling  sensual 
descriptions  with  psychological  anlaysis,  refraining,  however,  from 
Richardsonian  moralizing. 

Achim  von  Arnim's  Reichtum,  Schuld  und  Bufie  der  Grdfin  Dolores, 
1810,  on  the  other  hand,  resembles  Richardson's  novels  not  merely  in 
exterior  detail  but  in  pervading  spirit.  The  last  of  the  imitators  of 
Richardson,  Arnim  was  the  first  to  understand  him  well.  Gellert,  Hermes, 
and  Sophie  La  Roche  shared  his  moral  aims,  but  they  found  room  for  the 
long  and  unplausible  adventures  of  the  seventeenth-century  novel.  Graf 
Karl  is  obviously  patterned  after  Charles  Grandison,  but  here  as  well  as 

7  Llideke  [1309]  and  Gundolf  [1312].      n  Tieck,  Schriften,  Berlin,  1828,  VI  xvi  f. 

8  Hemmer  [466].  n  Donner  [1492]  3. 

9  See  p.  333,  below.  13  Zeydel  [1313]  15. 

10  Donner  [1492]  7. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  303 

elsewhere  Arnim  improved  upon  his  predecessor  and  substituted  de- 
veloping for  perfect  characters. 

An  interest  in  Ossian,  in  folk  poetry,  in  Scott's  Minstrelsy  of  the  Scottish 
Border,  and  most  of  all  perhaps  in  the  Jacobite  rebellion  of  1745  drew 
Arnim  to  the  British  Isles.  He  made  a  short  excursion  into  Scotland  in 
1803,  returning  to  London  about  Christmas.  The  first  literary  product  of 
his  trip  was  his  Elegie  aus  einem  Reisetagebuch  in  Schottland,  published  in 
Die  Zeitung  fur  Einsiedler,  April,  1808,  and  later  embodied  in  his  Grdfin 
Dolores.  Two  undated  "Romanzen"  found  in  his  collected  poems,  Der 
Wilddieb  and  Der  Forster,  also  owe  their  origin  to  this  trip,  and  both 
resemble  the  poems  of  Scott's  Minstrelsy  in  style.14 

Of  all  the  British  novelists  the  German  romanticists  felt  themselves 
most  strongly  drawn  toward  Sterne.  What  they  valued  in  Jean  Paul  was 
his  "Willkurlichkeit"  and  his  "Phantasie."  In  the  Athenaeum  they 
exalted  him  above  Sterne  "urn  seiner  Phantasie  willen,"  which  was 
"weit  kranklicher,  also  weit  wunderlicher  und  phantastischer."15  Under 
their  guidance  Brentano  was  led  to  take  Jean  Paul  as  a  model.  He  did 
not  plan  his  Godwi,  1801,  as  a  humorous  work.  By  nature  sentimental 
and  morbid,  he  was  yet  gifted  with  a  saving  sense  of  mockery  which  he 
imparted  to  his  characters. 

The  technique  of  humor  is  much  the  same  with  Sterne,  Jean  Paul, 
and  Brentano.  The  most  frequent  device  is  "das  aus  dem  Stuck  fallen," 
as  Brentano  called  it,  whereby  the  author  destroys  the  illusion  by  refer- 
ring to  the  book  within  the  book.  Sterne  tells  his  readers  he  is  determined 
to  finish  this  chapter  before  he  goes  to  bed.  Jean  Paul  says  that  his 
manuscript  is  now  so  thick  that  his  sister  sits  on  it  to  play  the  piano.16 
Brentano's  Godwi  says:  "Dies  ist  der  Teich  in  den  ich  Seite  266  im  ersten 
Bande  falle"  and  Maria,  on  meeting  Godwi  says:  "Dies  war  also  der 
Godwi,  von  dem  ich  viel  geschrieben  habe  .  .  .  Ich  hatte  ihn  mir  ganz 
anders  vorgestellt."17 

After  duly  considering  the  realism  and  the  psychology  of  the  English 
novelists  Heine  pays  the  highest  tribute  to  Sterne.  In  their  novels,  he 
says,  "spiegelt  sich  ab  die  wirkliche  Welt  und  das  wirkliche  Leben,  oft 
heiter  (Goldsmith),  oft  finster  (Smollett),  aber  immer  wahr  und  treu 
(Fielding)";18  and  again: 

Richardson  gibt  uns  die  Anatomie  der  Empfindungen.  Goldsmith  behandelt  prag- 
matisch  die  Herzensaktionen  seiner  Helden.  Der  Verfasser  des  Tristram  Shandy  zeigt 

14  Howie  [1499]. 

15  hoc.  tit.,  Ill  (1800)  117. 

16  Jean  Paul,  Samtliche  Werke,  ed.  Berend  et  al.,  Weimar,  1927,  I  (3:2)  268. 

17  Clemens  Brentanos  samtliche  Werke,  ed.  Schuddekopf,  Miinchen,  1909,  V  310, 
236f.Cf.  Kerr  [1527]  65. 

18  Heine,  Werke,  V  280. 


304      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

uns  die  verborgensten  Tiefen  der  Seele;  er  offnet  eine  Luke  der  Seele,  erlaubt  uns 
einen  Blick  in  ihre  Abgriinde,  Paradiese  und  Schmutzwinkel  und  laBt  gleich  die 
Gardine  davor  wieder  fallen.19 

Of  all  these  novelists  it  was  to  Sterne,  with  his  ever  changing  moods 
and  his  bantering  suggestiveness,  that  Heine  felt  himself  most  akin.  The 
Harzreise,  1826,  is  a  "sentimental  journey"  in  which  many  of  the  devices 
of  Sterne  are  employed  and  Das  Buck  Le  Grand  shows  a  still  greater 
number  of  correspondences  to  Tristram  Shandy.-0  In  a  letter  from 
Florence  dated  October  1,  1828,  Heine  specifically  called  his  Italienische 
Reisebilder  "eine  Art  sentimentaler  Reise."n  In  his  works,  like  Sterne's, 
humor  and  sentimentality  are  constantly  paired,  but  with  Sterne  the 
elements  are  resolved  into  a  harmony,  in  Heine  they  often  end  in  dis- 
sonance or  "Stimmungsbrechung." 

After  the  Elizabethan  drama  and  the  humorous-sentimental  novel, 
the  reception  of  the  English  fate  tragedy  deserves  consideration.  Lillo's 
Fatal  Curiosity  was  first  presented  in  England  in  1736  under  the  title 
Guilt  its  own  Punishment.  Revived  the  following  year  under  the  now 
familiar  name,  it  found  little  favor  and  soon  disappeared  from  the  boards 
to  remain  in  retirement  until  1782.  During  the  time  that  The  London 
Merchant  was  so  popular  in  Germany  Fatal  Curiosity  made  little  stir,  and 
was  not  translated  into  German  until  1761. -2  Twenty  years  later  similar 
works  began  appearing  in  Germany.  The  tragedies  in  question  may  be 
roughly  divided  into  two  groups.  To  the  first  would  belong  such  middle- 
class  dramas  as  Bromel's  Stolz  und  Verzweiflung,  1780,  Moritz's  Blunt, 
published  in  the  Berliner  Liter atur-  und  Theater -Zeitung  in  1780,  and  in 
book  form  the  following  year,  but  with  a  happy  ending  and  the  whole 
revised  accordingly.  Here  belong  also  Tieck's  Abschied,  1792,  Werner's 
Der  vierundzwanzigste  Februar,  1810,  and  Milliner's  Der  neunundzwan- 
zigste  Februar,  1812.  To  the  second  group  belong  the  historical  dramas 
which  make  use  of  fatalistic  motifs  similar  to  those  employed  by  Lillo; 
for  example  Tieck's  Karl  von  Berneck,  1795,  Schiller's  Br  out  von  Messina, 
1803,  Kind's  SchloB  Aklam,  1803,  Milliner's  Die  Schuld,  1813,  Houwald's 
Der  Leuchtturm,  1821,  and,  despite  the  author's  protestations,  Grill- 
p&rzer's  Die  Ahnfrau,  1817. 23 

The  internal  evidence  of  influence  is  stronger  in  the  earlier  members  of 
the  first-named  group,  strongest  of  all  in  Moritz's  Blunt.  Moritz's  drama 
too  tells  of  a  son,  saved  from  shipwreck,  who  returns  after  many  years 

19  Ibid.,  VII  153. 

20  Vacano  [1528]  36. 

21  Heinrich  Heines  Brief wechsel,  ed.  Hirth,  Miinchen,  1914,  I  528. 

22  Die  ungluckliche  Neugierde,  Hamburg,  1761. 
23Fath  [1466]  11. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  305 

to  his  poverty-stricken  parents,  now  at  the  end  of  their  resources.  He 
plans  to  pass  himself  off  as  a  stranger  for  the  night  and  then  reveal  him- 
self to  his  parents  in  the  morning.  His  casket,  obviously  containing 
treasure,  leads  the  parents  to  slay  the  son.  Parallels  of  detail  in  the  action 
and  phrase  are  so  numerous  that  Moritz  in  the  introduction  to  the  second 
edition  was  at  pains  to  deny  imitation : 

Ohne  zu  wissen,  dafi  Lillo  den  Stoff  zu  diesem  Stticke  schon  bearbeitet  hat  und  ohne 
einmal  die  Ballade  zu  kennen,  woraus  dieselbe  [sic]  genommen  ist,  veranlaBte  mich 
eine  dunkle  Erinnerung  aus  den  Jahren  meiner  Kindheit,  wo  ich  diese  Geschichte 
hatte  erzahlen  horen,  sie  dramatisch  zu  bearbeiten. 

This  would  settle  the  matter  could  one  but  have  sufficient  faith  in 
Moritz's  reliability  as  a  witness,  but  in  his  autobiographical  novel  he 
represents  his  Anton  Reiser  as  "ein  Heuchler  gegen  Gott,  gegen  andere 
und  gegen  sich  selbst  .  .  .  Ruhm  und  Beifall  zu  erwerben,  das  war  von 
jeher  sein  hochster  Wunsch  gewesen;  aber  der  Beifall  mufite  ihm  damals 
nicht  zu  weit  liegen — er  wollte  ihn  gleichsam  aus  der  ersten  Hand 
haben."24  It  is  not  impossible  that  Moritz  read  Fatal  Curiosity  in  his  boy- 
hood and  in  the  original,  for  at  the  age  of  nineteen  he  had  read  Pope  and 
Fielding.  The  close  verbal  resemblances  between  his  drama  and  Lillo's, 
however,  seem  to  suggest  far  more  than  a  "dunkle  Erinnerung  aus  der 
Kindheit."25  Bromel,  on  the  other  hand,  frankly  called  his  tragedy  "Stolz 
und  Verzweiflung  nach  Der  unglucklichen  Neugierde  des  Lillo,"  and  Tieck, 
although  acquainted  with  Moritz,  seems  not  to  have  known  his  Blunt. 
With  Bromel's  version  he  was  however  familiar26  and  it  was  this  appar- 
ently which  suggested  to  him  his  "Schicksalstragodie,"  Der  Abschied. 

The  historical  group  of  fate  dramas,  on  the  other  hand,  was  connected 
with  Lillo's  drama  only  in  the  most  incidental  way.  Schiller  seems  to  have 
known  none  of  the  four  dramas  mentioned  above,  for  Robinson  reports 
that  he  had  to  relate  the  plot  of  Fatal  Curiosity  to  him.  If  Robinson  hoped 
to  elicit  some  confession  from  him  regarding  Die  Braut  von  Messina  he 
was  disappointed.  Schiller  merely  remarked  that  it  was  a  good  theme 
for  a  drama  and  added  that  he  had  once  read  Lillo's  The  London  Mer- 
chant.27 

The  fatal  day  and  the  fatal  sword,  so  highly  prized  by  the  later  ro- 
manticists, were  first  invented  by  Tieck  in  his  Karl  von  Berneck.  Grill- 
parzer,  Werner,  and  Miillner  owe  these  to  him.  Milliner's  Der  neunund- 
zwanzigste  Februar  was  obviously  an  attempt  to  outbid  Werner's  Der 
vierundzwanzigste  Februar,  but  the  latter  seems  to  have  originated  inde- 

24  Moritz,  Anton  Reiser  in  DLD,  XXIII  (1886)  31. 
25Sandbach  [1469]  453. 

26  Tieck,  Schriften,  XI  xli. 

27  Robinson,  Diary,  I  313. 


306      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

pendently  of  Lillo.  In  a  social  gathering  in  Goethe's  house  a  "schauerliche 
Kriminalgeschichte"  was  read  aloud  out  of  a  newspaper.  Goethe  and 
Werner  undertook  to  make  use  of  two  different  phases  of  this  tale  in 
competition.  Werner's  drama  was  played  in  Weimar  in  1810  but  none  of 
the  many  comments  on  it  connected  it  in  any  way  either  with  Schiller's 
tragedy  or  Moritz's.28 

During  the  heyday  of  the  "Schicksalsdrama"  the  "Gothic"  novel  was 
popular  in  Germany  as  well  as  in  Western  Europe  generally.  Of  the  var- 
ious types  of  Gothic  novels  the  historical  species  was  the  least  fantastic. 
One  of  the  earliest  and  best  of  these  novels  was  Sophie  Lee's  Recess,  1783- 
1785.  A  worthy  forerunner  of  Scott's  Kenilworth,  it  owes  little  or  nothing 
to  foreign  models.  It  was  translated  by  Bertha  Naubert  in  1786,  imme- 
diately after  its  appearance  and  favorably  commented  upon  by  the 
critics.29 

The  paraphernalia  of  the  supernatural  Gothic  novel  included  among 
other  things  ruined  castles,  ghosts,  mysterious  voices,  secret  caves  and 
dungeons,  beautiful  maidens  in  distress,  noble  robbers,  villainous  monks, 
witches,  soothsayers,  and  necromancers.  There  were  Gothic  novels  of 
this  description  in  England,  Germany,  and  France  in  the  eighteenth 
century. 

Walpole's  Castle  of  Otranto,  a  Gothic  story,  1764,  and  its  early  imita- 
tion by  Clara  Reeve,  The  Champion  of  Virtue,  1777,  later  called  The  Old 
English  Baron,  owe  little  to  foreign  predecessors.  In  Germany  the  earliest 
contributions  to  the  new  genre  were  made  by  Goethe  and  Schiller;  Gotz 
von  Berlichingen  introduced  the  "Vehmgericht,"  Die  Rduber  the  noble- 
minded  outlaw.  Coleridge  described  Die  Rduber  as  "a  combination  of  the 
bloated  style  of  Hervey's  Meditations,  the  figurative  metaphysics  and 
solemn  epigrams  of  Young's  Night  Thoughts  and  the  loaded  sensibility 
and  morbid  consciousness  of  Clarissa  Harlowe  with  the  mysterious  gen- 
iuses, ruined  castles,  dungeons,  trapdoors,  skeleton  ghosts  of  The  Castle 
of  Otranto."  "The  German  drama,"  he  said,  "is  therefore  English  in 
origin,  English  in  its  materials  and  English  by  read  option."30  No  doubt 
this  is  an  overstatement  of  Schiller's  debt  to  the  English.  Christian 
Vulpius,  Veit  Weber,  Benedictine  Naubert,  and  Heinrich  Zschokke  bor- 
rowed traits  from  Schiller  and  added  some  of  the  paraphernalia  of  Clara 
Reeve,  Ann  Radcliff,  and  Horace  Walpole.  Schiller's  Verbrecher  aus  ver- 
lorner  Ehre,  1785,  and  Der  Geisterseher ,  1789,  also  fall  into  this  period. 

28  Minor  [1467]  54  f. 

29  Die  Ruinen,  eine  Geschichte  aus  den  Vorzeiten  der  Konigin  Elisabeth,  von  dem 
Verfasser  des  "Kapitels  der  Zufalle"  a.  d.  E.  von  B.  Naubert  I— III,  Leipzig,  1786. 
Cf.  NBSWFK,  XXXII  (1786)  328.  The  reviewer  is  probably  Christian  Felix  Weisse. 

30  Biographia  Literaria,  1926,  359. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  307 

Since  the  time  of  Coleridge  the  question  of  the  priority  of  the  English 
or  the  German  Gothic  novel  has  been  discussed  from  time  to  time.  To  be 
highly  successful  the  supernatural  Gothic  novel  had  to  have  a  foreign 
allure.  The  scene  was  usually  laid  in  some  place  remote  from  the  home- 
land, and  novels  of  foreign  origin,  real  or  supposed,  were  more  salable 
than  local  products.  Of  the  seven  horrid  tales  mentioned  in  Jane  Austen's 
Northanger  Abbey,  two  are  translations  from  the  German,  three  are  de- 
scribed as  "German  story"  or  "German  tale,"  a  sixth  is  entitled  The 
Orphan  of  the  Rhine,  and  the  action  of  a  seventh  seems  to  take  place  in 
Salzburg.31  In  Germany,  on  the  other  hand,  novels  purporting  to  derive 
from  England  were  generally  more  popular  than  rivals  of  German  scene. 
Ann  Radcliff  preferred  Italy  as  the  scene  of  her  novels.  Her  popularity 
is  attested  by  the  numerous  novels  falsely  ascribed  to  her.  Nine  such 
novels  appeared  in  France  between  1798  and  1830,  two  in  Holland  be- 
tween 1817  and  1820,  and  eight  in  Germany  between  1801  and  1850. 32 

Precisely  how  much  influence  the  English  Gothic  novels  had  in  Ger- 
many has  never  been  exactly  ascertained.  The  English  development 
begins  with  Walpole's  The  Castle  of  Otranto,  1764.  Saintsbury  says  the 
German  romances  owed  not  a  little  to  it.33  Hofmann  considers  such  an 
influence  as  "sehr  wahrscheinlich."34  Brauchli,  basing  his  comment  in 
part  on  the  supposition  that  the  first  translation  of  Walpole's  novel  did 
not  appear  until  1794,  considers  its  possible  influence  as  slight,  but  here 
he  has  overlooked  an  earlier  translation,  namely  Seltsame  Begebenheiten 
im  Schlosse  Otranto,  eine  gotische  Geschichte,  "aus  dem  Englischen,"  Leip- 
zig, 1768.  He  admits  however: 

Der  Umstand,  daB  die  englischen  Schlofi-  und  Geistergeschichten  am  besten  ver- 
treten  sind  zwischen  1796  und  1810,  wahrend  die  deutschen  den  Hohepunkt  erst 
zwischen  1815  und  1840  erreichten,  macht  es  immerhin  wahrscheinlicher,  daB  Eng- 
land durch  diese  beiden  Schauerroman-Gattungen  auf  Deutschland  wirkte  als  um- 
gekehrt.35 

A  more  recent  investigator  has  placed  the  English  development  still 
earlier  and  has  summed  up  his  account  saying:  "By  1789  in  England  the 
Gothic  in  fiction  and  drama  had  attained  elaborate  development,  but 
had  scarcely  begun  to  grow  in  Germany.  On  the  whole  Germany  lagged 
by  about  ten  years."36 

31  Agnes  Murphy,  Banditry,  Chivalry,  and  Terror  in  German  Fiction,  1790-1830. 
Univ.  of  Chicago  diss.,  1935,  44. 

32  Van  Wieten,  Mrs.  Radcliff e,  her  Relation  toward  Romanticism,  Amsterdam  diss., 
1926. 

33  Cambridge  History  of  English  Literature,  Cambridge,  1907,  XI  300. 

34  O.  Hofmann,  Studien  zum  englischen  Schauerroman.  Leipzig  diss.,  1915,  77. 

35  J.  Brauchli,  Der  englische  Schauerroman  um  1800  .  .  .,  Zurich  diss.,  1928,  117  f. 

36  Bertrand  Evans,  Gothic  Drama  from  Walpole  to  Shelley,  University  of  California 
Publications  in  English,  XVIII  (1947)  123  f. 


308      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Regarding  Matthew  Gregory  Lewis  misstatements  are  rife  because  of 
complicated  interrelations.  To  mention  one  example :  it  was  long  thought 
that  Lewis's  The  Monk  owed  a  chief  episode  to  an  undated  tale  that  ap- 
peared in  Vienna  and  Prague  under  the  title  Die  blutende  Gestalt  mit  Dolch 
und  Lampe,  oder  die  Beschworung  im  SchloBe  Stern  bei  Prag,  but  the  date 
of  the  latter  has  recently  been  ascertained,  and  we  now  know  that  it  was 
written  not  before  The  Monk  but  shortly  after  its  translation  by  Oertel 
1797-98.37  Grillparzer's  Ahnfrau  owes  a  debt  either  to  Lewis's  The  Monk 
or  to  the  German  tale,  more  likely  directly  to  the  former. 

The  sources  of  Lewis's  novelistic  production  are  many  and  various. 
For  one  of  his  Romantic  Tales,  1808,  Mistrust,  or  Blanche  and  Osbright, 
a  Feudal  Romance,  the  basis  of  the  plot  was  provided  by  Kleist's  Die 
Familie  Schroffenstein.3*  Lewis  announced  certain  German  sources  for 
The  Monk  and  investigators  have  uncovered  others.39  German  elements 
outweigh  the  French.  Walter  Scott  called  it  a  romance  in  German  taste. 
Dastardly  monks  were  common  in  French  and  German  novels  before 
Lewis's  time.  Perhaps  the  chief  innovation  of  Lewis  consisted  in  the 
elevation  of  the  monk  to  the  chief  role.  The  Monk  was  translated 
promptly  into  German40  and  found  many  imitators.  Die  blutende  Gestalt 
has  already  been  referred  to,  and  the  monk  in  Miiller's  Vasco  und  Isabella 
oder  der  Grofi  inquisitor,  1819,  has  been  described  elsewhere  as  a  counter- 
part of  Ambrosio.41 

E.  T.  A.  Hoffmann  was  impelled  to  write  his  Die  Elixiere  des  Teufels  in 
part  by  the  reading  of  Lewis's  The  Monk.  In  both  "ein  Monch,  durch 
hollische  Machte  verleitet,  verliebt  sich  in  eine  Blutsverwandte — ohne 
da.fi  er  von  der  Verwandtschaft  weifi — und  lafit  sich,  um  in  ihren  Besitz 
zu  kommen,  zu  einem  Morde  hinreiBen."  The  similarity  between  the  two 
narratives  goes  further  and  includes  certain  details  of  action  and  parallel- 
isms of  characters  and  even  of  phrasing.  Walpole's  Castle  of  Otranto  seems 
to  have  provided  further  suggestions.  Koziol,  however,  shows  "wie  von 
Hoffmann  Minderwertiges,  Aulterliches  und  Billiges  vertieft  und  verin- 
nerlicht  wurde."42 

37  Arlt  [1464]. 

38  L.  T.  Peck  in  JEGPh,  XLIV  (1945)  9-11. 

39  Lewis  referred  to  a  popular  tale  regarding  the  bleeding  nun.  Herzfeld  in  ASNS, 
CIV  (1900)  310-312  called  attention  to  Musaus's  "Marchen,"  Die  Entfuhrung,  Ritter 
in  ASNS  CXI  (1903)  to  Veit  Weber's  Teufelsbeschworung,  and  Schiller's  Geisterseher. 

40  Montagu  Summers,  The  Gothic  Quest,  London  [1938]  lists  the  following  transla- 
tions: Der  Monch  a.  d.  E.  von  F.  von  Oertel,  I— III,  Leipzig,  1794;  Mathilde  von  Villane- 
gas,  oder  der  weibliche  Faust,  Berlin,  1799;  Der  Monch  oder  die  siegende  Tugend,  Magde- 
burg, 1806;  Der  Monch,  eine  schauerlich  abentheuerliche  Geschichte,  Hamburg,  1810. 

41  Cf.  Murphy,  44.  See  fn.  31,  above. 

42  Koziol  [1465]  467  and  476. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  309 

The  movement  toward  a  world  literature  assumed  the  form  of  a  loose 
organization  through  the  correspondence  of  Goethe  and  Carlyle.  Carlyle 
made  the  first  approach,  June  24,  1824,  when  he  sent  Goethe  his  transla- 
tion of  Wilhelm  Meister,  followed  about  three  years  later  by  his  Life  of 
Schiller,  both  of  which  Goethe  acknowledged  and  warmly  commended. 
From  now  on  letters  and  works  were  exchanged  more  frequently.  Carlyle 
was  able  to  tell  Goethe  of  the  growing  appreciation  for  German  literature 
in  England.  Goethe  sent  to  Carlyle  the  volumes  of  his  correspondence 
with  Schiller  as  fast  as  they  appeared,  as  well  as  other  works  helpful  to 
him  in  his  studies  on  German  literature.  Goethe  also  procured  for  Carlyle 
an  election  as  honorary  member  of  the  "Berlinische  Gesellschaft  fur  aus- 
landische  schone  Literatur."  Carlyle  distributed  personal  souvenirs  from 
Goethe  to  the  small  group  of  men  who  had  done  most  to  introduce  Ger- 
man literature  in  England,  and  Goethe  received  from  them  a  letter  and 
a  commemorative  medal  on  his  last  birthday. 

The  Berlin  society  undertook  to  publish  a  translation  of  Carlyle's  Life 
of  Schiller,  for  which  Goethe  should  write  the  preface.  Carlyle  supplied 
personal  facts  in  regard  to  his  past  career  and  present  circumstances,  and 
Jane  Carlyle  sent  a  sketch  of  the  Carlyle  home,  which  was  reproduced  in 
the  completed  work,  1830.  Goethe's  introduction  ended  with  a  plea  for 
international  comity  in  literature.43 

The  name,  Robert  Burns,  hitherto  little  heard  in  Germany,  had 
already  occurred  in  the  correspondence  of  Goethe  and  Carlyle.  On  Sep- 
tember 25,  1828,  Carlyle  wrote  to  Goethe  that  he  was  about  to  publish 
an  essay  on  Burns,  who,  as  he  pointed  out,  was  born  in  Schiller's  birth 
year  and  died  in  the  first  year  of  the  Goethe-Schiller  friendship.  In  his 
reply  several  months  later  (June  25,  1829)  Goethe  said: 

Ihren  Landsmann  Burns,  der,  wenn  er  noch  lebte,  nunmehr  Ihr  Nachbar  seyn 
wurde,  kenn  ich  so  weit,  um  ihn  zu  schatzen;  die  Erwahnung  desselben  in  Ihrem  Brief e 
veranlafit  mich,  seine  Gedichte  wieder  vorzunehmen,  vor  allem  die  Geschichte  seines 
Lebens  wieder  durchzulesen,  welche  freylich  wie  die  Geschichte  manches  schonen 
Talents  hochst  unerfreulich  ist. 

Die  poetische  Gabe  ist  mit  der  Gabe,  das  Leben  einzuleiten  und  irgend  einen  Zu- 
stand  zu  bestatigen,  gar  selten  verbunden. 

An  seinen  Gedichten  hab  ich  einen  freyen  Geist  erkannt,  der  den  Augenblick  kraftig 
anzufassen  und  ihm  zugleich  eine  heitere  Seite  abzugewinnen  weiB.  Leider  konnt  ich 
dieJ5  nur  von  wenigen  Stucken  abnehmen,  denn  der  schottische  Dialect  macht  uns 
andere  sogleich  irre,  und  zu  einer  Aufklarung  iiber  das  Einzelne  fehlt  uns  Zeit  und 
Gelegenheit.44 

43  Goethe,  Werke,  I  (42:1)  185  ff. 

44  Ibid.,  IV  (45)  304;  cf.  Tagebiicher,  October  8,  1828:  "Den  Brief  von  Carlyle  naher 
betrachtet . .  .  Leben  von  Burns  und  schottische  Balladen."  Ibid.,  Ill  (11)  288. 


310      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Goethe  was  impressed  by  Burns's  rapid  rise  from  lowly  surroundings 
to  wide  popularity.  Such  a  success  could  occur,  he  said  to  Eckermann, 
May  3,  1827,  in  a  land  of  high  common  culture  such  as  Italy,  France,  or 
Scotland  but  not  in  Germany.  "Es  kommt  darauf  an,  da!3  in  einer  Nation 
viel  Geist  und  tlichtige  Bildung  in  Kurs  sei,  wenn  ein  Talent  sich  schnell 
und  freudig  entwickeln  soil." 

Nehmen  Sie  Burns.  Wodurch  ist  er  grofS,  als  daC  die  alten  Lieder  seiner  Vorfahren 
im  Munde  des  Volkes  lebten,  dafi  sie  ihm  sozusagen  bei  der  Wiege  gesungen  wurden, 
dafi  er  als  Knabe  unter  ihnen  heranwuchs  und  die  hohe  VortrefBichkeit  dieser  Muster 
sich  ihm  so  einlebte,  dafi  er  darin  eine  lebendige  Basis  hatte,  worauf  er  weiterschreiten 
konnte.  Und  ferner,  wodurch  ist  er  grofi,  als  dafi  seine  eigenen  Lieder  in  seinem  Volke 
sogleich  empfangliche  Ohren  fanden,  da!3  sie  ihm  alsobald  im  Felde  von  Schnittern  und 
Binderinnen  entgegenklangen  und  er  in  der  Schenke  von  heiteren  Gesellen  damit 
begrtifit  wurde.  Da  konnte  es  freilich  etwas  werden!  Wie  armlich  sieht  es  dagegen  bei 
uns  Deutschen  aus!16 

In  the  before-mentioned  introduction  to  the  translation  of  Carlyle's 
Life  of  Schiller,  Goethe  quoted  from  Carlyle's  letter  of  September  25, 
1828,  the  phrases  commendatory  of  Burns,  taking  occasion  to  add  that 
since  the  Scotsman,  Carlyle,  had  taken  so  much  interest  in  Schiller,  it 
was  fitting  that  some  member  of  the  Berlin  society  should  take  the  lead 
in  a  study  of  Burns.46  Early  in  October,  1830,  Goethe  was  able  to  send 
Carlyle  good  tidings:  "Ein  talentvoller  junger  Mann  und  glucklicher 
tjbersetzer  beschaftigt  sich  mit  Burns;  ich  bin  darauf  sehr  verlangend."47 
The  choice  had  fallen  upon  Philipp  Kauffmann.  Carlyle  replied,  October 
23,  1830,  expressing  his  hopes  and  misgivings  as  to  the  success  of  the 
undertaking.48  The  translation  was  not  completed  until  several  years 
after  Goethe's  death,  and  Carlyle's  misgivings  were  justified. 

Almost  simultaneously  with  it,  in  1840,  was  published  another  by  Wil- 
helm  Gerhard,  a  native  of  Weimar  and  a  descendant  of  Paul  Gerhardt. 
In  his  preface  the  translator  apologized  gracefully  for  competing  with 
the  poet  of  Goethe's  choice.  Gerhard's  translation  was  preceded  by  an 
introduction  of  forty-eight  pages,  giving  the  main  facts  of  Burns's  life 
as  recorded  by  James  Currie,  Walker,  Lockhart,  and  Allan  Cunningham. 
At  last  Burns  began  to  receive  a  goodly  measure  of  recognition  in  Ger- 
many. Translations  and  reprints  were  frequent  and  passed  through  many 
editions.  It  seems  safe  to  attribute  the  three  reprints  of  the  early  thirties 
in  part  to  Goethe's  call  for  such  works;  the  three  of  the  early  1840's  were 
doubtless  partly  due  to  the  translations  of  Kauffmann  and  Gerhard.  The 
democratic  movements  of  the  two  decades  were  also  favorable  to  the 
appreciation  of  Burns  in  Germany.  We  find  translations  of  thirteen 
poems  of  Burns  in  Freiligrath's  Gedichte,  1838,  and  the  originals  of  many 

45  Eckermann,  Gesprdche,  318  f.  47  Ibid.,  IV  (47)  279. 

46  Goethe,  Werke,  I  (42:1)  196  ff.  48  Norton  [1276]  233. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  311 

in  his  anthology,  The  Rose,  Thistle,  and  Shamrock,  1853.  Among  the 
other  translators  were,  A.  von  Winterfeld,  Carl  Bartsch,  and  August 
Corrodi.49 

Despite  the  efforts  of  Henry  Crabb  Robinson,  the  poets  of  the  "lake 
school"  made  but  slight  impression  on  the  leading  literary  circles  in 
Germany.  Robinson  reported  in  1803  that  Herder  agreed  with  Words- 
worth in  regard  to  poetical  language,50  that  Friedrich  Schlegel,  1802,  was 
pleased  with  one  or  two  of  Wordsworth's  pieces,51  and  that  Tieck  ex- 
claimed, 1824:  "Das  ist  ein  englischer  Goethe."52  Robinson  read  some  of 
the  poems  to  Knebel  in  1829  and  had  to  report:  "I  did  not  fully  impose 
him  with  Wordsworth's  power."53  This  discouraged  him  from  talking  to 
Goethe  about  Wordsworth.54  Schiller  called  Coleridge  a  man  of  genius. 
He  was  much  impressed  with  the  ability  Coleridge  showed  but  said  that 
he  had  made  some  ridiculous  mistakes.55  Tieck  esteemed  him  little  as  a 
critic  but  highly  as  a  conversationalist.56  Goethe  was  little  impressed  by 
Robinson's  reading  of  "Fire,  Slaughter,  and  Famine,"57 1829.  Knebel  was 
favorably  affected  by  some  of  Southey's  poems,  1818,  and  wrote  to 
Goethe58  and  Charlotte  Schiller59  in  regard  to  them. 

By  dint  of  translations  and  letters  to  his  friends,  Schwab,  Kunzel,  and 
others,  Freiligrath  ultimately  succeeded  in  winning  favor  for  the  "lake 
poets."  He  first  translated  some  of  the  poems  of  Wordsworth.  He  began 
translating  Coleridge's  The  Ancient  Mariner  in  1830  but  did  not  have  it 
ready  for  publication  until  1836.  He  also  translated  some  of  Southey's 
poetry  which,  he  said,  attracted  him  less  than  that  of  Byron,  Moore, 
Coleridge,  Scott,  and  Wordsworth.60  The  comments  of  the  literary  jour- 
nals on  these  poets  had  been  for  the  most  part  unimportant  or  cool, 61  at 
least  before  the  time  of  Freiligrath's  advocacy. 

Thomas  Moore,  according  to  our  best  information,  was  during  this 
time  "neben  Byron  der  beliebteste  englische  Dichter  der  Zeit."62  Goethe 
in  1822  ranked  Scott,  Byron,  and  Moore  above  all  German  poets,63  but 

49  Macintosh  [1332]  28  ff. 

50  Robinson,  Diary,  I  154. 

51  Ibid.,  I  122. 

52  Ibid.,  I  10. 

63  Ibid.,  II  428. 
54  Ibid.,  II  439. 
65  Ibid.,  I  114. 
56  Ibid.,  I  62. 

67  Ibid.,  II  417. 

68  Briefwechsel  zwischen  Goethe  und  Knebel  .  .  .,  ed.  G.  E.  Guhrauer,  Leipzig,  1854, 
II  248. 

59  Briefe  von  Schillers  Gattin  an  einen  vertrauten  Freund,  ed.  H.  Diintzer,  Leipzig 
1856,  434,  436  f. 

60  Sigmann  [1232]  23,  31,  46. 

61  Ibid.,  chap.  i. 

62  Ibid.,  92. 

63  See  fn.  4,  above. 


312      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

to  Kanzler  von  Muller  in  1823  he  said :  "Thomas  Moore  hat  mir  nichts  zu 
danken  gemacht,"  and  in  1824  he  denied  that  Moore  was  worthy  of 
Byron's  laurels:  "Hochstens  in  einem  Ragout  dlirfte  Moore  einige  Lor- 
beerblatter  genieflen."64  Heine,  however,  said  at  about  the  same  time 
that  Moore  and  Scott  were  the  sole  representatives  of  English  poetry 
since  the  death  of  Byron.65  Moore's  oriental  poetry  first  came  into  promi- 
nence. In  January  1824  a  notable  festival  was  held  at  the  Prussian  court, 
with  Lalla  Rookh  as  its  motif.66  It  was  translated  by  Fouque  in  1822,  by 
Beuren  in  1829,  by  Pechlin  in  1830,  by  Oehlkers  in  1837,  by  Mencke  in 
1843,  and  by  Alexander  Schmidt  in  1857.  Schumann  set  Paradise  and  the 
Peri  to  music  in  1844.  There  were  also  reprints,  translations,  and  school 
editions  of  these  popular  cantos.  Freiligrath  translated  about  twenty- 
eight  of  Moore's  minor  poems  and  imitated  a  few  others.  Two  of  Moore's 
poems  became  well  known  to  the  German  people  under  the  titles  "Die 
letzte  Rose,"  and  "Wenn  durch  die  Piazzetta."  Echoes  of  Moore  are 
frequent  in  Freiligrath's  poetry,  more  frequent  indeed  than  echoes  of 
Byron.67 

It  cannot  be  said  that  these  lyric  poets  were  really  influential  in  Ger- 
many. Their  effect  even  on  Freiligrath  has  been  overemphasized.  Despite 
the  assertions  of  Weddigen,  Richter,  and  Erbach,  neither  Byron  nor  any 
other  English  poet  was  instrumental  in  turning  Freiligrath  from  exotic 
to  political  poetry.  That  change  took  place  about  1840.  Up  to  that  time 
Freiligrath  had  shown  little  interest  in  politics  or  political  poems,  native 
or  foreign.  With  "Qa,  ira,"  1846,  he  assumed  the  role  of  a  revolutionary 
poet,  but  as  an  aftermath  of  the  struggle  of  1848-1849  he  abandoned 
social  ideas  and  developed  into  a  political  poet. 6S 

Goethe  received,  perhaps  from  Huttner,  a  copy  of  Thomas  Hood's 
Whims  and  Oddities  1827,  read  the  work  attentively  and  with  no  little 
perplexity.  Because  of  his  lack  of  familiarity  with  the  English  characters 
and  conditions  the  persiflage  often  eluded  him.  Nevertheless  he  at- 
tempted a  review  of  the  work,  the  title  of  which  he  translated  as  Grillen 
und  Nullitdten.  He  commented  favorably  on  the  poem  "Sea  Spell." 
"Schaum  und  Gischt  weiB  er  recht  gut  zu  mahlen,"  and  "vorziiglich  brav 
ist  er  zur  See."69 

Shelley  fared  less  well  in  Germany  than  his  contemporaries.  His  friend- 
ship with  Byron  failed  to  gain  for  him  the  attention  of  Goethe,  and  he 

64  Goethe,  Gespraehe,  ed.  Biedermann,  Leipzig,  1889-1891,  IV  278,  290  and  V  108. 

65Schalles  [1067]  11  f. 

66  A  us  dem  NachlaB  Varnhagens  von  Ense  .  .  .,  Leipzig,  1861-1870,  II  158. 

"Gudde  [1255]  365-368. 

68  Ibid.,  356  f. 

69Hennig  [1451]. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  313 

might  have  remained  almost  unnoticed  except  for  the  "Young  Germans" 
who  were  interested  in  his  social  ideas.70 

Goethe  wrote  to  Carlyle,  April  14,  1830:  "Seit  vielen  Jahren  werden 
wir  von  den  Einwohnern  der  drei  Konigreiche  besucht,  welche  gern  einige 
Zeit  lang  bei  uns  verweilen  und  guter  Gesellschaft  genieflen  mogen."71 
The  list  of  English  visitors  in  Goethe's  house  is  long.  Young  English 
students  were  especially  favored.  They  belonged  to  Ottilie's  circle  and 
helped  to  create  her  "Chaos."  Thackeray  at  the  age  of  nineteen  was  one 
of  the  group.  He  wrote  that  in  1830  at  least  a  score  of  young  English 
lads  lived  in  Weimar  for  study  or  sport  or  society.  He  always  remembered 
years  later  with  pleasure  the  hours  in  Goethe's  house.  "His  daughter-in- 
law's  tea-table  was  always  spread  for  us.  We  passed  hours  after  hours 
there  and  night  after  night  with  the  pleasantest  talk  and  music."72 

Thus  Goethe  had  the  opportunity  to  compare  the  young  English 
youths  with  Germans  of  a  like  age : 

Es  ist  ein  eigenes  Ding,  liegt  es  in  der  Abstammung,  liegt  es  im  Boden,  liegt  es  in 
der  freien  Verfassung,  liegt  es  in  der  gesunden  Erziehung,  genug,  die  Englander  iiber- 
haupt  scheinen  vor  vielen  anderen  etwas  vorauszuhaben,  .  .  .  was  sind  das  alles  fur 
tiichtige  hiibsche  Leute !  .  .  .  Es  liegt  nicht  in  der  Geburt  und  im  Reichtum ;  sondern 
es  liegt  darin,  dafi  sie  eben  die  Courage  haben  das  zu  sein,  wozu  die  Natur  sie  gemacht 
hat.  .  .  .  Es  sind  immer  komplette  Menschen.  .  .  .  Das  Gluck  der  personlichen  Frei- 
heit,  das  BewuBtsein  des  englischen  Namens  und  welche  Bedeutung  ihm  bei  andern 
Nationen  beiwohnt,  kommt  schon  den  Kindern  zugute.73 

He  described  young  German  scholars  on  the  other  hand  as  "kurzsich- 
tig,  blaE,  mit  eingefallener  Brust,  jung  ohne  Jugend"  and  added  "dafi  sie 
ganz  in  der  Idee  stecken,"  and  that  "nur  die  hochsten  Probleme  der 
Spekulation  sie  zu  interessieren  geeignet  sind."74  Months  later  he  said  to 
Eckermann:  "Wahrend  die  Deutschen  sich  mit  Auflosung  philosophi- 
scher  Probleme  qualen,  lachen  uns  die  Englander  mit  ihrem  groRen  prak- 
tischen  Verstande  aus  und  gewinnen  die  Welt."75 

Before  Goethe's  death,  machinery  and  industrialism  began  to  encroach 
rudely  upon  the  culture  the  eighteenth  century  had  produced ;  and  inter- 
est in  such  problems  as  the  existence  of  evil  in  the  best  possible  world, 
the  perfectibility  of  man,  and  the  identity  of  the  good,  the  beautiful,  and 
the  true  began  to  give  way  to  questions  more  "practical."  Plutus-Faust 
saw  fit  to  dismiss  his  "Knabe  Lenker" : 

Nun  bist  du  los  der  allzulastigen  Schwere, 
Bist  f rei  und  frank,  nun  frisch  zu  deiner  Sphare ! 


70Liptzin  [1525]. 

71  Goethe,  Werke,  IV  (47)  17. 

72Landgraf  [1270]  49. 

73  Eckermann,  Gesprache,  391  f.;  March  12,  1828. 

74  Ibid.,  392. 

75  Ibid.,  496;  September  1,  1829. 


314      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Hier  ist  sie  nicht!  Verworren,  scheckig,  wild 
Umdrangt  uns  hier  ein  fratzenhaft  Gebild. 
Nur  wo  du  klar  ins  holde  Klare  schaust, 
Dir  angehorst  und  dir  allein  vertraust, 
Dorthin,  wo  Schones,  Gutes  nur  gefallt, 
Zur  Einsamkeit ! — da  schaffe  deine  Welt. 

The  new  orientation  of  men  and  organization  of  things  proceeded  more 
rapidly  in  England  than  in  Germany.  Goethe,  the  incorrigible  optimist, 
saw  in  it  only  the  prospect  of  good  to  humanity.  He  read,  for  example, 
with  great  interest  and  reviewed  Ptickler-Muskau's  Brief e  eines  Verstor- 
benen™  in  which  the  author  described  a  marvellous  enterprise  that  was 
being  undertaken  on  the  coast  of  Wales.  Here  William  Alexander  Madock 
diked  in  and  redeemed  from  the  sea  two  thousand  acres  of  land  and 
founded  the  village  of  Tremadoc.  This  gigantic  undertaking  demanded 
the  services  of  two  or  three  hundred  laborers  for  seven  years  and  even- 
tually provided  a  home  for  over  five  thousand  inhabitants.  Sarrazin  has 
surmised  that  the  tidings  of  this  plan  suggested  the  scene  of  the  last 
episode  in  Faust's  career.77 

Thus  Sarrazin  focused  his  telescope  upon  a  single  feature  of  a  wide 
horizon,  the  full  expanse  of  which  Hohlfeld  has  more  recently  surveyed.78 
The  final  act  of  Faust  began  to  acquire  its  ultimate  form  about  1830. 
Before  that  time  Goethe's  attention  was  already  turning  from  France 
toward  England,  "das  meerumfiossene  .  .  .  nach  alien  Weltgegenden  hin 
tatige."79 

Goethe  kept  himself  well  informed  in  regard  to  English  culture  and 

life.  To  a  young  English  visitor  he  said  on  January  10,  1825:  "Ich  be- 

schaftige  mich  seit  fi'mfzig  Jahren  mit  der  englischen  Sprache  und  Litera- 

tur,  so  dal3  ich  Ihre  Schriftsteller  und  das  Leben  und  die  Einrichtung 

Ihres  Landes  sehr  gut  kenne.  Kame  ich  nach  England  hinuber,  ich  wiirde 

kein  Fremder  sein."80  But  Goethe  was  also  aware  that  England's  world 

expansion  was  achieved  with  frequent  ruthlessness  and  that  there  were 

gross  inequalities  in  English  life.  He  was  shocked  at  the  wealth  of  the 

bishops'  estates  and  knew  that  the  benevolence  of  the  gentry  was  paired 

with  the  heartlessness  of  absentee  landlords  and  of  overseers  as  ruthless 

as  Mephistopheles  in  the  Philemon  and  Baucis  tragedy.  Eckermann 

once  asked  Goethe  how  then  he  could  be  happy  in  England  under  such 

conditions.  Assuming  a  Mephistophelian  air  Goethe  replied:  "In  England 

76  Goethe,  Werke,  III  (12)  292  ff.  Cf.  I  (42)  55-63. 
"Sarrazin  [1283]  121. 

78  Hohlfeld  [1266]. 

79  Goethe,  Werke,  I  (41:1)  56. 

80  Eckermann,  Gesprciche,  145;  January  10,  1825. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  315 

geboren,  ware  ich  ein  reicher  Herzog  gewesen,  oder  vielmehr  ein  Bischof 
mit  jahrlichen  30,000  Pfund  Sterling  Einkiinfte."81 

In  general,  industrial  England  concerned  Goethe  little,  but  he  was 
keenly  interested  in  rural,  commercial,  and  especially  seafaring  England. 
He  regarded  the  sea  as  a  character-forming  element,  and  remarked  to 
Eckermann  March  11,  1828: 

Lord  Byron,  der  taglich  mehrere  Stunden  im  Freien  lebte,  bald  zu  Pferde  am 
Strande  des  Meeres  reitend,  bald  im  Boote  segelnd  oder  rudernd,  dann  sich  im  Meere 
badend  und  seine  Korperkraft  im  Schwimmen  tibend,  war  einer  der  produktivsten 
Menschen,  die  je  gelebt  haben.82 

Goethe  added,  the  following  day,  that  he  regarded  "Insulaner  und 
Meeranwohner"  as  more  productive  than  landbound  continentals.83 
More  tersely  Thales  addressed  the  sea  (Faust  II,  8437  ff.) : 

Ozean,  gonn'  uns  dein  ewiges  Walten  . .  . 
Du  bist's,  der  das  frischeste  Leben  erhalt. 

The  struggle  to  master  the  element  served  as  the  most  satisfying  symbol 
of  man's  struggle  with  nature.  By  it  man  became  "tuchtig"  and  "frei." 
Here,  as  usually  with  Goethe,  "frei"  is  used  without  political  implication. 
It  is  in  the  light  of  such  prevailing  enthusiasms  and  interests  that  Hohl- 
feld  would  interpret  the  last  act  of  Faust,  particularly  the  passage  be- 
ginning : 

Im  Innern  hier  ein  paradiesisch  Land, 

Da  rase  drauBen  Flut  bis  auf  zum  Rand. 

Ja !  diesem  Sinne  bin  ich  ganz  ergeben, 

Das  ist  der  Weisheit  letzter  Schlufi: 

Nur  der  verdient  sich  Freiheit  wie  das  Leben, 

Der  taglich  sie  erobern  muB. 

Und  so  verbringt,  umrungen  von  Gefahr 

Hier  Kindheit,  Mann  und  Greis  sein  tuchtig  Jahr. 

Solch  ein  Gewimmel  mocht'  ich  sehn, 

Auf  freiem  Grund  mit  freiem  Volke  stehn. 


81  Ibid.,  683;  March  17,  1830. 

82  Ibid.,  385  i.;  March  11,  1826. 

83  Ibid.,  386. 


Chapter  XXII 

BYRON  AND  "WELTSCHMERZ" 

When  the  Napoleonic  blockade  of  England  was  broken,  the  pent-up 
works  of  two  British  poets  began  to  flood  the  Continental  market.  Scott 
made  a  longer  enduring  conquest  of  his  foreign  readers,  but  Byron  a  more 
sensational  one. 

Lord  Byron  war  der  Mann,  wie  ihn  sich  die  vorhergehende  Zeit  in  ihrem  Dichten 
und  Denken  getraumt  hatte,  namentlich  unsere  deutsche  Poesie;  auf  den  Hohen  des 
Lebens  geboren,  und  doch  voller  Begeisterung  fur  die  Freiheit;  ein  Bezauberer  aller 
Herzen,  und  doch  mit  unglucklichem  Streben  fortwahrend  einem  bestandig  schwin- 
denden  Ideale  nacheilend.  .  .  .  Ein  grofier  Teil  seines  Ruhmes  gehort  seinen  Schwachen 
an,  welche  zugleich  die  Schwachen  seines  Zeitalters  waren,  aber  er  hat  durch  die 
Kiihnheit  und  Energie  seines  Geistes  die  zerstreuten  Verirrungen  seines  Zeitalters 
gewaltsam  zusammengefafit  und  sie  dadurch  ihrer  Heilung  zugefuhrt.  .  .  .  Sie  sind  in 
ihm  in  einem  classischen  Bilde  zum  AbschluB  gekommen.1 

The  publication  of  the  first  two  cantos  of  Childe  Harold's  Pilgrimage 
in  1812  made  Byron  the  literary  lion  of  his  day  in  England.  His  fame  was 
enhanced  during  the  next  four  years  by  The  Giaour,  The  Bride  of  Abydos, 
The  Corsair,  Lara,  Hebrew  Melodies,  The  Siege  of  Corinth,  and  Parisina. 
Ostracized  from  British  society  in  1816  he  began  to  produce  on  foreign 
soil  his  best  work:  from  1816  to  1822  the  third  and  fourth  cantos  of 
Childe  Harold,  his  Prisoner  of  Chillon,  Manfred,  Cain,  Heaven  and  Earth, 
not  to  mention  the  less  serious  Don  Juan,  1819;  further,  his  Mazeppa, 
Marino  Faliero,  Sardanapalus,  The  two  Foscari,  The  Deformed  Trans- 
formed, and  others  which  did  most  to  establish  permanent^  his  literary 
reputation  on  the  Continent.  All  these  later  works  had  to  contend  against 
a  prejudice  in  England,  which  was  furthermore  offended  at  Don  Juan 
and  shocked  at  Cain.  Byron  showed  the  sincerity  of  his  enthusiasm  for 
freedom  by  espousing  the  cause  of  the  Greeks.  When  he  died  of  fever  at 
Missolonghi  in  April,  1824,  the  Greeks  begged  to  bury  him  on  their  soil, 
but  his  body  was  returned  to  England  and  long  refused  a  resting  place 
in  Westminster  Abbey. 

In  Germany,  on  the  other  hand,  Byron  had  many  admirers  even  during 
his  lifetime.  Among  the  earliest  and  most  enthusiastic  of  these  were 
Friedrich  Jacobsen  and  Elise  von  Hohenhausen.  While  residing  in  Ra- 
venna, Byron  received  a  letter  from  an  admirer  unknown  to  him.  He 
noted  in  his  diary : 

In  the  same  month  [July  or  August,  1819]  I  received  an  invitation  into  Holstein 
from  a  Mr.  Jacobsen  (I  think)  of  Hamburgh,  also  by  the  same  medium  a  translation 

1  J.  Schmidt,  Die  Grenzboten,  1851,  IV  41,  54. 

[316] 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  317 

of  Medora's  song  in  the  Corsair  by  a  Westphalian  baroness,  .  .  .  with  some  original 
verses  of  hers  (very  pretty  and  Klopstockish)  and  a  prose  translation  annexed  to  them 
on  the  subject  of  my  wife  ["Fare  thee  well"] ;  as  they  concerned  her  more  than  me, 
I  sent  them  to  her  together  with  Mr.  Jacobsen's  letter.  It  was  odd  enough  to  receive 
an  invitation  to  pass  the  summer  in  Holstein,  while  in  Italy,  from  people  I  never  knew. 
The  letter  was  addressed  to  Venice.  Mr.  Jacobsen  talked  to  me  of  the  "wild  roses 
growing  in  the  Holstein  summer."  Why  then  did  the  Cymbri  and  Teutones  emigrate?2 

Friedrich  Johann  Jacobsen  prepared  in  1820  a  work  entitled  Brief e  an 
eine  deutsche  Edelfrau  iiber  die  neuesten  englischen  Dichter.  He  is  said  to 
have  gathered  the  materials  for  this  work  in  England.  It  was  a  handsome 
book,  illustrated  with  copperplate  engravings  of  the  leading  English 
poets;  the  music  to  six  of  the  English  songs  was  given,  including  Byron's 
"Fare  thee  well."  The  careers  of  Moore,  Wordsworth,  Southey,  Scott, 
Crabbe,  Rogers,  and  Byron  were  recounted;  Shelley  and  Keats  were 
overlooked.  Many  quotations  and  translations  from  the  authors  were 
discussed  together  with  several  critical  opinions;  Byron  was  treated  last 
and  with  the  greatest  care.  From  this  work  one  could  derive  a  fairly 
accurate  opinion  of  his  personality  and  of  the  background  against  which 
he  stood.  The  account  contained  several  excerpts  from  the  leading  Eng- 
lish magazines  regarding  him,  beginning  with  Walter  Scott's  comments 
in  the  Quarterly  Review.  The  work  was  rather  expensive  and  was  sold  to 
subscribers,  among  whom  were  the  Hamburg  brothers  Salomon  and 
Henry  Heine,  and  their  nephew  no  doubt  was  one  of  its  readers.  In  1828 
the  first  complete  translation  of  Byron's  poems  into  German  was  pro- 
duced by  the  joint  efforts  of  thirteen  authors,3  three  of  whom  made  use 
of  Jacobsen's  work,  which  the  Hallische  Liter aturzeitung  described  as 
"das  Vollstandigste  und  Lehrreichste,  was  in  Deutschland  iiber  die 
neueste  Dichterperiode  unseres  Schwesterlandes  geschrieben  ist."4  This 
moderately  good  work  was  Jacobsen's  only  contribution  to  the  cult  of 
Byron  in  Germany.  Jacobsen  died  two  years  later. 

The  "deutsche  Edelfrau"  to  whom  the  thirty-nine  letters  of  Jacobsen 
were  addressed  was  Elise  von  Hohenhausen,  as  the  contemporary  critics 
correctly  surmised.  She  was  also  the  Westphalian  baroness  who  sent 
greetings  to  Byron  in  Ravenna,  together  with  the  poems  mentioned 
above.  She  became  widely  known  as  an  enthusiast  for  Byron  and  as  the 
translator  of  several  of  his  minor  poems  in  1818  and  of  his  Corsair  in 
1820.  Later,  in  1827,  she  translated  Byron's  Cain  and  Prophecy  of  Dante, 
and  wrote  poems  commemorating  the  events  of  his  life,  but  in  a  treatise 
written  twenty  years  later,  Rousseau,  Goethe,  Byron;  ein  kritisch-literari- 

2  The  Works  of  Byron,  ed.  Coleridge  and  Prothero,  London,  1903,  XI  426. 

3  Later  translations  by  Bottger,  1839,  Gildemeister,  1865.  Re  numerous  individual 
poems  cf.  Flaischlen  [1343]  and  Ochsenbein  [1379]. 

4  Ochsenbein  [1379]  44. 


318      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

scher  UmriB  aus  ethisch-christlichem  Standpunkt,  1847,  she  turned  from 
panegyrics  to  censure.  She  passed  the  summer  of  1818  in  Hamburg, 
where  she  associated  with  the  circle  of  rich  merchants  to  which  the 
Heines  belonged,  and  she  was  possibly  first  to  call  Heinrich's  attention 
to  Byron.  Heine's  translation  of  "Fare  thee  well"  was  perhaps  written 
at  her  suggestion,  or  even  in  competition  with  her  version,  which  ap- 
peared in  1818;  but  again  perhaps  not,  for  this  poem  was  on  everyone's 
lips  at  the  time.5 

Heine's  earlier  interest  in  Byron  reached  the  stage  of  enthusiasm  when, 
in  Bonn,  he  fell  under  the  influence  of  August  Wilhelm  Schlegel,  who 
challenged  him  to  translate  the  opening  scenes  of  Manfred.  Heine  at- 
tacked not  only  these  lines  but  parts  of  Childe  Harold  as  well,  and  began 
to  write  the  strongly  Byronic  Almansor.  In  1821  he  was  in  Berlin  and 
attended  the  gatherings  of  the  admirers  of  Byron  in  the  salon  of  Elise 
von  Hohenhausen.  When  sufficiently  urged  he  read  his  own  poems  in  her 
salon,  where  they  were  received  somewhat  coolly  by  the  guests,  but  were 
extolled  by  his  patroness  as  genuinely  Byronic.6  In  his  first  collection  of 
poems  Heine  not  only  included  some  translations  but  also  the  Byronic 
tragedy  William  Ratcliff,  thus  courting  comparison.  For  a  year  or  two 
after  this  he  had  little  to  say  about  Byron  and  did  not  even  partici- 
pate in  the  "Philhellenismus"  of  the  day,  perhaps  because  it  was  becom- 
ing too  much  of  a  commonplace  to  suit  his  fancy.  In  the  Harzreise,  1826, 
he  represents  himself  as  talking  to  two  ladies  on  the  Brocken  in  an 
ironical  fashion : 

Ich  glaube,  wir  sprachen  auch  von  Angorakatzen,  etruskischen  Vasen,  tlirkischen 
Shawls,  Makkaroni  und  Lord  Byron,  aus  dessen  Gedichten  die  altere  Dame  einige 
Sonnenuntergangsstellen,  recht  hubsch  lispelnd  und  seufzend,  rezitirte.  Der  jungern 
Dame,  die  kein  Englisch  verstand  und  jene  Gedichte  kennen  lernen  wollte,  empfahl 
ich  die  tlbersetzungen  meiner  schonen,  geistreichen  Landsmannin,  der  Baronin  Elise 
von  Hohenhausen,  bei  welcher  Gelcgenheit  ich  nicht  ermangelte,  wie  ich  gegen  junge 
Damen  zu  tun  pflege,  iiber  Byrons  Gottlosigkeit,  Lieblosigkeit,  Trostlosigkeit,  und 
der  Himmel  weifi  was  noch  mehr,  zu  eifern.7 

On  the  occasion  of  Byron's  death  in  1824  Heine  wrote  two  letters  to 
friends,  in  which  he  lamented  the  death  of  his  "cousin"  Lord  Byron,  and  a 
letter  to  his  friend  Moser,  in  which  he  said  : 

Byron  war  der  einzige  Mensch,  mit  dem  ich  mich  verwandt  fuhlte,  und  wir  mogen 
uns  wohl  in  manchen  Dingen  geglichen  haben;  scherze  nur  dariiber  soviel  Du  willst. 
Ich  las  ihn  selten  seit  einigen  Jahren:  man  geht  lieber  um  mit  Menschen,  deren  Cha- 
rakter  von  dem  unsrigen  verschieden  ist.8 

6  Ibid.,  56.  Cf.  Melchior  [1378]  6. 

6  Ibid.,  83  f. 

7  Heine,  Werke,  IV  57. 

8  Heinrich  Heines  Briefwechsel,  ed.  Hirth,  Miinchen,  1914,  I  315,  319. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  319 

Heine  did  his  utmost  to  persuade  Moser  to  write  an  article  for  a  lead- 
ing literary  journal  heralding  him  as  Byron's  successor.  Eventually  Heine 
could  thank  him  for  refusing,  for  now  Willibald  Alexis  and  even  Wilhelm 
Muller  and  Karl  Immermann,  former  admirers  of  Byron,  were  beginning 
to  warn  against  the  Byronic  fever.  Immermann,  in  1827,  made  some  dis- 
tinctions between  Byron  and  Heine  which  pleased  him  better  and  he 
wrote  early  in  the  same  year : 

Wahrlich,  in  diesem  Augenblicke  fuhle  ich  sehr  lebhaft,  dafi  ich  kein  Nachbeter 
oder,  besser  gesagt,  Nachfrevler  Byrons  bin,  mein  Blut  ist  nicht  so  spleenisch  schwarz, 
meine  Bitterkeit  kommt  nur  aus  den  Gallapfeln  meiner  Dinte.  .  .  .  Von  alien  grofien 
Schriftstellern  ist  Byron  just  derjenige,  dessen  Lekture  mich  am  unleidiglichsten 
beruhrt.9 

When  due  allowance  has  been  made  for  both  pose  and  personal  vanity 
this  self-characterization  is  essentially  just. 

Not  all  the  miscalled  "Weltschmerz"  in  Heine's  poetry  stems  from 
Byron.  Heine's  early  taste  in  reading  was  for  the  satiric  and  the  melan- 
cholic. He  read  Cervantes,  Swift,  Vulpius,  E.  T.  A.  Hoffmann,  and  the 
more  gruesome  folksongs,  and  held  converse  with  Josepha,  the  daughter 
of  the  Diisseldorf  executioner.  At  the  same  time  his  unfortunate  love 
affairs  inclined  him  to  morbid  introspection. 

Heine's  early  translations  of  Byron  left  their  traces  on  his  poetic  pro- 
duction of  his  next  period.  His  affinity  was  with  the  early  Byronic  hero 
who  made  a  display  of  his  sufferings  and  appeals  for  sympathy.  The  de- 
fiance of  the  later  Byron  he  could  never  affect  in  his  poetry,  though  to 
be  sure  he  once  assumed  it  for  a  portrait  and  wrote  beneath  it : 

VerdroBnen  Sinn  im  kalten  Herzen  tragend 
Schau  ich  verdrieClich  in  die  kalte  Welt.10 

The  term  " Weltschmerz"  has  been  frequently  misapplied  to  Heine's 
malady.  "Armut,  Krankheit,  Judenschmerz,"11  were  the  real  causes  of 
his  melancholy,  and  his  bearing  toward  the  world  was  necessarily  less 
noble  than  Byron's.  An  occasional  thrust  at  the  world  sufficed  the  lordly 
Byron,  while  Heine  was  constantly  at  sword's  point  with  the  "Philister" 
to  whom  he  was  perforce  subservient. 

In  two  early  poems  of  Heine  the  relation  to  Byron  seems  rather  direct. 
For  his  Almansor  Heine  had  access  to  the  Spanish  sources.  He  was  also 
familiar  with  Fouque's  treatment  of  the  subject  in  Der  Zauberring,  but 
in  order  to  reinforce  the  dramatic  elements  of  his  work  he  drew  upon 

9  Heine,  Werke,  IV  122.  Cf.  Immermann  in  Jahrbuch  fur  wissenschaftliche  Kritik, 
1827,  767. 

10  Melchior  [1378]  78. 

11  Ochsenbein  [1379]  787. 


320      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Byron's  Giaour,  The  Bride  of  Abydos,  Lara,  and  The  Siege  of  Corinth,12 
not  only  for  situations  and  characters  but  also  for  poetic  diction,  though 
to  Immermann  he  wrote:  "Die  vermaledeite  Bildersprache,  in  welcher 
ich  den  Almansor  und  seine  orientalischen  Consorten  sprechen  lassen 
mufite,  zog  mich  ins  Breite."13 

Byron's  "The  Dream"  bears  a  certain  relation  to  Heine's  Traum- 
bilder,14  but  a  still  closer  one  to  his  William  Ratcliff.  Byron  imagines  him- 
self to  be  visiting  the  home  of  his  early  love,  Mary  Chaworth.  He  finds 
her  surrounded  by  beautiful  children,  but  in  her  marriage  unhappy  to 
the  verge  of  madness.  Heine  applied  the  mood  and  situation  to  his  un- 
happy relations  with  his  Hamburg  cousin  and  by  suppression  of  rhyme 
he  succeeded  in  reproducing  Byron's  effect  of  severely  restrained  passion. 
At  one  time  he  called  William  Ratcliff  "ein  Gefiihlsplagiat,"15  at  another 
time  more  frankly  "eine  Hauptkonfession."16  The  names,  to  be  sure,  as 
well  as  many  of  the  supernatural  motifs  in  this  one-act  tragedy,  are  taken 
from  the  novels  of  Scott. 

In  his  poetry  of  the  North  Sea  Heine  thought  himself  an  innovator  in 
German  literature,  as  certain  references  in  his  private  correspondence 
show.  But  here  he  was  mistaken.  True,  the  Gudrun  left  the  North  Sea 
almost  undescribed  and  Goethe's  sea  poetry  referred  to  the  Mediterra- 
nean but  Brookes  had  described  the  North  Sea  in  his  usual  minute 
fashion,  on  its  storm-tossed  waves  Herder  had  captured  the  mood  for 
the  reading  of  Ossian's  Fingal,  and  Friedrich  Leopold  von  Stolberg  was 
a  genuine  sea  poet.  For  the  romanticists  the  sea  had  chiefly  a  symbolic 
value,  but  in  Wilhelm  Mliller  at  least  Heine  had  an  immediate  prede- 
cessor. In  sea-girt  England  such  poetry  had  flourished  even  before  the 
days  of  Shelley  and  Byron.  It  is  the  Mediterranean,  to  be  sure,  that 
dominates  in  these  poems,  while  Heine  describes  the  entirely  different 
North  Sea,  but  his  does  not  entirely  exclude  Byronic  influence,  especially 
if  we  assume  Elise  von  Hohenhausen  as  an  intermediary.  A  contemporary 
reported  that  she  made  a  trip  to  Hamburg  in  1819,  "um  sich  an  den 
Ufern  des  Meeres  durch  eigene  Anschauung  die  malerischen  Schilde- 
rungen  des  britischen  Dichters  lebhafter  zu  vergegenwartigen."17 

We  may  exclude  from  consideration  here  several  German  authors  who 
have  merely  made  Byron  the  theme  of  literary  works,18  or  who  have  used 

12  Ibid.,  198. 

13  Heinrich  Heines  Briefwechsel,  1914,  I  211. 

14  Ochsenbein  [1379]  172.  Cf.  Melchior  [1378]  79  f. 

15  Ochsenbein  [1379]  179. 

16  Heinrich  Heines  Briefwechsel,  I  208. 

17  Schindel,  Die  deutschen  Schriftstellerinnen  des  19.  Jahrhunderts,  Leipzig,  1823, 
I  220. 

18  Cf.  Porterfield  in  MPh,  XII  (1914)  65  ft.,  297  ff. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  321 

his  themes  after  him,  and  still  others  who  have  tried  to  imitate  the  Orien- 
tal coloring  of  his  poems,  but  there  remain  three  important,  often  over- 
lapping, groups:19  the  "Philhellenes,"  the  "Young  Germans,"  and  the 
"Weltschmerzler."  "Philhellenismus"  counted  Wilhelm  Miiller  and  Wil- 
helm  Waiblinger  as  its  leaders,  while  Platen  with  his  Polenlieder,  Gustav 
Pfitzer  with  his  Griechen-  und  Polenlieder,  and  Ferdinand  Gregorovius 
with  his  Magyarenlieder  spread  more  broadly  the  cry  for  freedom.  Ger- 
man political  conditions,  however,  received  the  largest  share  of  attention. 
Among  the  leading  political  poets  in  Austria  were  Joseph  Christian 
Freiherr  von  Zedlitz,  Anastasius  Griin,  Nikolaus  Lenau,  Karl  Beck, 
Moritz  Hartmann,  Alfred  Meissner,  and  Robert  Hamerling;  in  Germany, 
Herwegh,  Dingelstedt,  Prutz,  Hoffmann  von  Fallersleben,  Freiligrath, 
Strachwitz,  and  Waldau.  To  say,  however,  "Byron  war  der  Vater  der 
modernen  politischen  Lyrik,"20  is  to  generalize  too  freely.  It  has  been 
demonstrated  that  Freiligrath,  for  example,  turned  to  political  poetry 
quite  independently,  and  that  although  there  are  in  his  later  political 
poetry  echoes  of  the  English  poetry  he  knew  so  well,  reminiscences  of 
Byron  are  rather  less  frequent  than  those  of  Moore  and  others  of  less 
note.-1  What  is  true  of  Freiligrath's  beginnings  as  a  political  poet  may 
well  be  true  of  many  of  his  contemporaries. 

Not  only  Heine  but  nearly  all  his  "Young  German"  confederates  as 
well  fell  under  the  spell  of  Byron,  felt  themselves  to  be  akin  to  him,  or 
answered  in  some  way  to  his  call.  It  has  been  said  of  them : 

Byron  war  ihr  Held,  weil  er  aristokratisch-revolutionar,  freiheitsbegeistert  und  ich- 
siichtig,  glucklich-unglucklich,  fanatisch  und  splienig  zugleich  war,  oder  ihnen  wenig- 
stens  so  aussah.  Und  nicht  zuletzt  lebte  er  sich  unbekummert  vor  den  Philistern  aus, 
was  die  meisten  Jungdeutschen  samt  Publikum  nur  zu  traumen  wagten.  So  kommt  es, 
dafl  er  tatenschwachen  Dichtern  und  Schonschreibern  neben  Napoleon  als  Poet  der 
Tat  erscheint.  Die  geniale  Freiheitspose  tiber  alles !  Byron  wurde  hundertmal  mehr  als 
Kiinstler  denn  als  Englander  angesehen.  Nur  oberflachlichere  jungdeutsche  Lieb- 
haber  der  englischen  Literatur  nannten  ihn  echt-englisch.  Heine  allein  sagte,  er  sei 
unenglisch.22 

Borne  attributed  Byron's  "Weltschmerz"  to  pure  philanthropy.  "Me- 
lancholie  ist  die  Freudigkeit  Gottes.  Kann  man  froh  sein,  wenn  man 
liebt?  Byron  hafite  die  Menschen,  weil  er  die  Menschheit,  das  Leben, 
weil  er  die  Ewigkeit  liebte.  .  .  .  Ich  gabe  alle  Freuden  meines  ganzen 

19  Wilhelm  Miiller,  Lieder  der  Griechen,  1821-1824,  Wilhelm  Waiblinger,  Lieder  der 
Griechen,  1823;  also  Rlickert,  Daumer,  Bodenstedt,  Hammer,  Leopold  Schefer,  Heine 
in  his  Reisebilder,  Zedlitz  in  his  Todtenkrdnze  and  Adolf  Fr.  von  Schack  in  his  Lothar. 
Re  Zedlitz  see  Spink  [  1387  ] . 

20  Weddigen  [1342]  46. 
21Gudde  [1255]  915. 

22  Schoenemann  in  MLN,  XXXIII  (1918)  170  f. 


322      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Lebens  fur  ein  Jahr  von  Byrons  Schmerzen  hin."23  Borne  felt  that  he 
missed  being  a  Byron  by  a  mere  accident  of  birth. 

Vielleicht  fragen  Sie  mich  verwundert,  wie  ich  Lump  dazu  komme,  mich  mit  Byron 
zusammenzustellen?  Darauf  muO  ich  Ihnen  erzahlen,  was  Sie  noch  nicht  wissen.  Als 
Byrons  Genius  auf  seiner  Reise  durch  das  Firmament  auf  die  Erde  kam,  eine  Nacht 
dort  zu  verweilen,  stieg  er  zuerst  bei  mir  ab.  Aber  das  Haus  gefiel  ihm  gar  nicht,  er 
eilte  schnell  wieder  fort  und  kehrte  in  das  Hotel  Byron  ein.  Viele  Jahre  hat  mich  das 
geschmerzt,  lange  hat  es  mich  betrubt,  daft  ich  so  wenig  geworden,  gar  nichts  erreicht. 
Aber  jetzt  ist  es  voniber,  ich  habe  es  vergessen  und  lebe  zufrieden  in  meiner  Armut. 
Mein  Ungluck  ist,  dafi  ich  im  Mittelstande  geboren  bin,  fur  den  ich  gar  nicht  passe.24 

For  Gutzkow,  Byron  exemplified  a  chief  tenet  of  the  "Young  German" 
school,  that  poetry  should  participate  in  contemporary  life  and  render 
service  for  the  welfare  of  society.  In  his  essay,  Tiber  Goethe  im  Wende- 
punkt  zweier  Jahrhunderte,  1836,  he  charged  Goethe  with  inconsistency. 
"Weltliteratur,"  he  said,  was  for  Goethe  a  flight  from  the  contempo- 
raneous, yet  Goethe  used  Byron's  highly  propagandic  poetry  as  a  shining 
example  of  "Weltpoesie."  It  appears  today  that  Gutzkow  was  inaccurate 
in  the  first  element  of  his  charge.  Wienbarg  ranked  Heine  higher  than 
Byron  because  Heine  was  the  more  thoroughgoing  revolutionist,  and 
Menzel  placed  him  lower  for  a  similar  reason.  Laube,  in  his  Geschichte 
der  deutschen  Literatur,  written  in  the  confines  of  Castle  Muskau  in 
Silesia  in  1826,  was  compelled  to  avoid  political  implications.  He  took 
occasion  however  to  deny  that  Heine  was  a  literary  dependent  of  Byron 
or  that  he  attempted  to  pose  as  a  German  Byron.'25 

The  term  "Weltschmerz"  was  first  applied  rather  indiscriminately  to 
personal  as  well  as  to  altruistic  grief  on  the  part  of  the  poet,  and  much 
that  goes  by  the  name  of  Byronism  did  not  owe  its  origin  exclusively  to 
the  poet.  Byronic  ravage  was  due  more  to  predisposition  than  to  conta- 
gion. Heine,  Lenau,  Grillparzer,  and  Grabbe  in  their  relations  to  Byron 
all  afford,  at  most,  interesting  psychological  problems. 

Skepticism,  dissatisfaction  with  life,  and  contempt  of  it,  hatred  of 
convention,  defiance  of  society,  admiration  for  strong  individuals,  and 
disparagement  of  women  are  characteristic  of  both  Byron  and  Grabbe, 
but  the  existence  of  a  benevolent  deity  Byron  alternately  doubts  and 
postulates,  while  Grabbe  consistently  denies  it.  The  difference  in  their 
poetic  quality  is,  in  part  at  least,  explained  by  their  different  situations 
in  life.  There  may  have  been  some  Byronic  influence  in  Herzog  Theodor 
von  Gothland,  which  Grabbe  had  written  before  coming  to  Leipzig  in 
1820,  but  which  he  revised  before  publishing  in  1822.  During  the  interval 

23  Borne,  Gesammelte  Schriften,  Hamburg,  1862,  IX  93. 

24  Ibid.,  VIII  113. 

25  Op.  cit.,  Stuttgart,  1838-1840,  IV  215  ff.  Cf.  Wienbarg,  Aesthetische  Feldzilge,  ed. 
Kerr,  Hamburg  and  Berlin,  1919,  231  ff. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  323 

Byron  had  become  popular  in  Germany,  and  it  is  likely  that  Grabbe 
read  among  other  poems  Byron's  Cain.  In  Grabbe's  loosely  constructed 
Gothland  precisely  the  nonorganic  parts  are  suggestive  of  Byron,  and 
may  have  been  inserted  later.  There  is  external  as  well  as  internal  evi- 
dence of  Grabbe's  familiarity  with  Byron  before  the  beginning  of  his 
second  poetic  period.  Grabbe  begins  his  essay  Uber  die  Shakespearo- 
manie  with  the  remark : 

Lord  Byron  sagt  in  seinem  Don  Juan  etwas  spottisch,  Shakespeare  sey  zur  "fashion" 
geworden.  Ich  gestehe  vorlaufig,  da(5  mir  in  der  englischen  schonen  Literatur  nur 
zwei  Erscheinungen  von  hoher  Wichtigkeit  sind:  Lord  Byron  und  Shakespeare, — jener 
als  die  moglichst  poetisch  dargestellte  Subjectivitat,  dieser  als  die  ebenso  poetisch 
dargestellte  Objectivitat.  Lord  Byron,  in  seiner  Art  so  groB  als  Shakespeare,  mag 
gerade  wegen  seines  verschiedenen  dichterischen  Characters  nicht  das  competenteste 
Urtheil  liber  ihn  abgeben.26 

Other  references  to  Byron  might  be  quoted,  but  the  testimony  of 
Grabbe's  friend  Ziegler  is  sufficient  to  the  effect  that  he  and  Grabbe  read 
Byron  together  during  the  latter 's  furlough  in  1834.  Despite  their  titles 
there  are  no  significant  similarities  between  Byron's  Don  Juan  and 
Grabbe's  Don  Juan  und  Faust.  Strong  resemblances  exist  however  be- 
tween Byron's  Cain  and  Grabbe's  Don  Juan,  which  contains  elsewhere 
reminiscences  of  Manfred,  Lucifer,  and  Childe  Harold.  Echoes  of  Byron 
are  to  be  found  also  in  the  Hohenstaufen  dramas  and  it  is  possible  that 
Grabbe's  Napoleon,  V,  1,  was  suggested  by  Byron's  stanzas  on  the  battle 
of  Waterloo.27 

The  indebtedness  of  Lenau  to  Byron  is  of  a  more  general  nature,  even 
though  parallels  of  line  to  line  might  be  shown.  The  basis  of  the  relation 
is  a  common  "Weltschmerz,"  skepticism,  and  despair,  all  of  which  are 
more  deeply  founded  than  with  Heine.  Like  Byron  too,  Lenau  was 
driven  across  the  seas  in  the  vain  search  of  happiness.  Lenau's  first  long 
composition,  Faust,  his  Savonarola,  his  Albigenser,  and  his  Don  Juan  are 
the  most  Byronic  of  his  works. 

Grillparzer  read  Byron's  earlier  works  after  he  had  finished  Blanca 
von  Castilien  and  before  he  wrote  Die  Ahnfrau,  and  nearly  all  of  Byron's 
passionate  "Rauber-  Geister-  Liebes-  und  Leidensgeschichten"28  con- 
tributed something  to  one  tragedy  or  another  of  Grillparzer,  The  Bride 
of  Abydos  the  most  of  all.  The  Corsair,  Lara,  The  Giaour,  and  The  Siege 
of  Corinth  all  lent  their  share,  in  good  part  without  Grillparzer's  being 
conscious  of  it,  but  with  Marino  Faliero,  at  least,  it  was  otherwise.  Grill- 
parzer had  planned  to  write  a  Marino  Falieri  but  Byron  had  anticipated 

26  Grabbe  [641]  439. 

27  Wiehr  [1374]  149. 

28  Wyplel  [1376]  27. 


324      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

him.  Grillparzer  read  not  only  Byron's  Marino  Faliero  but  also  the  works 
that  followed  it,  The  two  Foscari,  and  Sardanapalus.  When  he  received 
a  commission  to  write  a  play  for  the  coronation  of  Kaiserin  Carolina 
Augusta,  he  chose  for  some  reason  as  his  main  character  Banus  Bank 
(Bancbanus) .  The  historical  person  of  this  name  was  as  unlike  Marino 
Faliero  as  is  conceivable,  but  Grillparzer  made  him  into  a  Marino, 
assigning  his  incompatible  characteristics  to  his  brother  Simon.  In  this 
way  Grillparzer  was  able  to  utilize  in  his  drama  Ein  treuer  Diener  seines 
Herrn,  1828,  much  of  the  material  he  had  originally  intended  for  his 
Marino  Falieri  and  it  is  not  remarkable  that  a  large  amount  of  the 
characterization,  action,  and  phraseology  of  this  drama  parallels  closely 
parts  of  the  three  works  of  Byron  he  had  studied  so  intently.-9 

It  cannot  be  said  that  Goethe  owed  to  Byron  any  positive  or  new 
literary  impulse;  Goethe  was  already  too  advanced  in  years  for  that.  At 
most  Byron  helped  to  kindle  his  enthusiasm,  quicken  his  literary  zeal, 
and  demonstrate  that  at  the  age  of  sixty-seven  he  was  still  able  to  create 
ideal  characters  no  less  interesting  than  their  living  prototypes.  It  was 
at  the  suggestion  of  Knebel  that  Goethe  read  in  May,  1816,  The  Corsair 
and  Lara30  and  the  next  month  The  Prisoner  of  Chillon  with  growing 
interest  in  the  author.  Byron  gradually  attracted  Goethe  more  and  more 
as  he  had  earlier  repelled  him  by  his  hypochondriac  passion  and  his 
violent  self-hatred.31  In  Goethe's  "Nachlafi"  there  is  a  translation  of 
Byron's  "Fare  thee  well"  in  the  handwriting  of  Weller,  the  librarian  at 
the  University  of  Jena  and  dated  November  24,  1817.  For  several  years 
it  was  regarded  as  probably  a  translation  by  Goethe.  Comparison  with 
notes  in  Knebel's  diary  makes  it  clear,  however,  that  the  translation  is 
by  Knebel,  written  just  before  his  seventy-third  birthday.3'2 

Meanwhile  Manfred  had  brought  Goethe  to  the  stage  of  enthusiasm. 
Theodore  Lyman  of  Boston  presented  him  with  a  copy  of  the  poem, 
October  11,  1817.  Goethe  read  it  immediately33  and  like  many  another 
reader  noted  echoes  of  his  own  Faust.  In  reality  Byron's  impressions  of 
Faust  were  somewhat  hazy.  Unable  to  read  German,  he  provided  "Monk 
Lewis"  in  1816  with  "bread  and  salt"  while  Lewis  translated  Faust  to  him 
by  word  of  mouth.34  Manfred  occupied  Goethe's  spare  moments  for 
several  weeks  and,  on  December  2,  he  completed  an  unrhymed  transla- 
tion of  the  opening  incantation.35  Goethe's  review  of  Manfred  in  Uber 

29  Wyplel  [1375]  679. 

30  Briefwechsel  zwischen  Goethe  und  Knebel,  ed.  Guhrauer,  Leipzig,  1851,  II  189; 
Goethe,  Werke,  III  (5)  233  f.,  IV  (28)  131. 

31  Goethe,  Werke,  III  (6)  56,  62,  IV  (28)  131,  I  (36)  108. 
32Leitzmann  [1382]. 

33  Goethe,  Werke,  IV  (28)  277;  cf.  ibid.,  Ill  (6)  121  f. 

34  The  Works  of  Byron  (cf.  fn.  2,  above)  XI  97. 

35  Goethe,  Werke,  III  (6)  143. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  325 

Kunst  und  Alterthum  is  an  odd  production,  in  which  he  brings  Byron's 
genius  into  relation  with  his  own : 

Dieser  seltsame  geistreiche  Dichter  hat  meinen  Faust  in  sich  aufgenommen  und 
hypochondrisch  die  seltsamste  Nahrung  daraus  gesogen.  Er  hat  die  seinen  Zwecken 
zusagenden  Motive  auf  eigne  Weise  benutzt,  so  daB  keins  mehr  dasselbige  ist,  und 
gerade  deBhalb  kann  ich  seinen  Geist  nicht  genugsam  bewundern.36 

Goethe  conceived  Manfred  to  be  a  highly  subjective  work  and  there- 
fore forced  his  interpretation  to  harmonize  with  certain  misinformation 
he  had  gleaned  from  Lady  Caroline  Lamb's  novel  Glenarvon}7  He  pub- 
lished his  somewhat  inexact  translation  of  the  "Bannfluch"  in  Uber 
Kunst  und  Alterthum,  in  1823. 38 

In  return  Byron  wished  to  dedicate  his  Marino  Faliero  to  Goethe.  But 
the  attacks  on  Southey  and  Wordsworth  and  the  flippant  tone  of  the 
dedication  led  the  publisher  to  suppress  it.  Byron  then  desired  to  inscribe 
to  Goethe  his  Sardanapalus,  1821,  and  asked  his  friend  Kinnaird,  a 
former  student  at  Gottingen,  to  obtain  Goethe's  express  consent.  This 
gave  Goethe  his  first  opportunity  to  convey  indirectly  to  Byron  a  per- 
sonal expression  of  his  regard : 

Seit  seinem  ersten  Erscheinen  begleitete  ich,  mit  naheren  und  ferneren  Freunden, 
ja  mit  Einstimmung  von  ganz  Deutschland  und  der  Welt,  jenes  charakter-gegrundete, 
granzenlos  productive,  kraftig  unaufhaltsame,  zart-liebliche  Wesen  auf  alien  seinen 
Pfaden.  Ich  suchte  mich  mit  ihm  durch  Ubersetzung  zu  identificiren  und  an  seine 
zartesten  Gefuhle,  wie  an  dessen  kiihnsten  Humor  mich  anzuschliefien;  wobey  denn, 
um  nur  des  letzteren  Falles  zu  gedenken,  allein  die  Unmoglichkeit,  liber  den  Text 
ganz  klar  zu  werden,  mich  abhalten  konnte,  eine  angefangene  Ubersetzung  von  Eng- 
lish bards  and  Scotch  reviewers  durchzufiihren. 

Von  einem  so  hochverehrten  Manne  solch  eine  Theilnahme  zu  erfahren,  solch  ein 
ZeugniC  ubereinstimmender  Gesinnungen  zu  vernehmen,  mufi  um  desto  unerwarteter 
seyn,  da  es  nie  gehoff  t,  kaum  gewiinscht  werden  durfte. 

Kinnaird  had  sent  to  Goethe  a  copy  of  the  proposed  dedication  of  the 
book  in  Byron's  handwriting.  Goethe  would  gladly  have  retained  it  as 
a  keepsake. 

Die  Handschrift  des  theuren  Mannes  erfolgt  ungern  zuriick,  denn  wer  mochte  willig 
das  Original  eines  Documents  von  so  groBem  Werth  entbehren?  Das  Alter,  das  denn 
doch  zuletzt  an  sich  selbst  zu  zweifeln  anfangt,  bedarf  solcher  Zeugnisse,  deren 
anregende  Kraft  der  Jungere  vielleicht  nicht  ertragen  hatte.39 

But  Byron's  intentions  were  foiled  for  a  second  time.  Again  the  dedica- 
tion was  omitted  by  Murray,  the  publisher,  either  by  intent  or  by  acci- 

Ibid.,  I  (41:1)  1,  189;  cf.  ibid.,  IV  (28)  277  f. 
Ibid.,  Ill  (6)  119,  125  f.,  16;  cf.  I  (36)  128. 
Ibid.,  I  (3)  201-203. 
39  Ibid.,  IV  (36)  204  f.;  letter  of  November  12,  1822. 


326      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

dent.  At  Byron's  insistence  there  appeared  at  last  in  Werner  a  dedication, 
briefer  and  more  simply  phrased  than  before. 

Goethe  received  Werner  from  Byron  in  March,  1823.  His  opinion  of 
the  work  is  nowhere  recorded,  but  Knebel  began  translating  it  in  June. 
After  finishing  the  first  scene  he  began  to  seek  collaboration  in  the  circle 
of  Ottilie  Goethe  and  Charlotte  Schiller.40  The  latter  expressed  interest 
but  at  the  time  of  Knebel's  death  the  translation  was  incomplete. 

In  1818  Goethe  had  tried  to  get  into  direct  communication  with  Byron, 
who  was  then  in  Venice.  He  provided  Schopenhauer  with  a  letter  of  intro- 
duction to  Byron,  which  Schopenhauer  for  interesting  reasons  failed  to 
deliver.41  In  the  following  year  Goethe  spoke  enthusiastically  of  Byron 
to  two  Americans,  J.  G.  Cogswell  and  George  Bancroft.  From  them  he 
learned  of  Byron's  Don  Juan,  of  which  he  translated  a  passage  for  Uber 
Kunst  und  Alterthum.42  In  January,  1821,  he  read  Jacobsen's  Brief e  an 
eine  deutsche  Edelfrau.45  This  led  him  to  consult  Byron's  English  Bards 
and  Scotch  Reviewers,  which  he  planned  to  translate.  Communication 
was  resumed  in  1823  when  Charles  Sterling,  a  young  Englishman,  ar- 
rived in  Weimar,  with  a  letter  from  Byron,  to  which  Goethe  replied  with 
a  poem  "An  Lord  Byron"  greeting  him  as  a  kindred  spirit,  a  poet  who 
finds  in  poetry  relief  from  the  distresses  of  life : 

Wohl  sei  ihm  doch,  wenn  er  sich  selbst  empfindet! 
Er  wage  selbst,  sich  hock  begliickt  zu  nennen, 
Wenn  Musenkraft  die  Schmerzen  iiberwindet; 
Und  wie  ich  ihn  erkannt,  mog'  er  sich  kennen.44 

The  poem  reached  Byron  in  Italy  and  he  answered  from  Livorno.  Goethe 
had  reason  to  expect  that  Byron  would  visit  Weimar  on  his  return  from 
Greece.45  Byron's  death  at  Missolonghi  affected  Goethe  deeply.  He  paid 
his  homage  to  him  in  the  Euphorion  lament  in  Faust  II.46 

He  sought  also  to  perpetuate  the  memory  of  his  connection  with 
Byron.  On  June  15,  1824,  he  dictated  to  his  secretary  John  some  memo- 
randa on  the  subject  which  were  destined  for  Medwin's  Conversations  of 
Lord  Byron.47  He  served  on  the  committee  which  erected  the  Thorwald- 
sen  statue  of  Byron  in  London  in  1829.48  He  also  planned  to  set  up  a 
memorial  of  his  own,  which  was  to  be  based  on  the  contents  of  a  red 

40  Leitzmann  [1382]. 

41  Eimer  [1368]. 

42  Goethe,  Werke,  III  (8)  7  ff.  and  24.  Cf.  Mackall  [1186]  7  ff.  and  33. 

43  Ibid.,  I  (36)  192. 

44  Ibid.,  I  (4)  18. 

45  Eckermann,  Gesprdche,  83;  December  4,  1823. 

46  Cf.  Baldensperger  in  RC,  XCIV  (1927)  33. 

47  Op.  cit.,  London,  1824,  278  ff.  Cf.  Goethe,  Werke,  III  (9)  230. 

48  Valentin  [1364]  243. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  327 

portfolio  and  was  to  be  a  document  in  the  history  of  "Weltliteratur"  as 
Goethe  used  that  term.  It  therefore  included  an  account  of  how  Goethe's 
works  became  known  in  England  and  so  eventually  to  Byron.  The  out- 
line, still  in  the  Weimar  archives,  shows  interesting  gaps  in  Goethe's 
knowledge  of  the  appreciation  of  his  own  works  in  England.49  He  showed 
this  portfolio  to  Eckermann  in  1826, 50  and  also  put  it  into  the  hands  of 
Robinson  at  Weimar,  in  1829.  Robinson  copied  out  certain  parts  of  it 
and  sent  them  to  Moore  as  material  for  his  Life  of  Byron,  but  Moore 
apparently  never  received  them.61 

We  have  Goethe's  opinion  of  Marino  Faliero  and  certain  other  works 
through  the  uncertain  medium  of  Eckermann's  Gesprdche  and  through 
Robinson's  Diary  notes  of  1829.  According  to  Robinson,  Goethe  pre- 
ferred Heaven  and  Earth  to  all  the  other  poems  of  Byron.  When  Robinson 
read  Byron's  Vision  of  Judgment  Day  Goethe  exclaimed:  "Heavenly! 
Unsurpassable!"52  Tieck  called  Goethe's  admiration  for  Byron  an  infatu- 
ation. Tieck  himself  cared  little  for  Manfred  but  liked  the  Hebrew  Melo- 
dies.53 

Goethe  owed  to  Byron  a  stimulation  of  his  poetic  instinct  rather  than 
any  definite  literary  suggestion.  Byron  owed  to  Faust  some  of  the  super- 
natural suggestions  in  his  poetry.  A  more  specific  indebtedness  may  be 
perceived  in  Cain,  in  Manfred,  in  the  Deformed  Transformed  and  in 
Heaven  and  Earth.  Byron  moreover  owed  largely  to  Goethe  the  high 
esteem  in  which  he  was  held  in  Germany.  Continental  critics  have  always 
reproached  England  Avith  lack  of  sympathy  for  her  great  poet.  It  is 
proper  to  point  out  then  that  the  curve  of  his  fame  might  have  taken  a 
similarly  abrupt  descent  in  Germany  but  for  the  word  of  Goethe.  Byron 
reached  the  height  of  his  popularity  in  Germany  about  1817;  but  reports 
of  his  declining  fame  in  England  were  repeated  in  the  German  journals,64 
and  when  Beppo,  1818,  and  Don  Juan,  1819,  appeared,  Willibald  Alexis 
and  Friedrich  Schlegel  protested.  Even  Goethe  was  compelled  to  take 
note  of  the  criticism,56  but  admiration  predominated.  To  Boisseree  he 
wrote:  "Dieses  Gedicht  ist  verriickter  und  grandioser  als  seine  iibrigen. 
Immer  dieselben  Gegenstande,  aber  mit  hochstem  Talent  und  Meister- 
schaft  behandelt."56  In  his  Uber  Kunst  und  Alterthum  he  wrote:  uDon 
Juan  ist  ein  granzenlos-geniales  Werk,  menschenfeindlich  bis  zur  herb- 

49  Brandl  [1363]  29. 

60  Eckermann,  Gesprdche,  220;  March  26,  1826. 

61  Robinson,  Diary,  II  434-438. 
52  Ibid.,  II  435  f. 

63  Ibid.,  II  443. 
540chsenbein  [1379]  22  f. 

65  Goethe,  Werke,  I  (41:1)  249. 

66  Ibid.,  IV  32,  205. 


328      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

sten  Grausamkeit,  menschenfreundlich  in  die  Tiefen  sultester  Neigung 
sich  versenkend."57  Goethe's  review  of  Cain58,  marked  a  turning  point  in 
criticism.  The  German  journals  ceased  to  echo  the  English  opposition 
and  now  began  to  speak  of  Byron's  work  with  favor,  and  presently  we 
find  German  criticism  complimenting  itself  for  establishing  Byron's  repu- 
tation "as  it  had  once  claimed  to  have  established  Shakespeare's." 

57  Ibid.,  I  (41:2)  247. 
68  Ibid.,  I  (41 :2)  94-99. 


Chapter  XXIII 
SCOTT  AND  THE  HISTORICAL  NOVEL 

In  1811  Ludwig  Tieck,  returning  from  England,  brought  home  his  copy 
of  Walter  Scott's  earlier  novel  Waverley,  which,  he  later  told  Goethe,  was 
the  first  to  find  its  way  into  Germany.1  The  European  fame  of  Scott  did 
not  begin,  however,  until  the  appearance  of  Ivanhoe  in  1819. 2  Goethe 
first  became  acquainted  with  Scott's  work  by  reading  Kenilworih  in  1821. 
He  recognized  Scott's  "vorzugliches  Talent,  Historisches  in  lebendige 
Anschauung  zu  bringen,"3  but  said  to  Kanzler  Muller,  October  12,  1823: 
"Von  Scott  habe  ich  nur  zwei  Romane  gelesen  und  weifi  nun  was  er  will 
und  machen  kann.  Er  wiirde  mich  immerfort  amusieren,  aber  ich  kann 
nicht  aus  ihm  lernen.  Ich  habe  nur  Zeit  fur  das  Vortreffliche,"4  but  in 
1828  we  find  Goethe  expressing  himself  to  Eckermann  in  the  opposite 
sense,  saying  that  Waverley  "ohne  Fragen  den  besten  Sachen  an  die  Seite 
zu  stellen  ist,  die  je  in  der  Welt  geschrieben  worden,"  and  on  March  9, 
1831,  Goethe  said: 

Man  liest  viel  zu  geringe  Sachen,  womit  man  die  Zeit  verdirbt  und  wovon  man 
weiter  nichts  hat.  Man  sollte  eigentlich  immer  nur  das  lesen,  was  man  bewundert, 
wie  ich  in  meiner  Jugend  tat  und  wie  ich  es  an  Walter  Scott  erfahre.  Ich  habe  jetzt 
Rob  Roy  angefangen  und  will  so  seine  besten  Romane  hintereinander  durchlesen.  Da 
ist  freilich  alles  grofi,  Stoff,  Gehalt,  Charaktere,  Behandlung.6 

Between  1823  and  1831  Goethe  read  Scott's  The  Black  Dwarf,  The 
Abbot,  The  Fair  Maid  of  Perth,  Rob  Roy,  Ivanhoe,  and  even  the  Life  of 
Napoleon  Bonaparte,  and  he  made  use  of  his  Letters  on  Demonology  and 
Witchcraft  for  the  battle  scene  in  the  fourth  act  of  Faust  II.  On  several 
occasions  he  discussed  with  Eckermann  Scott's  technique  in  detail  but 
dismissed  the  suggestion  that  he  set  forth  his  views  on  paper,  on  the 
ground,  "daB  die  Kunst  in  jenem  Schriftsteller  so  hoch  stehe,  daB  es 
schwer  sei,  sich  dariiber  offentlich  mitzuteilen."6 

It  has  sometimes  been  assumed  that  the  novels  of  Walter  Scott  came 
too  late  in  Goethe's  life  to  affect  in  any  way  his  literary  production  but  a 
recent  critic  has  well-nigh  proved  the  contrary.7  The  completion  of  the 
Helena  drama  was  a  difficult  task.  By  1821  Goethe  had  already  planned 
to  transfer  the  scene  of  the  meeting  of  Faust  and  Helena  from  the  Rhine- 
land  to  Arcadia  near  Sparta.  The  death  of  Byron  in  April,  1824,  gave 

1  Eckermann,  Gesprdche,  412. 

2  Schmidt  [1494]  227  and  Wenger  [1495]  23  ff. 

3  Goethe,  Werke,  III  (8)  139-141,  146,  I  (36)  192. 

4  Goethes  Gesprdche2,  ed.  Biedermann,  Leipzig,  1910,  III  23. 

5  Eckermann,  Gesprdche,  410,  605. 

6  Ibid.,  608. 

7  Needier  [1507]. 

[329] 


330      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Goethe  the  necessary  impetus  to  conclude  the  work,  which  was  then  sent 
to  Cotta  in  January,  1825.  Between  1821  and  1824  Goethe  must  have 
thought  of  many  details  of  the  execution.  When  he  read  Kenilworth  he 
was  especially  pleased  by  the  scene  of  the  magnificent  reception  Leicester 
planned  for  Elizabeth  on  her  arrival  at  the  castle.  The  dignity  of  the 
occasion  was  somewhat  marred  when  the  porter  at  the  gate,  befuddled 
with  too  much  ale,  failed  to  note  the  arrival  of  the  queen's  procession 
betimes,  and  only  by  prodding  and  prompting  was  able  to  recite  the 
verses  he  had  been  compelled  to  learn.  In  a  footnote  Scott  noted  that 
the  verses  were  in  imitation  of  the  lines  spoken  by  the  porter  in  Gas- 
coigne's  "Princely  Pleasures  of  Kenilworth."  This  information  must  have 
interested  Goethe  and  led  him  to  procure  Gascoigne's  History  of  Kenil- 
worth, in  which  the  account  appeared,  for  on  March  2,  1822  he  sent  the 
work  to  Dr.  Bran,  calling  his  attention  to  the  scene  in  Kenilworth,  "wo- 
selbst  wir  mit  Walter  Scott  so  gern  verweilen."8  Here  Goethe  had  before 
him  an  account  which  could  serve  him  in  good  stead  for  the  pageant  scene 
of  the  arrival  of  Helena  at  Faust's  magic  castle,  and  even  the  watcher, 
now  not  befuddled  but  bedazzled  by  the  beauty  of  Helena,  fails  to  acquit 
himself  properly  of  his  task. 

Goethe  appreciated  Scott's  early  interest  in  Gotz  von  Berlichingen  and 
mutual  admiration  led  to  an  exchange  of  interesting  letters.  In  the  first 
of  these,  January  12,  1827,  Goethe  referred  to  the  recent  death  of  Byron, 
to  Scott's  early  translation  of  Gotz  von  Berlichingen,  and  to  the  popularity 
of  Scott's  works  in  Germany.  In  a  letter  written  March  10,  1832,  Goethe 
expressed  the  hope  of  seeing  Scott  at  Weimar,  for  Scott  was  traveling 
then  in  Italy;9  but  the  letter  was  written  only  a  few  days  before  Goethe's 
death,  and  Scott  himself  died  in  the  same  year. 

Julian  Schmidt  characterized  the  influence  of  Walter  Scott  in  Europe 
as  the  greatest  any  author  of  the  nineteenth  century  had  exerted.  "Der 
einzige,  der  mit  ihm  rivalisieren  konnte  (Goethe  in  seinen  wirksamen 
Schriften  rechne  ich  zum  achtzehnten  Jahrhundert) ,  Lord  Byron,  hat 
zwar  schneller  geziindet,  aber  das  Feuer,  das  er  erregt,  ist  auch  schneller 
vorubergegangen . " :  ° 

Of  prime  importance  is  a  fact  which  critics  of  today  are  likely  to  over- 
look :  Scott  was  a  reformer  of  the  art  of  writing  history,  and  probably  few 
nineteenth-century  European  historians  entirely  escaped  his  influence. 
As  Julian  Schmidt  said : 

Am  Ende  des  achtzehnten  Jahrhunderts  herrschte  in  der  Geschichtschreibung  die 
schottische  Schule.  Von  der  Aufkliirung  des  achtzehnten  Jahrhunderts  ausgegangen, 

8  Goethe,  Werke,  IV  (35)  277. 

9  Ibid.,  IV  (42)  13-15,  IV  (49)  26  f.,  444  f. 

10  Schmidt  [1494]  149.  His  numerous  comments  in  his  Geschichte  der  deutschen 
Literatur  and  in  Die  Grenzboten,  1848-1862,  are  summarized  in  Price  [1260]  110  f. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  331 

hatten  Hume,  Robertson  und  die  ubrigen  sich  vor  alien  Dingen  bemuht,  diejenigen 
Fragen,  welche  der  politische  Verstand  als  das  Wesentliche  im  Fortschritt  der  neueren 
Zeit  begreift,  an  die  Vorzeit  zu  legen  und  so  klar  als  moglich  zu  beantworten.  Ihre 
Methode  war  der  entschiedenste  Rationalismus  mit  alien  Vorziigen  und  Schwachen 
dieser  Richtung.  Von  einer  colorierten  Darstellung  der  Eigenttimlichkeiten  einer  be- 
stimmten  Zeit,  der  Irrationalitaten  in  den  grofien  historischen  Charakteren,  war  bei 
ihnen  keine  Rede.  Hire  Helden  traten  ohne  Unterschied  im  Kosttim  und  in  der  Rede- 
weise  des  achtzehnten  Jahrhunderts  auf.  Dai3  in  der  neuesten  Zeit  die  Geschicht- 
schreiber  den  entgegengesetzten  Weg  eingeschlagen  haben,  dafi  sie  sich  uberall 
bemiihen,  jedes  Zeitalter  mit  seinem  eigenen  Mafl  zu  messen,  jeden  historischen 
Charakter  als  ein  Kunstwerk  fur  sich  zu  betrachten,  und  die  Lokalfarben  in  lebendigen 
Schilderungen  wiederzugeben,  anstatt  sie  im  glatten  nur  scheinbar  erzahlenden 
Raisonnement  zu  verfliichtigen,  ist  unstreitig  eines  der  Hauptverdienste  unseres 
Dichters.11 

Scott  was  more  popular  in  Germany  than  the  German  romantic  his- 
torical novelists,  who  were  quite  independent  of  him  at  the  outset.  He 
and  they  represented  two  different  phases  of  the  European  romantic 
trend.  The  German  romanticists  bored  their  readers  by  seeking  to  de- 
duce the  idea  from  history;  Scott,  on  the  other  hand,  fascinated  the  pub- 
lic by  reproducing  the  picturesque  phases  of  the  past.  The  German 
romanticists  mystified  their  readers  by  trying  not  only  to  acquire  but 
also  to  adopt  the  Middle  Age  point  of  view  when  writing  of  the  Middle 
Ages;  Scott  wrote  of  past  periods  from  the  point  of  view  of  an  interested 
observer  of  the  present.  Furthermore,  he  was  more  realistic  and  more 
optimistic  than  his  German  contemporaries.  Julian  Schmidt,  the  theorist 
of  poetic,  that  is  to  say  of  optimistic,  realism,  naturally  approved  the 
English  tendency. 

Der  Realismus  in  der  Poesie  wird  dann  zu  erfreulichen  Kunstwerken  fuhren,  wenn 
er  in  der  Wirklichkeit  zugleich  die  positive  Seite  aufsucht,  wenn  er  mit  Freude  am 
Leben  verknupft  ist,  wie  fruher  bei  Fielding,  Goldsmith,  spater  bei  Walter  Scott  und 
theilweise  auch  noch  bei  Dickens.12 

Scott  gave  to  his  novel  a  symmetry  hitherto  unknown.  Schmidt  advo- 
cated this  form  as  a  standard:  "Wenn  der  Roman  seinen  Zweck  erfiillen 
soil,  so  mufi  er  sich  denselben  Gesetzen  fiigen,  wie  das  Drama,  einem 
Gesetz,  das  z.  B.  in  den  Romanen  W.  Scotts  stets  sich  geltend  macht, 
seine  schonste  Form  aber  in  Goethes  Wahlverwandtschaften  erreicht."13 
Schmidt's  colleague  on  the  Grenzboten,  Freytag,  adopted  this  standard 
in  his  criticism  and  prepared  himself  for  his  own  work  by  a  study  of 
Scott's  technique.14 

11  Die  Grenzboten,  1855,  II  50;  Schmidt  [1494]  160. 

12  Ibid.    1855  II  55. 

13  Ibid.',  1847',  IV  208;  1851,  II  53.  Cf.  Schmidt  [1494]  206. 

14  Ibid.,  1851,  IV  266  (review  of  Hacklander's  Namenlose  Geschichten),  1854,  I  320- 
338  (criticism  of  Alexis). 


332      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Directly  or  indirectly  the  historical  novel  of  the  nineteenth  century,  or 
from  1820  on,  is  descended  in  large  measure  from  Walter  Scott's  novels. 
The  fondness  for  old  documents  and  historical  antiquities  became  espe- 
cially marked  in  Germany  and  led  to  many  once  popular  works  by  Riehl, 
Scheffel,  Freytag,  Raabe,  and  others.  This  interest  was  first  to  decline. 
Later  Scott's  method  of  pageantizing  history  came  to  be  regarded  as 
superficial  and  was  superseded  by  an  interest  in  the  conflict  of  social 
classes.  Today  the  important  characters  of  history  are  analyzed  psycho- 
logically and  a  mainspring  of  action,  preferably  an  abnormal  one,  is  laid 
bare.  Such  works  are,  however,  usually  not  called  historical  novels  but 
biographies.  In  that  Scott  substituted  a  romantic  and  colorful  conception 
of  history  for  a  rationalistic  one,  in  which  all  men  were  regarded  as  essen- 
tially alike,  his  novels  are  the  remote  ancestors  of  such  biographies,  but 
the  inherited  characteristics  are  scarcely  recognizeable. 

By  the  early  1820's  Scott's  novels  had  become  so  popular  that  his  name 
was  exploited  for  personal  profit  by  indigent  writers.  A  sequence  of 
novels  appeared  between  1822  and  1827,  purporting  to  be  translations 
or  adaptations  of  works  by  Walter  Scott,  but  which  were  in  reality  the 
products  of  such  authors  as  F.  P.  E.  Richter,  K.  H.  L.  Reinhardt,  Hein- 
rich  Muller,  and  August  Schafer.  The  imitations  were  of  the  poorest  sort 
and  could  not  have  deceived  any  intelligent  admirer  of  Scott.  In  two  of 
his  novels  Muller  borrowed  names  and  atmosphere  from  Ossian  more 
literally  than  from  Scott.  At  top  speed  he  produced  in  1823  and  1824  five 
novels,  all  purporting  to  be  based  on  works  of  Scott.  Another  writer 
chose  an  easier  course.  Jacobine  oder  die  Ritter  des  Geheimnisses,  "Ein 
historischer  Roman,  nach  dem  Englischen  des  Walter  Scott  bearbeitet 
von  F.  P.  E.  Richter"  is  not  even  an  original.  F.  P.  E.  Richter  is  the 
pseudonym  of  Wilhelmine  von  Gersdorf,  and  her  novel  is  a  free  adapta- 
tion of  another  work,  Jacobine  von  Holland,  which  had  been  popular  at 
the  time  of  its  appearance  in  1791.15 

From  the  earliest  possible  time  van  der  Velde,  Tromlitz,  Spindler,  and 

Rehfues  have  been  regarded  as  followers  of  Walter  Scott.  Van  der  Velde, 

however,  had  begun  writing  historical  novels  before  the  Waverley  novels 

were  known  to  him.  The  dramatic  elements  in  his  works  stem  from  his 

admiration  for  Kotzebue  and  Schiller.  Otherwise  he  owes  most  to  Vul- 

pius,  Cramer,  Lafontaine,  Wachter,  and  Benedicte  Naubert.  Here  it 

should  be  noted  that  works  of  these  authors  were  well  known  to  Scott. 

Tromlitz,  Spindler,  and  Rehfues  were  of  the  school  of  van  der  Velde 

rather  than  of  Scott.16 

15  Re  these  and  similar  imitations  see  Bachmann  [1497]. 
16Matthey  [1523]. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  333 

Among  the  earliest  important  German  novelists  to  show  some  signs  of 
the  influence  of  Scott  were  Tieck,  Alexis,  and  Hauff.  Tieck,  to  be  sure, 
was  somewhat  condescending  in  his  criticism  of  Scott's  novels.  As  Julian 
Schmidt  said : 

Tieck  stellte  die  groBen  Vorziige  des  schottischen  Romanschreibers  keineswegs  in 
Abrede.  Es  scheme  ihm  nur  eine  Kleinigkeit  zu  fehlen,  aber  diese  Kleinigkeit,  setzte 
er  hinzu,  ist  gerade  das,  was  den  Dichter  vom  Nichtdichter  unterscheidet.  Die  Dichter 
der  [deutschen]  romantischen  Schule,  sehr  gefeiert  aber  herzlich  wenig  gelesen,  konn- 
ten  sich  des  dringenden  Verdachts  nicht  erwehren,  dafi  ein  Schriftsteller,  der  die 
rohe  Menge  zu  gewinnen  wisse,  nothwendig  mit  dieser  Menge  verwandt  sei.17 

Der  Aufruhr  in  den  Cevennen,  1826,  and  Scott's  Old  Mortality  lend 
themselves  to  comparison  since  both  treat  of  a  religious  insurrection,  but 
Tieck's  novel  is  a  product  of  his  rationalistic  period.  He  shows  his  opposi- 
tion to  fanaticism,  bigotry,  superstition,  and  social  uprising,  while  Scott 
remains  as  a  rule  an  unpartisan  narrator.  Scott  tries  to  reproduce  his- 
torical scenes,  while  Tieck  seeks  to  discover  the  idea  of  history.18 

In  Tieck's  Der  wiederkehrende  griechische  Kaiser,  first  drafted  in  1804 
before  the  Waverley  novels  were  written,  but  not  completed  until  1830, 
and  in  the  Hexen-Sabbath,  1832,  there  is  a  closer  approach  to  the  manner 
of  Scott.  The  philosophical  and  the  psychological  problems  are  kept  more 
in  the  background  and  concrete  pictures  of  the  times  are  more  prominent. 
Tieck's  Vittoria  Accorombona,  1840,  suggested  by  Webster's  drama  The 
White  Devil,  is  both  directly  and  indirectly  related  to  Scott's  novels.  The 
indirect  influence  came  in  part  by  way  of  France,  where  Vigny,  Merimee, 
Balzac,  and  Victor  Hugo  had  presented  realistic  pictures  of  the  past 
under  the  inspiration  largely  of  Scott.  Manzoni's  /  Promessi  Sposi,  1827, 
is  the  best  evidence  of  a  like  influence  in  Italy.  Manzoni  shared  with 
Scott  the  conscientious  fidelity  to  the  facts  of  history,  but  he  surpassed 
him  in  the  realism  of  his  descriptions.  So  Tieck  had  for  his  novel  models 
from  England,  Scotland,  France,  and  Italy.  In  it  there  are  plastic  scenes 
of  the  past  such  as  were  lacking  in  his  earlier  works.  Here  we  have  a  pic- 
ture of  a  complicated  cultural  epoch,  full  of  interesting  contrasts,  a  his- 
torical novel  after  the  manner  of  Walter  Scott.  So  Tieck  seems  finally  to 
have  succumbed,  and  to  his  own  advantage,  to  the  method  of  Scott. 

Willibald  Alexis  (Wilhelm  Haring)  was  the  next  important  novelist 
to  be  drawn  into  the  current.  As  early  as  1822  he  had  published  in 
Zwickau  a  metrical  translation  of  The  Lady  of  the  Lake.  He  had  long  be- 
lieved it  possible  for  another  to  write  a  novel  after  the  manner  of  Walter 
Scott,  and  a  conversation  with  friends  in  Breslau  in  1823  led  him  to 

17  Schmidt  [1494]  148. 

18  Wenger  [1495]  95. 


334      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

undertake  the  feat  himself.  The  three-volume  novel,  Walladmor,  frei 
nach  dem  Englischen  des  Walter  Scott,  von  W. . .  .,  1823,  was  written  in  a 
single  summer,  when  Alexis  was  but  twenty-five  years  old.  He  planned  a 
work  which  should  confound  not  only  the  readers  but  also  the  critics.  In 
his  Erinnerungen  he  recounts  his  strategy: 

In  allerhand  krause,  buntromantische  Begebenheiten  mufiten  zwei  Personen  ver- 
wickelt  werden,  ein  junger  Deutscher  und  ein  mystischer  Englander.  Beide  erscheinen 
als  Sammler.  Jener  geht  darauf  aus,  zu  einem  englischen  Roman  in  neuer  Manier 
Stoffe  aufzufinden  und  stofit  dabei  uberall  auf  einen  Unbekannten,  der  ihm  in  die 
Quere  kommt,  weil  er  dasselbe  will,  bis  es  am  Schlufi  sich  ergiebt,  daft  es  der  grofie 
Unbekannte  selbst  ist.  Nun  handelte  es  sich  um  die  Frage,  ob  der  kleine  Unbekannte 
nicht  dasselbe  Recht  zur  Herausgabe  habe,  als  der  grofie  Unbekannte.19 

To  the  discomfiture  of  the  reader,  this  unknown  person  then  reveals  him- 
self as  none  other  than  Walter  Scott  himself.  Alexis  drew  most  heavily 
upon  Waverley  and  Guy  Mannering,  but  to  some  extent  also  upon  The 
Pirate,  despite  his  recollection  to  the  contrary.20 

Alexis  succeeded  according  to  his  expectations  and  without  great 
effort.  From  the  first  he  was  sure  that  he  could  imitate  Scott's  manner  or 
surpass  it  at  will.  "Diese  Mystifikation  war  fur  mich  ein  reines  Spiel, 
ohne  groBe  Absicht  auf  Erfolg,  eine  tolle  Laune  des  Ubermutes,  die 
hinaus  mulSte,  je  schneller,  desto  besser,  um  wieder  zu  mir  selbst  zu 
kommen  und  zu  dem,  was  ich  fur  besser  hielt."19  Herein  lies  the  interest 
of  Walladmor.  It  shows  the  hand  of  the  master  rather  than  the  pupil. 
Alexis  rarely  departed  from  the  style  of  Walter  Scott,  but  when  he  de- 
viated he  did  so  purposefully.  The  accuracy  of  his  touch  in  this  tour  de 
force  promised  much  for  his  future  development. 

SchloB  Avalon,  "frei  nach  dem  Englischen  des  Walter  Scott,  vom  Uber- 
setzer  des  Walladmor,"  1827,  shows  that  Alexis  had  gone  a  step  further 
in  his  study  of  Scott's  style.  Not  content  with  merely  exposing  the  weak- 
nesses of  Scott's  novels,  he  attempted  here  to  carry  through  actual  better- 
ments. As  early  as  1821  Alexis  had  noted : 

Es  ist  zu  verwundern,  wefihalb  Walter  Scott,  der  fast  in  alien  Romanen  und  Dich- 
tungen  den  alten  Ruhm  des  Hauses  Stuart  verherrlicht,  niemals  das  letzte,  schon  an 
sich  so  hochst  romantische,  Unternehmen  des  Kronpratendenten  Eduard  zum  histo- 
rischen  Hintergrunde  seiner  Dichtungen  genommen  hat.21 

Choosing  just  this  background  Alexis  let  the  action  extend  over  a  long 

period  of  years  in  order  to  introduce  the  necessary  historical  perspective ; 

also  he  added  a  second  passive  hero.  He  borrowed  several  character 

19  Op.  cit.,  ed.  Ewert,  Berlin,  1900,  269. 

20Kohler  [1510]  29. 

21  Jahrbucher  der  Literatur,  XV  (1821)  145. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  335 

types,  and  situations  out  of  Scott's  stock,  but  his  aim  was  different — to 
write  a  historical  novel,  rather  than  a  novel  of  cultural  history.22 

Alexis  had  become  aware  as  early  as  1821  that  when  Scott's  novels  were 
put  together  they  constituted  a  panorama  of  the  development  of  Scot- 
land in  the  recent  past.  This  served  as  a  challenge  to  the  German 
novelists,  and  Alexis  was  the  first  to  respond.  With  his  Cabanis  1832,  he 
began  a  series  of  novels  treating  of  the  development  of  Prussia,  but  here 
too  he  was  no  servile  imitator  of  Scott.  Scott's  aim  had  been  to  dramatize 
the  personal  conflicts  of  the  leaders  of  history,  and  his  problem  was  to 
reconcile  this  dramatic  effort  with  the  epic  form  which  he  had  chosen. 
His  solution  was  the  passive  hero,  who  is  always  on  hand  to  witness  the 
dramatic  conflicts.  To  this  method  he  adhered  from  first  to  last.  With  a 
weaker  dramatic  interest  than  Scott's,  Alexis  was  interested  in  the  con- 
tending forces  of  history  rather  than  in  their  representatives,  but  he  had 
learned  from  Scott  the  value  of  the  dramatic  style  of  narration.  Scott's 
epic-dramatic  compromise  he  adopted  tentatively  at  first,  experimented 
then  with  other  forms,  surpassed  him  in  one  attempt,  Die  Hosen  des 
Herrn  von  Bredow,  1846,  fell  below  him  thereafter,  and  finally  returned 
humbly  and  too  late  to  the  method  of  the  master.23 

In  his  novelistic  work  Alexis  showed  a  keen  appreciation  of  the  real 
merits  of  his  master.  Like  Scott  he  first  makes  us  thoroughly  acquainted 
with  the  topography  of  the  country  which  is  to  be  the  scene  of  the  action. 
Then  he  shows  us  how  our  present-day  conditions  have  developed  out  of 
the  conditions  he  describes — hence,  as  Julian  Schmidt  said,  his  chief 
virtue. 

Er  versucht  es  niemals,  jene  sogenannte  Objektivitat  anzustreben,  die  alle  Ver- 
mittlung  ausschliefit,  wie  es  auch  Scott  niemals  versuchte.  Er  schreibt  nicht,  wie  ein 
Schriftsteller  jener  Zeit  geschrieben  haben  wlirde,  sondern  wie  ein  Schriftsteller  der 
Gegenwart,  der  die  Vergangenheit  lebhaft  empfindet.  So  ist  auch  allein  die  wahre 
Objektivitat  moglich.24 

Elsewhere  Julian  Schmidt  says : 

Es  fehlt  Willibald  Alexis  nur  wenig,  um  fur  sein  Vaterland,  PreuCen,  die  Stelle  W. 
Scotts  einzunehmen,  aber  dies  Wenige  ist  freilich  entscheidend.  Auf  seine  Jugend- 
bildung  hatte  die  romantische  Schule  einen  entscheidenden  EinfluB,  namentlich  Hoff- 
mann. Seine  Novellen  enthalten  phantastische,  oft  fratzenhafte  Gestalten  und  un- 
heimliche  Situationen,  vermischt  mit  langen  Gesprachen  uber  Kunst  und  Literatur.25 

Hebbel,  on  the  other  hand,  wrote  to  Alexis,  June  11,  1843,  after  reading 

22  Fischer  [1509]  11  ff.,  50  ff. 

23  Korff  [1508],  summarized  in  Price  [12]  502-506. 

24  Die  Grenzboten,  1852,  III  487. 

25  J.  Schmidt,  Geschichte  der  deutschen  Literatur  im  19.  Jahrhundert,  Leipzig,  1855, 
III  253  f.,  262,  and  487. 


336      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Der  falsche  Waldemar,  that  he  regarded  the  work  as  "ein  entschiedener 
Schritt  iiber  Walter  Scott  hinaus."26 

Thus  it  has  been  the  custom  of  contemporary  critics  and  of  most  later 
critics  as  well,  to  judge  Alexis  by  the  standard  of  Scott.  Alexis  himself 
was  not  entirely  content  with  this.  In  the  introduction  to  Die  Hosen  des 
Herrn  von  Bredow  he  wrote:  "Ohne  jenen  Meister,  dessen  Nachahmer  ich 
oft  genug  genannt  werde,  hatte  ich  [den  Weg]  nicht  gefunden.  Ich 
glaube  hides  unsere  Wege  hatten  sich  lange  getrennt." 

The  close  relation  of  Hauff's  Lichtenstein  to  the  Waverley  novels  has 
always  been  an  accepted  fact  and  the  only  unsettled  question  has  been 
which  of  Scott's  novels  was  most  closely  related  to  Lichtenstein.  One 
critic  said  Ivanhoe,  a  second  Waverley,21  and  a  third  found  that  Lichten- 
stein and  Scott's  The  Abbot  had  basically  the  same  plot.28  Drescher  inves- 
tigated all  of  the  novels  of  Scott  which,  he  said,  Hauff  demonstrably 
knew.  Unfortunately  he  took  as  his  starting  point  Hauff's  "Studie  iiber 
zwolf  Romane  Walter  Scotts."29  Here  he  was  misled  for  this  "  Studie"  is 
nothing  more  than  a  series  of  notes  based  on  the  reading  of  an  extensive 
review  of  Scott's  works  which  Willibald  Alexis  had  contributed  to  the 
Wiener  Jahrbiicher  der  Liter atur  in  1823.  In  the  manuscript,  found  after 
his  death,  Hauff  dated  these  notes  1826,  that  is  to  say  some  time  after 
the  first  twelve  chapters  of  Lichtenstein  had  been  sent  to  the  printer  in 
December  1825. 30 

Gustav  Schwab,  who  was  a  close  friend  of  Hauff,  remarked  that  there 
was  visible  in  the  best-known  works  of  Hauff  "bald  ein  Scott,  bald  ein 
van  der  Velde,  und  so  gar  hier  und  dort  ein  Clauren."31  That  Scott,  van 
der  Velde,  and  Hauff  should  have  much  in  common  might  well  have  been 
expected,  for  all  had  read  and  admired  in  their  younger  days  the  works 
of  such  earlier  historical  novelists  as  Leonard  Wachter,  Benedicte  Nau- 
bert,  Clauren,  Vulpius,  and  Spiess.  There  are  times,  however,  when  Hauff 
deviates  from  the  manner  of  Scott  to  approach  that  of  van  der  Velde, 
and  if  the  action  of  Lichtenstein  parallels  that  of  certain  Waverley  novels, 
it  parallels  plots  of  van  der  Velde  as  well.  The  "Ritter  von  Lichtenstein," 

26  Thomas  [1511]  209. 

27  Eastman  [1513],  Carruth  [1514]. 

28  Substituting  in  Scott's  novel  Mary  Stuart  for  the  prince,  the  following  formula 
describes  both  novels:  The  hero  joins  the  government  with  no  great  enthusiasm;  is 
suspected  of  being  a  spy;  joins  the  prince's  side  through  a  sense  of  wrong,  the  fascina- 
tion of  the  prince,  and  the  influence  of  the  heroine,  whose  father  is  also  on  the  prince's 
side;  spends  some  time  at  a  castle  with  the  heroine  and  prince;  fights  in  the  losing 
battle  of  the  prince;  the  prince  flees  the  land,  the  hero  is  pardoned  (with  others), 
marries  the  heroine,  and  retires  to  a  hereditary  castle.  Thompson  [1517]  568.  Cf. 
ibid.,  566. 

29  Drescher  [1516]. 
30Matthey  [1523]  117  f.,  135-137. 
31  Ibid.,  116. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  337 

it  may  be  noted  here  in  passing,  never  existed.  They  were  first  imagined 
by  van  der  Velde  in  his  narrative  Die  Lichtensteiner  which  had  appeared 
a  few  years  before  Hauff's  novel.32  In  view  of  these  considerations  it  be- 
hooves us  to  inquire  what  Hauff  himself  said  of  his  relation  to  Walter 
Scott. 

The  fourth  chapter  of  the  posthumously  published  essay,  or  rather 
skit  Die  Biicher  und  die  Lesewelt  begins  with  the  remark: 

Mein  Entschlufi  stand  fest,  einen  historischen  Roman  a  la  Walter  Scott  muBt  du 
schreiben,  sagte  ich  mir,  denn  nach  allem,  was  man  gegenwartig  vom  Geschmack  des 
Publikums  hort,  kann  nur  diese  und  keine  andere  Form  Gliick  machen.  Freilich 
kamen  mir  bei  diesem  Gedanken  noch  allerlei  Zweifel;  Ich  mufite  die  Werke  dieses 
gro&n  Mannes  nicht  nur  lesen,  sondern  auch  studieren,  um  sie  zu  meinem  Zweck 
zu  beniitzen. 

The  ironic  tone  of  the  whole  essay  might  deter  the  reader  from  accept- 
ing this  declaration  literally.  However,  in  the  introduction  to  Lichtenstein 
Hauff  wrote  in  no  ambiguous  terms  of  Scott.  Why  is  it,  he  asked,  that 
we  in  Germany  are  almost  more  familiar  with  the  Scottish  history  than 
our  own,  and  he  answers:  "[Es  ist]  meist  nur  der  grofJe  Unbekannte  .  .  . 
der  diesen  Zauber  bewirkte."  Hauff  seems  to  have  regarded  Lichtenstein 
as  the  first  panel  of  a  panorama  of  Swabian  history. 

In  one  respect  Hauff  stands  closer  to  Scott  than  did  Tieck  and  Alexis. 
In  a  letter  to  his  friend  Carl  Herlofisohn,  Hauff  declared  that  he  was 
"weder  gegoethet,  noch  getieckt,"33  and  in  the  "Studie  iiber  zwolf  Ro- 
mane  Walter  Scotts"  there  is  the  remark: 

Seit  Wilhelm  Meister  und  schon  zuvor,  kamen  Kunstromane  bey  uns  an  die  Tages- 
ordnung.  Man  wollte  unter  Roman  nicht  mehr  die  Lebensbegebenheiten  des  Helden 
verstehen,  sondern  die  Aufstellung  und  Entwicklung  der  herrschenden  Ansicht  iiber 
Kunst  oder  sonst  ein  Thema  des  geistigen  Lebens.  Die  sogenannte  Geschichte  war 
Nebensache. 

To  be  sure  this  passage,  like  practically  all  of  Hauff's  so-called  "Studie" 
is  transcribed  from  Alexis's  review  of  Scott's  novels  in  the  Jahrbucher  der 
Literature  Alexis  implied  that  this  was  an  example  not  to  be  followed, 
but  it  may  be  observed  that  Hauff  derived  more  profit  from  the  warning 
than  did  Alexis. 

In  the  earlier-mentioned  chapter  of  Die  Biicher  und  die  Lesewelt  Hauff 
refers  to  the  popularity  of  "Scott  und  die  beiden  Amerikaner."  The  latter 
reference  is  no  doubt  to  Cooper  and  Irving.  It  has  been  observed  that 
there  is  a  close  resemblance  between  the  figure  of  Hauff's  Pfeiffer  von 

32  Ibid.,  118. 

33  Hans  Hofmann,  Wilhelm  Hauff,  Frankfurt,  1902,  63. 

34  Ibid.,  229.  Cf.  Alexis  on  Scott,  Jahrbucher  der  Literatur  XXII  (1823)  4. 


338      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Hardt  in  Lichtenstein  and  that  of  Harvey  Birch  in  Cooper's  The  Spy, 
written  in  1821  and  translated  in  1824,  and  that  the  two  characters  play 
a  similar  role.  There  is  also  the  favored  situation  of  friendship  and  love 
between  men  and  women  on  opposite  sides  of  a  struggle  and  the  suc- 
coring and  rescuing  of  opponents  by  the  heroes,  but  Cooper's  share  in 
Lichtenstein  is  at  most  incidental.35 

Washington  Irving  may  have  lent  the  original  suggestion  for  other 
works  of  Hauff.  Hauff  probably  knew  at  least  Sketch  Book,  Bracebridge 
Hall,  and  Tales  of  a  Traveller.  There  may  have  been  a  connection  between 
Das  kalte  Herz,  Jud  SuB,  and  the  Phantasien  im  Bremer  Rathskeller,  on 
the  one  hand,  and  The  Legend  of  Sleepy  Hollow  and  Rip  Van  Winkle,  on 
the  other.  Still  closer  is  the  connection  between  Hauff 's  "Rahmenerzah- 
lung,"  Das  Wirtshaus  im  Spessart,  and  Irving's  similarly  constructed 
story,  The  Italian  Banditti,  in  the  Tales  of  a  Traveller,  as  evinced  not 
only  by  plot  and  incident  but  also  by  a  large  number  of  closely  parallel 
passages.86 

In  contrast  to  the  critical  Alexis,  Gustav  Freytag  was  a  lifelong  ad- 
mirer of  the  "father  of  the  modern  novel,"  as  he  called  Scott.37  Freytag 
began  reading  Scott  when  a  boy  of  fourteen  at  the  Gymnasium  at  Oels. 
"Die  Fiille  und  heitere  Sicherheit  dieses  groBen  Dichters,"  he  says  in  his 
Erinnerungen,  "nahmen  mich  ganz  gefangen."  Cooper  later  rivaled  Scott 
in  Frey tag's  favor:  "Beide  sind  mir  noch  heute  Hausfreunde  geblieben," 
he  wrote  in  1887,  "mit  denen  ich  oft  verkehre,  und  ich  habe  ihrer  freudi- 
gen,  frischen  Kraft  vieles  zu  danken."38 

Freytag  began  his  literary  career  as  a  dramatist  under  the  influence  of 
the  Young  Germans.  In  the  readjustment  of  the  revolutionary  period 
he  found  himself,  from  1848-1862,  the  colleague  of  Julian  Schmidt  on  the 
Grenzboten.  Schmidt,  the  opponent  of  the  Young  Germans  and  the  ad- 
mirer of  English  institutions  and  English  literature,  had  much  influence 
upon  his  co-worker.  Contemporary  opinion  regarded  Freytag  as  the 
creative  demonstrator  of  Schmidt's  literary  theories.39  Freytag's  prefer- 
ences alone,  however,  would  have  led  him  to  Scott  when  he  turned  from 
the  drama  to  the  novel.  In  about  1853  he  began  to  realize  that  the  novel 
was  now  the  proper  vehicle  for  the  conveyance  of  his  views  of  life:  "Mir 
war  es  ein  Bediirfnis  [Soil  und  Haben]  zu  schreiben,  nebenbei  um  zu  ver- 
suchen,  wie  man  einen  Roman  macht."40  The  future  author  of  the  Tech- 
nik  des  Dramas  naturally  had  a  strong  interest  in  novelistic  form  as  well ; 

35  Brenner  [1412]. 
36Plath  [1453]. 

37  Freytag,  Gesammelte  Werke,  Leipzig,  1896,  XVI  220. 

38  Ibid.,  I  73. 

39  B1U  1855,  445. 

40  Gustav  Freytags  Briefwechsel  mit  Eduard  Devrient,  Braunschweig,  1902,  137. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  339 

moreover  he  regarded  it  as  the  especial  merit  of  Walter  Scott  that  he  had 
introduced  the  dramatic  form  into  the  novel : 

Der  Aufbau  der  Handlung  wird  in  jedem  Romane,  in  welchem  der  Stoff  kiinstlerisch 
durchgearbeitet  ist,  mit  dem  Bau  des  Dramas  groCe  Ahnlichkeit  haben.  .  .  .  Auch  die 
Teile  der  Handlung  sind  in  der  Hauptsache  dieselben  wie  im  Drama:  Einleitung, 
Aufsteigen,  Hohepunkt,  Umkehr  und  Katastrophe. 

Then  after  showing  how  he  had  striven  to  follow  this  plan  in  Soil  und 
Haben,  Freytag  added: 

Es  hat  Jahrhunderte  gedauert,  bevor  die  Handlung  der  Romane  zu  kiinstlerischer 
Durchbildung  gelangt  ist,  und  es  ist  das  hohe  Verdienst  Walter  Scotts,  dafi  er  mit 
der  Sicherheit  eines  Genies  gelehrt  hat,  die  Handlung  in  einem  Hohepunkt  und  in 
grofler  SchluBwirkung  zusammenzuschlieBen.41 

Due  allowance  must  be  made  for  differences  of  poetic  temperament. 
Scott  wrote  abundantly  and  without  seeming  effort.  Freytag  was  a 
conscious  artist.  The  form  which  Scott  hit  upon  at  the  outset  and  fol- 
lowed thereafter  as  the  line  of  least  resistance,  Freytag  recognized  as 
resulting  from  the  nature  of  the  novel,  and  he  adopted  it  for  that  reason. 
Both  Scott  and  Freytag  had  an  antiquarian  interest,  but  Freytag  re- 
jected on  principle  the  scholarly  ballast  and  the  footnotes  of  Scott.  Both 
were  interested  in  the  development  of  the  present  out  of  the  past.  If  cer- 
tain of  Scott's  novels  are  put  together  they  constitute  an  "Ahnenreihe." 
But  Freytag's  Die  Ahnen  was  more  deliberately  planned  than  Scott's.  In 
his  novels,  as  in  Scott's,  we  find  the  passive,  somewhat  commonplace 
hero  and  the  historical  one,  but  Freytag  keeps  the  latter  more  in  the 
background.  Both  Scott  and  Freytag,  however,  as  a  result  of  a  common 
personal  trait,  avoid  love  scenes  in  their  novels  as  much  as  possible,  and 
this  lends  a  similar  austerity  to  their  works. 

In  his  Die  Ahnen  Freytag  merely  developed  further,  according  to  his 
artistic  conception,  the  historical  novel,  introduced  by  Scott  and  already 
imitated  in  various  ways  by  various  German  novelists.  His  novel  Soil 
und  Haben,  on  the  other  hand,  helped  to  usher  in  a  new  phase  of  Scott's 
influence  in  Germany.  It  is  here  necessary  to  distinguish  in  the  Waverley 
novels  two  types;  the  one  headed  by  Ivanhoe,  1819,  was  based  on  Scott's 
study  of  works  of  history,  and  it  was  this  group  that  gained  for  him  his 
continental  reputation.  The  other  group,  of  which  Guy  Mannering,  1815, 
is  typical,  is  made  up  of  novels,  the  material  for  which  was  gathered  by 
observation  and  oral  tradition,  and  this  became  a  fresh  starting  point 
for  the  German  "Dorfnovelle"  and  "Dorfroman."  The  characters,  drawn 
from  actual  life  with  representatives  of  the  economically  useful  classes 

41  Freytag,  Werke,  I  180.  Cf.  Die  Grenzboten,  1851,  IV  266. 


340      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

of  society,  were  particularly  wholesome  examples  to  later  German 
writers.  It  has  been  pointed  out  that  the  introduction  to  The  Antiquary 
might  have  served  Auerbach  as  a  program  for  his  village  tales.  David 
Deane  is  comparable  to  Auerbach's  Wadeleswirth,  Dandie  Dinmont  and 
Hobbie  to  characters  in  Gotthelf's  stories.42  His  biographer  wrote  of 
Gotthelf: 

Er  las  .  .  .  ziemlich  viel,  und  zu  seinen  Erholungen  gehorte  auch  ein  Leseverein  mit 
einigen  Freunden,  in  welchem  namentlich  Walter  Scott  beliebt  war.  Wir  haben  von 
Universitatsfreunden  von  Bitzius  die  Behauptung  gehort,  daC  die  Vorztige  dieses 
Schriftstellers,  die  Feinheit  der  Charakteristik,  die  psychologische  Wahrheit,  nicht 
ohne  Einflufi  auf  Bitzius'  Geist  gewesen  und  auch  in  seinen  Schriften  noch  nach- 
gewirkt  hatten,  was  leicht  moglich  ist.43 

Scott  did  not  write  village  tales  as  separate  works  but  he  included 
them  episodically  in  novels,  for  example,  in  The  Heart  of  Midlothian.  He 
also  presented  city  types,  as  for  instance  the  London  merchant  Osbaldi- 
stone,  in  a  similar  fashion  and  brought  city  and  country  types  into 
contact.  Freytag's  T.  O.  Schroter  in  Soil  und  Haben  is  a  character  drawn 
like  Scott's  from  actual  observation.  In  such  original  characters  as  Pix 
and  Specht  in  Soil  und  Haben  and  Gabriel  and  Hummel  in  Die  verlorene 
Handschrift  the  influence  of  Dickens  has  been  suggested.44  It  is  not  always 
easy,  nor  is  it  especially  important,  to  distinguish  Scott's  influence  from 
that  of  Dickens  in  a  matter  like  this. 

More  important  is  a  practical  conclusion  which  might  be  drawn  from 
both.  In  an  essay  of  1853,  which  may  be  regarded  as  an  advance  program 
of  Soil  und  Haben,  Freytag  expressed  his  dissatisfaction  with  the  pre- 
vailing German  novels  and  asked  "weshalb  so  garwenig  von  dem  Leben 
der  Gegenwart  darin  zu  finden  ist."  He  answered:  "Die  Antwort  darauf 
ist  leider,  weil  unsere  Romanschriftsteller  in  der  Mehrheit  sehr  wenig,  ja 
zuweilen  so  gut  wie  gar  nichts  von  unsrem  eigenen  Leben,  von  dem  Trei- 
ben  der  Gegenwart  verstehen."  He  cited  Gotthelf  as  an  exception  and 
held  up  the  career  of  Scott  as  an  example  for  German  novelists : 

Als  Walter  Scott  anfing,  seine  Romane  zu  schreiben,  war  er  selbst  schon  lange 
Gutsbesitzer,  Landbauer,  Jager,  Kommunalbeamter  seines  Bezirkes,  nebenbei  freilich 
auch  gelehrter  Altertumsforscher  und  Literaturhistoriker.  Und  durch  eine  Reihe  von 
Jahren  hatte  er  mit  all  den  Urbildern  seiner  Gestalten,  in  den  Landschaften,  welche 
er  fur  die  Kunst  lebendig  machte,  in  WirkJichkeit  verkehrt,  hatte  sich  selbst  kraftig 
und  tatig  geriihrt.  Daher  ist  auch  Mannerarbeit  geworden,  was  er  geschrieben  hat, 
eine  Freude  und  Erquickung  fur  die  Besten  seines  Volkes  und  die  Gebildeten  aller 
Volker.45 

42  Schmidt  [1494]  227  and  211.  Cf.  Price  [1260]  23  and  21. 

43  C.  Manuel,  Albert  Bitzius,  Berlin,  1827,  26. 
44Ulrich  [1502]  79  f. 

45  Die  Grenzboten,  1853,  I  77-80  and  in  Frej'tag's  Vermischte  Aufsatze,  Leipzig,  1901- 
1903,  II  432.  Cf.  Price  [1260]  99  ff. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  341 

Herein  Freytag  received  the  full  support  of  his  colleague.  Wilhelm 
Meisters  Lehrjahre  undertook,  Julian  Schmidt  said, 

die  Verherrlichung  des  Adels  und  der  Kiinstler  im  Gegensatz  gegen  die  Verkum- 
merung  des  Biirgertums.  .  .  .  Das  Ideal  seines  Lebens  war  harmonische  Ausbildung 
aller  Krafte.  Diese  war  aber  nur  den  bevorzugten  Standen  oder  den  Vagabunden 
moglich,  denn  der  Burger  ging  in  einseitiger  Tatigkeit  unter  und  hatte  innerhalb  der 
Gesellschaft  keine  Ehre.46 

But  while  Goethe  wrote,  a  social  revaluation  was  taking  place  of  which 
he  himself  was  unconscious.  Wilhelm  Meisters  Wanderjahre,  Guy  Man- 
nering,  and  Soil  und  Haben,  all  three  treat  of  the  justification  of  the  exist- 
ence of  the  leisure  class,  but  Goethe  laid  stress  primarily  on  the  "Mensch 
an  sich"  rather  than  on  man  in  his  relation  to  his  work.  Goethe  knew 
and  appreciated  labor. 

Einzelne  Beschreibungen  in  den  Wanderjahren  gehoren  zu  dem  Vollendetsten,  was 
in  dieser  Beziehung  geleistet  worden  ist.  Allein  die  Arbeit  erscheint  doch  wie  ein 
Triebrad,  das  die  Individualitaten  zu  bloflen  Teilen  herabsetzt.  Das  wahrhaft 
Menschliche,  das  individuelle  Leben,  ist  verloren  gegangen.  Der  einzelne  .  .  .  gibt 
seine  Personlichkeit  um  der  Arbeit  willen  auf.  Er  betrachtet  sich  als  einen  Ent- 
sagenden. 

This,  Schmidt  said,  was  wrong.  The  individual  should  find  in  his  work 
the  best  opportunity  for  expressing  his  personality.  "Der  Mensch  soil 
sich  seinem  Beruf  nicht  als  eine  Maschine  fiigen,  er  soil  sich  in  der  ganzen 
Kraft  seines  Gemuts,  seiner  Eigentumlichkeiten,  ja  seiner  Launen  dabei 
betatigen.47 

This  wholesome  relation  of  man  to  his  work  was  best  revealed  in  the 
English  novel,  in  which  men  of  definite  occupations  had  long  played  the 
chief  roles.  Scott,  and  after  him  Freytag,  were  less  tender  in  their  treat- 
ment of  the  leisure  class  than  Goethe.  Scott  believed  in  the  value  of  good 
blood  and  deplored  the  decline  of  the  nobility,  yet  he  pictured  "als  ten- 
denzloser,  getreuer  Berichterstatter,"46  what  he  saw  taking  place.  Frey- 
tag treated  the  same  phenomenon  with  a  distinct  "Tendenz."  He  aimed 
to  demonstrate: 

Der  Edelmann,  der  heute  noch  in  der  alten  Weise  fortleben  will,  der  sich  nicht  den 
Ernst  und  die  Folgerichtigkeit  der  burgerlichen  Arbeit  aneignet,  geht  unter  und  ver- 
dient  es  unterzugehen,  so  liebenswurdig  seine  Erscheinung  sein  mag.48 

Industrial  evolution  was  bound  in  time  to  bring  a  new  type  of  novel 
into  Germany,  but  the  example  of  the  literature  of  England,  where  the 
evolution  was  further  advanced,  and  particularly  of  Walter  Scott's  life 

46  Schmidt,  Geschichte  .  .  .,  Ill  359.  (See  fn.  23,  above.) 

47  Ibid.,  I  235  f.  Cf.  Die  Grenzboten,  1855,  II  453. 

48  Schmidt  [1494]  193. 


342      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

and  novels  hastened  the  entry  into  Germany  of  the  new  type  of  novel.  In 
it  the  characters  occupy  a  definite  place  in  the  economic  world,  supplant- 
ing, to  a  large  extent,  the  preexisting  type  in  which  the  development  of 
the  hero's  personality  is  the  main  theme. 

Otto  Ludwig  joined  the  opposition  to  the  tendencies  of  "das  junge 
Deutschland,"  but  he  lacked  the  optimism  of  the  Grenzboten  and  had  to 
be  content  with  the  rueful  benevolence  of  its  editors.  Like  Freytag  he 
was  interested  in  the  technique  not  only  of  the  drama  but  of  the  novel, 
and  like  him  he  found  his  authorities  chiefly  in  England.  Ludwig's 
Epische  Studien  are  deliberately  subordinated  to  his  Shakespeare-Studien. 
He  found  the  spirit  of  Shakespeare's  dramas  in  the  English  novel.49  He 
devoted  particular  attention  to  Scott's  Antiquary  and  Astrologer.  Like 
Freytag  he  derived  from  Scott  his  theory  of  the  structure  of  the  novel, 
which  he  expressed  however  in  quite  different  terms.  It  is  the  task  of  the 
novelist 

eine  Fabel  zu  entwcrfen,  in  der  alle  Figuren  eigentlich  blofi  Hilfslinien  an  einer  geo- 
metrischen  Figur,  Geriiste  an  einem  Baue  sind,  und  dann  diese  Figuren  so  auszu- 
fuhren,  daC  sie  vollkommen  selbststandig  und  mit  eignem  Kerne  versehen  erscheinen 
und  doch  bei  allem  Reichtum  ihres  Details  nicht  aufhoren,  jene  blofien  Hilfslinien  zu 
sein;  wie  jedes  Organ  moglichst  emanzipiert  ist,  und  doch  keins  zu  einem  Nebenherzen 
der  Geschichte  selbst  wird.  Das  ist  die  epische  Schlankheit  und  Geschlossenheit,  die 
liber  der  epischen  Breite  nie  verloren  vverden  darf.  Die  epische  Breite  gehort  blofi  der 
Ausfiihrung,  nicht  der  Erfindung.60 

In  other  particulars,  too,  Ludwig  cited  the  practice  of  Scott  with  ap- 
proval, recognizing  his  authority  more  than  once  where  it  conflicted 
with  that  of  Dickens.51 

As  novelists  Ludwig  and  Scott  were  comparable.  They  were  somewhat 
alike  in  their  ultimate  purposes,  their  portrayal  of  character,  their  paint- 
ing of  landscapes,  and  their  technique  in  general.  Striking  similarities 
of  incident  might  also  be  suggested,  but  how  misleading  these  are  is 
shown  by  the  fact  that  The  Antiquary  and  The  Heart  of  Midlothian  lend 
themselves  most  readily  to  such  comparisons,  yet  precisely  these  novels 
Ludwig  did  not  read  until  he  had  completed  his  own  fictional  work.52  It 
can  however  be  stated  with  certainty  that  Ludwig  in  his  youth  read  with 
zeal  most  of  the  Waverley  novels,  that  they  made  a  deep  impression  on 
him,  and  they  may  have  helped  inspire  him  to  describe  his  Thuringians 
as  Scott  had  described  his  fellow-countrymen,  that  is  to  say,  in  such  a 
way  as  to  win  sympathy  for  their  virtues  and  indulgence  for  their  faults.53 

49  Ludwig,  Schriften,  VI  65,  quoted  p.  351,  below. 

50  Ibid.,  VI  122. 

51  Ibid.,  VI  71,  VI  94. 
62  Ibid.,  VI  83,  91. 

83  Scott,  Introduction  to  Waverley. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  343 

The  last  of  the  great  followers  of  Scott  in  the  nineteenth  century  was 
Theodor  Fontane.  In  Meine  Kinder jahre  he  recalls  the  joy  of  hearing 
his  father  read  Scott's  novels  in  Swinemiinde.54  A  little  later  he  tells  of 
his  delight  at  finding  Scott's  Minstrelsy  of  the  Scottish  Border,  which,  with 
Percy's  Reliques,  buoyed  up  his  poetic  passion  for  several  following 
years.55  There  has  been  some  difference  of  opinion  as  to  whether  Fontane 
is  to  be  regarded  as  a  follower  of  Alexis  or  of  Walter  Scott.  Doubtless  he 
learned  discriminatingly  from  both.  Tschirch,  the  biographer  of  Alexis, 
reports  that  Fontane  said  he  never  came  into  close  contact  with  Alexis 
and  only  in  later  life  became  intimately  acquainted  with  his  novels.56 
This  must  be  based  only  on  oral  report,  for  Fontane  gives  a  somewhat 
different  account  of  his  relation  to  Alexis  in  his  published  recollections. 
When  Fontane  compares  Scott  and  Alexis  directly  it  is  usually  to  the 
advantage  of  Scott.  In  his  essay  on  Alexis,  he  says  Scott  is  an  "Alt- 
romantiker,"  Alexis  only  a  "Neuromantiker."  Scott  possesses  "Grol5- 
humor,"  Alexis  "Kleinhumor."  Scott  is  the  better  teller  of  tales,  even 
if  he  is  often  biased,  superficial,  and  incorrect.  He  is  a  freer  artist:  "Er 
wu!3te  jeden  Augenblick,  da!3  er  nicht  Historiker  sondern  eben  nur  Ge- 
schichtenerzahler  war."  And  again  comparing  the  styles  of  the  two,  he 
says  "[Scotts  ist]  leicht  und  glatt,  Alexis'  schwer  und  knorrig.  tJber  die 
Dialoge  des  einen  geht  es  hin  wie  eine  Schlittenfahrt  liber  gestampften 
Schnee,  liber  die  des  anderen  wie  eine  Staatskarosse  durch  den  marki- 
schenSand."57 

The  most  definite  question  is  £hat  concerning  the  relation  of  Vor  dem 
Sturm  to  its  predecessors.  In  a  letter  to  his  publisher  Fontane  admitted 
only  the  most  general  indebtedness  to  Scott:  "Ich  habe  mir  vorgenom- 
men,  die  Arbeit  ganz  nach  mir  selbst,  nach  meiner  Neigung  und  Indi- 
viduality zu  machen,  ohne  jegliches  Vorbild;  selbst  die  Anlehnung  an 
Scott  betrifft  nur  Allgemeines."58  Vor  dem  Sturm  is  like  Alexis's  Isegrim 
in  that  it  deals  with  many  characters  in  different  stations  of  life,  and  in 
that  both  are  "episodenhaft."  Both  novelists  treat  of  a  historic  time  of 
the  recent  past — the  Napoleonic  era.  But  Scott,  too,  wrote,  by  prefer- 
ence, of  the  recent  past.  In  what  may  properly  be  called  the  main  part 
of  his  narrative,  Fontane  followed  closely  a  pattern  laid  down  by  Scott's 
Waverley.  The  plots  of  the  two  have  been  summarized  : 

The  hero,  a  young  impressionable  man  of  romantic  bent,  is  captivated  by  the 
charms  of  a  brilliant,  worldly  girl.  A  close  relative  of  the  latter  (brother  and  father 

64  Fontane,  Gesammelte  Werke,  Berlin,  1902-1912,  Reihe  2,  II  106. 
55  Ibid.,  Reihe  2,  III  22. 

66  Otto  Tschirch,  Willibald  Alexis  .  .  .,  1899,  224. 

67  Fontane,  Aus  dem  NachlaB,  ed.  Ettinger,  Berlin,  1908,  215-217. 
58  Fontane,  Gesammelte  Werke,  Reihe  2,  X  246. 


344      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

respectively)  is  an  ambitious  man,  who  encourages  the  match  in  order  to  strengthen 
his  worldly  position.  After  the  hero  has  been  rejected  in  his  first  love,  he  comes  to 
realize  his  affection  for  a  naive,  domestic  girl  who  has  been  fond  of  him  for  a  long  time, 
and  whom  he  marries  after  his  character  has  been  seasoned  by  military  experiences.59 

Furthermore  there  are  abundant  parallels  of  character  and  situation, 
chiefly  to  Waverley  but  also  to  Guy  Mannering  and  The  Antiquary.60 

Fontane  placed  great  emphasis  on  the  "form"  of  the  novel.  If  by 
"form"  one  understands  exclusively  the  architectonics  of  construction, 
then  Fontane  is  quite  independent  of  Scott.  But  if  one  includes  the  tech- 
nique of  narration,  then  the  influence  of  Scott  is  predominant  not  only 
in  Vor  dem  Sturm  but  in  other  novels  of  Fontane.61  A  conscious  artist, 
he  read  Scott  in  part  to  discover  the  secrets  of  his  style.  Incidentally 
it  was  but  natural  that  he  should  acquire,  partly  unconsciously,  some 
of  his  mannerisms.  Scott  too  liked  to  take  the  reader  by  the  arm,  lead 
him  across  the  countryside,  and  play  the  cicerone.  Even  more  than 
Scott,  Fontane  preferred  "den  gemutlichen  Plauderton."  Fontane,  like 
his  characters,  preferred  a  question  left  open  to  a  dogmatic  assertion. 
Both  Scott  and  Fontaine  were  restrained  in  the  expression  of  romantic 
love.  Scott  regretted  the  passing  of  the  feudal  age  and  wished  to  preserve 
its  record.  Moreover  he  delighted  in  telling  a  story  for  its  own  sake. 
Fontane,  similarly  conservative,  was  less  naive.  He  was  interested  in 
changing  codes  and  in  the  moral  compromises  in  which  problematical 
characters  were  involved.  It  should  be  added  that  Scott  was  fond  of 
dramatic  scenes  and  conflicts,  while  Fontane  was  constitutionally  un- 
dramatic.  The  fateful  moment  of  the  narrative  is  sometimes  only  sug- 
gested as  in  Effi  Briest.  What  interests  him  is  the  ethical  and  social  after- 
effect. Thus  Fontane  preserved  what  was  valuable  to  him  and  to  us  of 
Scott's  art,  without  turning  backward  the  development  of  the  European 
novel. 

69  Shears  [1500]  39. 

60  iiyid^  47-55. 

61  Compare  Shears  [1500]  and  Paul  [1501]. 


Chapter  XXIV 
THE  VICTORIAN  NOVEL 

"Das  junge  Deutschland" — unlike  its  predecessor,  the  German  roman- 
tic school — was  chiefly  interested  in  contemporary  English  life  and  litera- 
ture. Its  political  principles  led  it  to  see  in  the  English  public  institutions 
a  desirable  model  for  the  German  states.  Borne,  Gutzkow,  Laube,  and 
Mundt  expressed  this  conviction  in  forthright  terms.1  On  the  other  hand, 
in  view  of  their  "emancipation"  ideas,  partly  of  French  origin,  it  is  not 
remarkable  that  the  "Young  Germans"  were  predisposed  against  the 
conservatism  of  English  customs,  especially  against  its  puritanism  and 
Sabbatarianism.  At  the  outset  they  derived  their  picture  of  English  social 
and  private  life  from  such  works  as  Puckler-Muskau's  Briefe  eines  Ver- 
storbenen  and  Raumer's  England  im  Jahre  1835,  but  some  of  the  Young 
Germans  visited  England  and  brought  home  various  reports.  Mundt,  for 
example,  admitted  that  the  British  for  the  most  part  were  not  hypo- 
crites.2 Heine  made  many  quotable  remarks  about  British  life,  but  they 
do  not  add  up  to  a  deliberate  total  judgment.3 

The  English  novel  of  the  time  concerned  itself  little  with  politics  but 
offered  pictures  of  English  life  and  gave  expression  to  well  established 
British  principles  and  prejudices.  It  is  but  natural  then  that  the  Young 
Germans  should  view  it  unfavorably.  An  article  in  the  Unterhaltungen  am 
hduslichen  Herd  discusses  freely  "Die  Ideenlosigkeit  der  englischen  Lite- 
ratur."  The  author,  presumably  Gutzkow,  says:  "Bekanntlich  ist  die 
englische  Poesie  in  unserem  guten  Tag  ganz  auf  die  Anforderungen  des 
Hauses,  der  Familie,  der  Tugend  und  der  Moral  gestellt.  Ideen  und  Ten- 
denzen,  die  irgendwie  in  Widerspruch  mit  dem  Puritanismus  geraten, 
finden  jenseits  des  Kanals  keinen  Anklang."4 

Other  journalists  wrote  appreciatively  of  English  novels  and  English 
life.  F.S.  (Friedrich  Spielhagen)  spoke  of  Dickens  and  Thackeray  as 
"diese  glucklichen  englischen  Dichter,  die  aus  vollem  englischen  Leben 
schopfen."5  Robert  Prutz  attributed  to  the  English  novelists  alone 
"diese  Kenntnis  des  Lebens,  diese  scharfe  Beobachtung  der  Wirklich- 
keit,  diese  Tiefe  des  Gemutes,"  and  "diese  Kraft  der  Darstellung."6 
Hermann  Marggraf  rejoiced  that  the  Germans  were  now  following  in  the 
path  of  Dickens,  just  as  in  the  past  they  had  followed  in  the  footsteps  of 

1  For  representative  quotations  see  Whyte  [1236]. 

2  Ibid.,  74  f. 

3  Ibid.,  37-43. 

4  Unterhaltungen  am  hduslichen  Herd,  1860,  636  ff. 

5  Euro-pa,  1859,  649-652. 

6  Deutsches  Museum,  1861,  435. 

[345] 


346      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Goldsmith,  Sterne,  Smollett,  Fielding,  and  Walter  Scott,7  but  Gottschall 
came  to  the  defense  of  Gutzkow.  He  preferred  Gutzkow's  realism  and 
humor  to  Freytag's:  "Auch  Gutzkow  hat  Humor,  doch  ist  es  nicht  der 
Humor  Cruikshank'scher  Gestalten,  nicht  der  realistische  Humor  von 
Dickens  und  Thackeray.  Es  ist  ein  deutscher  Humor,  der  aus  geistigen 
Tiefen  kommt  und  nicht  in  einer  Tonart  aufgeht."8  This  is  directly  con- 
trary to  Julian  Schmidt's  opinion  of  Dickens:  "Er  ist  auch  viel  deutscher, 
als  unsre  gesamte  romantische  Literatur  von  Tieck  und  Schlegel  herunter 
bis  auf  Hebbel  und  Gutzkow."9 

Before  1850  the  activities  of  the  Young  Germans  were  largely  of  a 
journalistic  nature,  and  for  belletristic  propaganda  they  used  plays  rather 
than  novels.  The  novel  came  decidedly  to  the  foreground  in  1850  with 
Gutzkow's  Ritter  vom  Geiste,  which  was  acclaimed  by  the  supporters  of 
the  Young  German  movement.  It  was  more  widely  read  than  most  Ger- 
man novels  although  in  popularity  it  could  not  vie  with  that  of  the  for- 
eign products. 

When  the  opposition  to  the  Young  German  tendencies  began  about 
1845,  it  took  the  form  of  support  of  English  tendencies  as  against  the 
prevailing  phenomena  of  German  literature.  The  leader  of  this  offensive 
was  Julian  Schmidt.  As  Gustav  Freytag  says  in  his  Erinnerungen: 

Indem  Schmidt  verurteilte,  was  in  unserer  Literatur  krank  war,  wies  er  auch  unab- 
lassig  auf  die  Heilmittel  hin,  und  wurde  dadurch  in  Wahrheit  ein  guter  Lehrer  fur  die 
Jungeren  .  .  .  Er  hatte  an  allem  wohl  Gelungenen  eine  tief  innige  Freude  .  .  .  vor  allem 
fesselte  ihn  die  originelle  Zeichnung  der  Charaktere,  nachstdem  die  Grazie  in  Schil- 
derung  und  Sprache.  Die  Darstellungsweise  der  englischen  Dichter  war  ganz  nach 
seinem  Herzen,  den  Zauber  der  wundervollen  Farbung  bei  Dickens  empfand  er  so 
voll,  wie  nur  ein  Englander  jener  Zeit.10 

With  the  publication  of  his  Pelham  in  1828  Bulwer-Lytton  began  to 
succeed  to  the  popularity  of  Walter  Scott  in  Germany.  Of  his  vogue  in 
Germany  Julian  Schmidt  wrote : 

Von  den  deutschen  Schriftstellern  war  nicht  einer,  dessen  Popularitat  gegen  die 
seinige  aufkam;  nur  etwa  George  Sand  und  Balzac  konnten  mit  ihm  wetteifern.  Das 
dauerte  von  den  ersten  dreifiiger  bis  in  die  Mitte  der  vierziger  Jahre,  bis  Dickens, 
Eugene  Sue  und  Thackeray  ihn  ablosten.11 

Of  Bulwer's  influence  Schmidt  wrote  further:  "Fafit  man  die  Aristo- 
kratie  ins  Auge,  die  in  Gutzkows  Romanen  oder  bei  der  Grafin  Hahn- 
Hahn  auftritt,  so  erkennt  man  lauter  verkleidete  Pelhams,  die  neben  den 

7  B1U  1858,  902-904. 

8  Ibid.,  1858,  932. 

9  J.  Schmidt,  Boz,  eine  Charakteristik,  Leipzig,  1852,  9. 

10  Freytag,  Gesammelte  Werke,  Leipzig,  1896,  I  225. 
"Schmidt  [1327]  268. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  347 

Masken  aus  Jean  Paul  figurieren."1::  Regarding  the  justness  of  the  asser- 
tion, as  far  as  the  Grafin  Hahn-Hahn  is  concerned,  what  reader  of  today 
can  say?  It  is  clear,  however,  that,  for  polemic  purposes,  Schmidt  over- 
stressed  the  parallel  of  Bulwer-Lytton  with  Gutzkow.  By  combination 
with  other  references  of  Schmidt,13  which  need  be  retraced  here,  we  may 
derive  the  implication  that  Schmidt  referred  to  such  characters  of  Gutz- 
kow as  Oscar,  "der  Schlachtenmaler,"  in  Blasedow  und  seine  Sohne  and 
Dankmar  Wildungen  in  Die  Ritter  vom  Geist.  In  this  connection  it  is  to 
be  noted  first  that  Gutzkow,  in  1842,  spoke  disparagingly  of  "der  schon 
halb  wieder  vergessene  Bulwer,"14  and  that  both  Bulwer  and  Gutzkow 
claimed  as  ancestors  of  their  characters  the  figures  in  the  novels  of 
Smollett,  Fielding,  and  Le  Sage.15 

Schmidt  seems  furthermore  to  have  regarded  Bulwer's  Falkland  as  a 
predecessor  of  Gutzkow's  Wally  but  here  too  the  evidence  seems  to  refute 
the  view.16  Gutzkow's  actual  dependence  upon  Bulwer-Lytton  was  slight. 
In  the  introduction  to  his  comedy  Die  Schule  der  Reichen,  1841,  Gutz- 
kow makes  a  veiled  admission  that  he  had  a  model,  and  no  doubt  this 
model  was  Bulwer's  Money,  1840. 17  The  year  1837  found  Gutzkow  under 
the  ban  of  censorship,  and  he  was  compelled  to  write  anonymously  or 
pseudonymously.  In  1832  Bulwer  had  written  an  essay  called  England 
and  the  English.  To  evade  the  censors  Gutzkow  published  one  of  his 
treatises  under  the  title  Bulwer s  Zeitgenossen.  Since  the  title  alone  was 
not  a  sufficient  disguise,  Gutzkow  had  to  make  some  attempt  to  imitate 
the  style  of  his  model.18 

Common  to  the  characters  of  Bulwer-Lytton  and  of  Gutzkow  is  a 
certain  incalculability  of  action.  Both  novelists  theorized  a  little  on  this 
matter,  and  both  claimed  the  sanction  of  Sterne,  but  a  comparison  of  the 
theories  and  of  the  practices  of  each  shows  that  their  incalculabilities 
were  of  a  slightly  different  order.19 

Charles  Dickens,  or  rather  Boz,  became  a  household  name  in  Germany 
almost  as  promptly  as  in  England.  His  popularity  was  attested  by  the 
large  sale  of  his  works  in  the  original  and  in  translation,  by  the  enthusias- 
tic comments  of  the  contemporary  journals,  and  by  the  many  imitations, 
particularly  of  the  Pickwick  Papers/0 

12  Ibid.,  283. 
"Price  [1328]  403. 

14  Gutzkow,  Die  Zeitgenossen,  Pforzheim,  1842,  II  286  f. 

15  Quoted  in  Price  [1328]  405. 

16  Ibid.,  407. 

17  J.  Dresch,  Gutzkow  et  la  jeune  Allemagne,  Paris,  1904,  347. 

18  Gutzkow,  Gesammelte  Werke,  Leipzig,  1872,  VIII  vii. 

19  Cf.  Price  [1328]  409  f.,  and  p.  358  below. 

20  See  Gummer  [1424]. 


348      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

One  of  the  earliest  to  acknowledge  a  debt  to  Dickens  was  Ungern- 
Sternberg.  Of  the  new  realistic  tone  in  his  Diana,  1842,  he  said: 

Ich  hatte  mich  mit  dieser  Arbeit  vollig  losgesagt  von  dem  Marchen  und  Toiletten- 
roman  des  achtzehnten  Jahrhunderts;  es  ware  mir  nicht  mehr  moglich  gewesen,  eine 
Galathee  oder  einen  Fortunat  zu  schreiben.  Die  Englander,  besonders  Boz-Dickens, 
mit  dem  ich  mich  zu  befreunden  anfing,  hatten  mich  unmerklich  in  diese  Bahn  geleitet.21 

Hacklander,  the  author  of  Bilder  aus  dem  Soldatenleben  im  Kriege, 
1849,  was  sometimes  called  the  German  Dickens.  Julian  Schmidt  said  he 
might  have  become  that  "wenn  das  deutsche  Leben  nicht  so  unendlich 
spieBbiirgerlicher  ware,  als  das  brittische."22  A  critic  in  Kuhne's  Europa 
found  Hesslein's  Die  Berliner  Pickwickier,  1854,  "breit  und  platt,  als 
Satire  plump,  als  Parodie  trivial,"  and  added:  "Der  Diener  ist  eine  matte 
Kopie  des  bekannten  Sam  Wellers."23  Karl  von  Holtei  bore  for  a  time 
the  title,  "der  schlesische  Boz."  He  was  fond  of  describing  the  life  of 
strolling  players,  and  scenes  in  Die  Vagabunden,  1853,  and  Der  letzte 
Komodiant,  1863,  have  counterparts  in  The  Old  Curiosity  Shop  and 
Nicholas  Nickleby.2i  Doubtless  the  list  of  imitators  could  be  much  ex- 
tended but  it  would  only  have  a  symptomatic  value.  It  is  more  profitable 
to  consider  novelists  of  greater  importance. 

Gustav  Freytag  is  connected  with  Dickens  both  as  a  novelist  and  as 
a  critic.  In  an  essay  entitled  Ein  Dank  fur  Charles  Dickens  he  bears 
witness  to  the  "neue  Stimmung"  that  Dickens  brought  into  Germany. 
He  tells  us  how  his  countrymen  began  to  see  in  every  Englishman  a 
Pickwick,  a  Pinch,  or  a  Traddles,  or  at  least  "einen  guten  und  tiichtigen 
Kerl .  .  .  vielleicht  steif  aber  von  sehr  tiefem  Gemuth,  wahrhaftig,  zuver- 
lassig,  treu."25  He  tells  how  everyone  began  to  look  even  upon  his  neigh- 
bors with  a  new  interest,  and  to  find  attractive  characteristics  unsus- 
pected before,  and  how  the  narrow  bonds  of  social  prejudice  began  to 
break  down  the  spell  of  this  new  magic. 

Freytag  himself  is  an  excellent  illustration  of  the  early  influence  of 
Dickens  in  Germany.  He  had  read  at  least  the  Pickwick  Papers  in  his 
youth,26  but  about  the  year  1850  his  interest  was  renewed.  He  was  in 
need  at  this  time  of  some  new  impulse.  He  had  been  drifting  with  the 
Young  Germans,  but  was  now  breaking  old  connections  and  seeking  new 
ones  in  vain.  To  Tieck  he  had  written  in  February,  1848:  "Mein  Ungltick 
ist,  dafl  ich  allein  stehe,  sehr  allein,  ich  entbehre  der  Forderung  durch 

21  Quoted  by  E.  Weil  in  GS,  CXXX  (1932)  130  f. 

22  Die  Grenzboten,  1849,  IV  486. 

23  hoc.  cit.,  October  5,  1856. 

24  Gummer  [1424]  59. 
"Freytag  [1421]  243. 
26  Freytag,  Werke,  I  90. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  349 

Mitstehende  zu  sehr."27  A  few  weeks  later  he  first  met  one  of  the  most 
enthusiastic  admirers  of  Dickens,  Julian  Schmidt.  The  conversation  dur- 
ing their  first  meeting  soon  turned  from  politics  to  literature.  "Verkehrte 
literarische  Richtungen  der  Zeit"  were  discussed  and,  as  Freytag  says, 
"es  ergab  sich  eine  solche  Ubereinstimmung  in  den  Ansichten,  daB  ich  in 
groGer  Hochachtung  von  ihm  schied."-8  From  Schmidt's  account  it  would 
appear  that  the  chief  'Verkehrte  Richtung"  to  come  under  discussion 
was  the  pessimistic  mood  of  the  writers  of  the  day.  Schmidt  had  rejoiced 
to  find  in  Freytag's  work  "die  Spuren  einer  echten  Dichterseele.  Einen 
Dichter  ohne  Lust  am  Leben,  ohne  erhohten  Sinn  fur  die  Wirklichkeit 
und  was  damit  zusammenhangt,  ohne  Fulle  des  Gemuts  habe  ich  mir  nie 
vorstellen  konnen."29 

Shortly  after  this  the  two  men  joined  together  to  take  over  the  Grenz- 
boten  and  edit  the  journal  in  the  service  of  the  liberal  political  group  to 
which  they  belonged.  But  literary  interests  mingled  always  with  po- 
litical ones.  "So  sehr  uns  damals  die  Politik  im  Kopfe  lag,  wurde  im 
Ganzen  uber  Dora  and  Agnes  mehr  disputiert  als  liber  Radowitz  und 
Manteuffel."30  The  beginnings  of  Soil  und  Haben  go  back  to  just  about 
this  time,  apropos  of  which  novel  Hermann  Marggraf  wrote : 

Von  Lessings  dramatischen  Produkten  hat  man  wohl  gesagt,  daC  sie  gewisser- 
mafien  nur  als  Proben  zu  betrachten  seien,  die  er  gemacht  habe,  urn  die  Richtigkeit 
seiner  kritischen  Rechenexempel  zu  priifen.  Aehnliches  kann  man  von  dem  Redak- 
tionspersonal  der  bekannten  kritischen  griinen  Blatter  in  Leipzig  behaupten,  nur  daC 
die  kritischen  und  produktiven  Fahigkeiten  ...  an  zwei  Individuen  verteilt  sind.31 

The  Grenzboten  editors,  like  Resewitz  a  century  before  them,  found  the 
English  novel  superior  to  the  German  and  for  a  like  reason.  The  English 
novelists,  they  said,  participated  in  the  affairs  of  life  and  profited  thereby 
in  their  novels,  while  the  Germans  wrote  before  they  had  experienced 
anything  worth  recording  and  compounded  their  novels  too  largely  out 
of  reflections  and  conversations.3'2 

Significant  at  least  are  the  parallels  of  character  in  Soil  und  Haben  and 
in  David  Copper  field:  Steerforth  and  Fink;  Uriah  Heep  and  Veitel  Itzig; 
David  Copperfield  and  Anton  Wohlfahrt;  Dora  Spenlow  and  Lenore 
Rothsattel;  Agnes  Wickfield  and  Sabine  Schroter.33  Both  Freytag  and 

27  O.  Mayrhofer,  Gustav  Freytag  und  das  junge  Deutschland,  BDL,  I  (1907)  49. 

28  Freytag,  Werke,  I  153. 

29  J.  Schmidt,  Geschichte  der  deutschen  Literatur  im  19.  Jahrhundert2,  III  vii  f. 

30  Schmidt  [1420]  113;  two  other  colleagues  on  the  staff  of  Die  Grenzboten  shared 
their  enthusiasm.  Julius  Seybt  translated  many  of  the  novels  of  Dickens,  and  Jacob 
Kaufmann  helped  in  the  translation  of  at  least  one.  Cf .  Gummer  [  1424  ]  192  f . 

31  B1U  1855,  455. 

32  Freytag,  Werke,  XVI  218.  Cf.  Schmidt,  p.  335,  above;  re  Resewitz,  see  p.  182, 
above. 

33Freymond  [1428]  23  ff. 


350      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Dickens  were  liberal  in  their  politics  and  neither  scrupled  to  make  his 
work  the  vehicle  of  his  political  ideas,  while  the  triumph  of  honesty  and 
a  good  heart  over  selfishness  and  dishonesty  is  with  both  authors  a  fore- 
gone conclusion.  Such  a  solution  was  easy  for  both  since  mixed  characters 
rarely  intruded.  Freytag's  indebtedness  is  more  than  half  confessed  in 
his  essay  Ein  Dank  fur  Charles  Dickens. 

Fast  aus  jedem  Romane  blieben  rlihrende  oder  lebensfrische  Gestalten  fest  in  der 
Seele  des  Lesers  .  .  .  Auch  die  Sprache  des  Dichters  geht  in  unsere  liber,  seine  Ge- 
danken  werden  unser  Eigentum,  auch  der  Humor  lebt  in  uns  fort,  er  farbt  immer 
wieder  unsere  Betrachtung  der  Menschen  und  erhoht  uns  zu  heiterer  Freiheit,  so  oft 
die  empfangene  Stimmung  in  uns  lebendig  wird.34 

Freytag  shared  with  Dickens  "ein  starkes  und  freudiges  Gemut  voll 
von  gutem  Zutrauen  zur  Menschheit,  nie  verbittert  durch  das  Schlechte 
und  Verkehrte,  dazu  die  Kenntnis  des  Lebens  und  menschlicher  Charak- 
tere,  welche  durch  reiche  Beobachtung  gefestigt  ist."35  Just  because  Frey- 
tag's poetic  creation  was  more  labored,  less  spontaneous  than  that  of 
Dickens,  the  latter 's  impulse  was  of  value  to  him. 

Need  it  be  said  that  the  future  author  of  Die  Technik  des  Dramas 
studied  the  art  of  his  novelist  analytically?  Scott  remained  for  him  the 
master  of  novelistic  structure  but  Dickens  was  the  supreme  humorist. 
Walter  Scott  was  for  Freytag  "ein  grower  Dichter,  dem  es  gelingt,  sehr 
verschiedenartige  Personlichkeiten  mit  guter  Laune  lebhaft  zu  empfinden 
und  darzustellen,  und  das  Ganze  der  menschlichen  Gesellschaft  .  .  .  mit 
liebevoller  Zuneigung  zu  verstehen."  Dickens,  on  the  other  hand,  was 
"ein  glanzender  Dichter,  dem  es  gelingt,  einen  gewissen  groBeren  Kreis 
von  Personen  und  Schicksalen  mit  ausgezeichnetem  Humor  zu  em- 
pfinden."36 

Freytag  may  have  acquired  from  Dickens  his  affectionate  interest  in 
little  things.  Like  Dickens  he  animates  lifeless  objects  to  spread  good 
cheer  and  employs  several  other  devices  of  Dickens  with  humorous 
effect.37 

Freytag's  Die  Journalisten  is  closely  connected  with  Dickens's  Pick- 
wick Papers.  Freytag  wrote  later : 

Man  mufi  jene  Zeit  in  gebildeten  burgerlichen  Familien  durchlebt  haben,  um  die 
schone  Wirkung  zu  begreifen,  welche  das  Buch  auf  Manner  und  Frauen  ausubte.  Die 
frohliche  Auffassung  des  Lebens,  das  unendliche  Behagen,  der  wackere  Sinn,  welche 
hinter  der  drolligen  Art  hervorleuchtete,  waren  dem  Deutschen  damals  so  riihrend 
wie  dem  Wanderer  eine  Melodie  aus  dem  Vaterhause,  die  unerwartet  in  sein  Ohr 

34  Freytag  [1421]  239. 

35  Freytag,  Werke,  XVI  218. 

36  Die  Grenzboten,  1851,  IV  264. 

37  Volk  [1427]  lists  eleven  such  devices. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  351 

tont.  .  .  .  Hunderttausenden  gab  das  Buch  frohe  Stunden,  gehobene  Stimmung.  Jeder 
bekannte  altliche  Herr  mit  einem  Bauchlein  wurde  von  den  Frauen  des  Hauses  als 
Herr  Pickwick  aufgefafit.38 

To  be  sure,  a  political  comedy  might  have  been  expected  of  Freytag. 
Such  a  work  belonged  to  the  program  of  the  Young  Germans,  and  the  life 
of  the  liberal  journalist  was  as  familiar  to  Freytag  as  to  Dickens,  but  the 
relationship  is  close.  Journal  stands  against  journal  and  party  against 
party  with  Freytag  as  well  as  with  Dickens,  and  the  two  elections  are 
finally  decided  in  a  similar  fashion.  Bolz  and  Piepenbrink  might  have 
stepped  out  of  the  Pickwick  Papers,  and  incidents  are  introduced  which 
might  be  interpreted  as  veiled  acknowledgments  of  a  debt  to  Boz.39 

Still  another  "poetic  realist"  pondered  on  the  art  of  Dickens  and  tried 
to  make  a  part  of  it  his  own :  Otto  Ludwig's  E-pische  Studien  were  never 
intended  for  publication.  They  are  made  up  of  his  reading  notes.  They  seem 
to  have  been  written  chiefly  between  1855  and  1865,  that  is  to  say,  in  the 
decade  between  the  completion  of  Zwischen  Himmel  und  Erde  and  Lud- 
wig's death,  but  Ludwig  may  well  have  made  mental  notes  regarding 
Dickens  before  1855  and  studied  his  technique  for  practical  purposes.  He 
judged  Dickens  as  one  creative  artist  judges  another.  The  two  authors 
had  something  in  common.  With  both  the  creative  process  was  preceded 
by  what  Ludwig  called  "eine  musikalische  Stimmung."  Characteristic 
of  both  was  the  minute  observation  of  character  with  a  detailed  repro- 
duction of  every  outward  gesture  and  intimate  thought.  To  Dickens  this 
came  easily,  to  Ludwig  it  came  only  after  a  painful  tension.  The  typical 
English  novel,  like  Shakespeare's  dramas,  had  for  Ludwig  a  canonical 
validity.  In  fact  he  recognized  the  Shakespearean  spirit 

in  dem  sittlichen  Grundgedanken,  der  kunstlichen  Verflechtung  mehrerer  Handlungen 
in  eine,  in  der  plastischen  Grofiheit,  der  Charakteristik  realistischer  Ideale,  der  Dar- 
stellung  des  Weltlaufs,  der  Illusion,  der  Ganzheit  des  Lebens,  in  der  Mischung  des 
Komischen  selbst  in  das  Ernsteste,  ohne  dai3  es  diesem  schadete,  in  dem  Abwenden 
von  aller  Schwarmerei  und  hohler  Idealitat.40 

Ludwig  admired  the  mimic  element  in  the  novels  of  Dickens— "wahr- 
hafte  Schauspielerschulen"  he  called  them.41  He  admired  the  range  of 
expression  of  Miss  Nipper's  nose,  of  Captain  Cuttle's  hook,  and  of  Mrs. 
Sparsit's  eyebrows.  He  admired  the  ability  of  Dickens  to  let  inanimate 
objects  participate  in  the  drama  of  life  and  at  the  same  time  set  the 
human  types  in  higher  relief  thereby.  He  admired  the  one-sidedness  of 
the  characters  of  Dickens,  their  "Borniertheit,"  resulting  from  their 
training,  their  occupation,  their  age,  their  passions,  or  their  education.42 

38  Freytag  [1421]  241.         4°  Ludwig,  Schriften,  VI  65.        42  Ibid.,  VI  65. 

39  Fehse  [14291.  41  Ibid.,  VI  67. 


352      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

This  one-sidedness  Dickens  could  make  attractive,  harmless,  or  repul- 
sive— a  dangerous  power  in  such  a  partisan.  He  commended  the  dialogue 
in  Dickens'  novels: 

Eine  Hauptsache,  womit  Dickens  sich  wie  Shakespeare  von  z.  B.  Goethe  und 
Schiller  unterscheidet,  ist,  daB  seine  Figuren  nie  wie  ein  Buch  sprechen  durfen.  Es  ist 
wunderbar,  die  reiche  Variation  der  Mittel  zu  sehen,  durch  welche  den  beiden  Eng- 
landern  gelingt,  den  Dialog  vom  Buchartigen  zu  emanzipieren.43 

But  when  Dickens  indulged  in  propaganda  he  fell  from  this  high  stand- 
ard. After  reading  Hard  Times  Ludwig  noted : 

Nie  sprechen  die  Leute  aus  dem  Volke  ihre  eigne  Sprache  oder  denken  ihre  eignen 
Gedanken,  immer  nur  in  einer  der  Volkssprache  angenaherten  konventionellen  Weise 
die  Gedanken  des  Autors  liber  das  Volk;  und  wie  man  oft  furchten  muC,  gemachte, 
zum  Behufe,  seiner  Partei  zu  gefallen,  gemachte.  .  .  .  Man  wird  von  solcher  Rabuli- 
sterei  oft  wider  Willen  gezwungen,  stellenweise  Partei  gegen  ihn  und  das  Volk,  seine 
Klienten,  zu  nehmen.  .  .  .  Wie  tief  steht  er  in  diesem  Stiicke  unter  Shakespeare.44 

Dickens  confirmed  Ludwig's  views  that  the  hero  of  a  novel  should  be 
passive:  "Im  Romane  ist  das  Ausleben  der  Figuren  der  Zweck,  nicht  das 
Handeln,  wie  im  Drama;"  and  he  added:  "Der  Dramenheld  macht  seine 
Geschichte,  der  Romanheld  erlebt  die  seine,  ja  man  kann  sagen:  den 
Romanhelden  macht  seine  Geschichte."45  It  may  be  observed  that  the 
heroes  of  Dickens  fit  this  description  much  better  than  those  of  Ludwig. 

Early  signs  of  the  influence  of  Dickens  are  found  in  such  fragments 
as  Das  Marchen  von  dem  toten  Kinde  and  Es  hat  noch  keinen  Begriff,  but 
Ludwig's  best  known  works  of  fiction  come  chiefly  into  consideration,  his 
"Novellen"  and  his  novel.  In  his  essay,  Dickens  und  die  deutsche  Dorf- 
geschichte,  Ludwig  wrote: 

Die  Dorfgeschichte  ist  wie  ein  einzelnes  Glied  des  Dickens'schen  Romans  zu  einem 
Ganzen  geschlossen,  ein  Charakterbild  aus  jener  Menge  herausgenommen,  eine 
Stimmung  aus  jener  Mannigfaltigkeit  von  Stimmungen,  eine  Reflexion  aus  jenem 
Reichtum;  sie  ist  der  Geist  jenes  Romans  in  Form  der  Anekdote.46 

The  main  characters  of  Die  Heiterethei,  1854,  were  little  affected  by 
Dickens,  but  there  are  minor  characters  drawn  in  his  best  style:  The 
"Morzenschmiedin,"  who  is  compared  with  a  "Schwarzwalder  Uhr,"  and 
whose  movements  are  described  in  terms  of  clock  works;  the  watchmaker 
Zerrer,  who  has  learned  to  talk  from  his  clocks,  "aus  seinem  Knarren 
und  Schnarren  ist  kaum  klug  zu  werden;"  and  the  "Valtinessin"  with 
her  stereotyped  phrases  and  gestures.  In  Aus  dem  Regen  in  die  Traufe, 

43  Ibid.,  VI  159. 

44  Ibid.,  VI  71,  80. 

45  Ibid.,  VI  145.  Cf.  VI  168. 

46  Ibid.,  VI  78. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  353 

the  dependence  on  Dickens  in  theme,  conception,  and  style  is  all  too 
obvious.  Nearly  every  person  in  the  narrative  is  afflicted  with  some 
bodily  defect  or  blemish.  In  his  later  years  Ludwig  spoke  only  unwillingly 
of  this  work. 

The  serious  Zwischen  Himmel  und  Erde  is  neither  pervaded  with  the 
atmosphere  of  Dickens  nor  relieved  by  any  humorous  minor  characters, 
but  the  detailed  way  in  which  Ludwig  enters  into  the  technicalities  of 
slate  roof  repairing  and  analyzes  Nettenmair's  guilty  thoughts  remind 
one  of  the  art  of  Dickens.47 

Freytag  and  Ludwig  offer  points  of  likeness  and  contrast  in  their  rela- 
tion to  Dickens.  Both  were  interested  in  the  technique  of  Dickens,  Frey- 
tag rather  more  in  the  large  general  structure  of  the  novel,  Ludwig  in  the 
minute  but  important  details  of  psychology.  Neither  of  them  was  a  poet 
by  the  grace  of  God,  and  both  consciously  searched  in  literature  for 
models  in  respect  to  character  as  well  as  form  of  presentation.  To  Freytag 
the  merry  side  of  Dickens  appealed — "die  Lust  am  Leben,"  "die  Fulle 
des  Gemiits" — while  Ludwig  was  more  concerned  with  the  hidden  side 
of  the  human  soul. 

Another  pair  of  authors  who  offer  certain  points  of  likeness  and  con- 
trast are  Fritz  Reuter  and  Wilhelm  Raabe.  Reuter  was  dubbed  "der 
deutsche  Boz"  as  early  as  1865  and  with  much  appropriateness.  He  drew 
his  characters  from  literary  models  as  well  as  from  life,  and  since  he  was, 
like  Dickens,  a  hater  of  sham  and  hypocrisy,  an  advocate  of  the  down- 
trodden, and  a  sympathizer  with  the  poor,  and  since  in  his  nature  tender- 
ness and  rude  humor  were  blended,  he  was  especially  susceptible  to  the 
influence  of  Dickens.  When  Reuter  was  in  prison  he  read  the  works  of 
Dickens  and  learned  parts  of  them  almost  by  heart.  His  biographer, 
Warncke,  says  of  Reuter : 

Un  wo  girn  hlirten  de  Ollen  un  de  Jungen  em  tau,  wenn  hei  von  sine  lange  Festungs- 
tid  vertellte,  wenn  hei  an  de  Winterabende  'ne  richtige  Kemedi  upfuhren  ded  in  de 
ein  Stuw,  wo  von  wegen  de  Kiill  en  Vorhang  anbrocht  wir,  oder  wenn  hei  ut  de 
Englanner  Charles  Dickens  un  Walter  Scott  ehre  Bauker  vorlesen  ded.  Dat  kunn  hei 
binah  ahn  Bauk,  blot  ut'n  Kopp,  indem  dat  hei  de  Geschichten  up  de  Festung  lest 
hadd  und  so'n  behollern  Kopp  hadd,  dat  hei  sei  man  ummer  so  herseggen  kunn.48 

Critics  have  attempted  in  vain  to  identify  one  or  another  of  Reuter's 

associates  with  Brasig  in  Ut  mine  Stromtid,  despite  the  fact  that  Reuter 

himself  said  that  only  Slus'uhr,  Pomuchelskopp,  and  Moses  were  drawn 

from  life.  The  truth  is  that  Mr.  Pickwick  was  the  chief  model  for  Brasig. 

Reuter  first  conceived  of  him  about  the  time  that  he  read  The  Pickwick 

47Lohre  [1431]. 

48  Paul  Warneke,  F.  Reuter:  Woans  hei  lewt  und  schrewen  hatt2,  Stuttgart,  1900,  275. 


354      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Papers.  A  character  similar  to  Mr.  Pickwick  appeared  thereafter  from 
time  to  time  in  certain  of  his  minor  works  until  finally  in  1863  a  full- 
length  portrait  emerged,  attended  by  near  facsimiles  of  Simon  Tapper- 
tit,  Dolly  Varden,  Joe  Willet,  and  Miss  Miggs  out  of  Barnaby  Rudge.49 

As  his  career  progressed  Reuter  employed  his  local  dialect  more  and 
more  and  finally  used  it  exclusively  both  in  conversation  and  narration. 
In  the  transitional  stage  he  told  his  stories  in  high  German  and  let  his 
characters  speak  "platt."  When  Klaus  Groth  took  him  to  task  for  this 
mixed  form,  Reuter  claimed  the  sanction  of  Scott,  Dickens,  Lessing, 
Goethe,  and  Schiller.  The  reference  to  Dickens  was  particularly  appro- 
priate because  the  mixture  of  the  standard  language  with  dialect  in  The 
Pickwick  Papers  corresponds  almost  exactly  to  Reuter's  practice  in  the 
works  in  dispute. 

Both  Dickens  and  Reuter  wrote  a  single  social  tract:  Hard  Times, 
1854,  and  Kein  Hilsung,  1857.  Though  Kein  Hiisung  is  written  in  verse 
the  two  are  similar  and  there  are  parallels  of  situation  and  characters.50 
In  Woans  ick  tau  'ne  Fru  kamm,  1860,  the  leading  character  goes  to  sleep 
and  wakes  up  a  reformed  and  re-created  individual  as  in  The  Chimes  and 
A  Christmas  Carol;  otherwise  Reuter's  plots  and  situations  show  few 
reminiscences  of  Dickens,  but  Reuter  followed  Dickens  in  his  manner  of 
introducing  characters.  Both  present  a  complete  view  of  their  characters 
on  the  first  entrance,  thus  forestalling  all  further  development.  On  re- 
appearance they  can  only  repeat  themselves.  Both  authors  endow  their 
figures  with  characterizing,  often  whimsical,  names.  One  source  of  humor 
with  both  is  a  distortion  of  foreign  words  in  the  mouths  of  the  half- 
educated,  another  is  the  intrusion  of  the  author's  personality,51  but  this 
last,  of  course,  is  part  of  Dickens's  heritage  from  Sterne,  which  may  have 
descended  also  to  Reuter  through  the  romanticists. 

Wilhelm  Raabe  shares  with  Dickens  and  Reuter  a  fondness  for  the 
weak,  poor,  and  unprotected.  There  are  obvious  reminiscences  of  A 
Christmas  Carol,  Martin  Chuzzlewit,  Nicholas  Nickelby,  Oliver  Twist,  The 
Old  Curiosity  Shop,  David  Copperfield,  and  Bleak  House  in  Raabe's  work. 
Though  neither  Dickens  nor  Raabe  indulged  in  Marxian  polemics,  both 
were  aware  of  the  chasm  between  the  exploiters  and  the  exploited,  and 
both  could  picture  the  helplessness  of  the  latter  better  than  the  moral 
degeneration  of  the  former.  In  depicting  character  Dickens  is  often  sa- 
tiric, Raabe  generally  humorous.  Dickens  often  produces  caricatures, 
Raabe  is  realistic.52  There  are  other  differences  as  well.  Raabe's  main 

49  Geist  [1436]  25  f.  Cf.  Meyer  [1435]  131. 
50Geist  [1435]  33. 
61  Ibid.,  13  f.,  17,  22  f. 
52Luk;ics  [1434]  100-103. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  355 

characters  undergo  developments.  His  quaint,  quiet,  and  minor  charac- 
ters have  more  depth,  they  do  not  consist  of  a  single  mannerism,  and 
do  not  move  in  a  marionette  fashion.  Raabe  also  draws  his  character 
types  from  a  wider  range  of  life  than  Dickens.53 

When  still  a  young  boy  Raabe  learned  English  in  Magdeburg  in  order 
to  read  Pendennis  in  the  original,54  and  Thackeray  stood  presently  higher 
in  his  esteem  than  the  former  favorites,  Balzac,  Scott,  Dickens,  and  Sue. 
Pendennis,  the  most  indulgently  ironical  of  Thackeray's  novels,  remained 
Raabe's  favorite,  and  although  he  appears  at  times  to  approach  Thack- 
eray's manner,  his  greater  tolerance  is  always  evident.  Instructive  in  this 
respect  is  a  comparison  of  Thackeray's  Our  Street,  1848,  and  Raabe's  Die 
Chronik  der  Sperlingsgasse,  1857. 55  The  specific  traces  of  Pendennis  are 
most  noticeable  in  Die  Kinder  von  Finkenrode,  1857.  Here  we  find  charac- 
ters in  Raabe's  work  comparable  to  those  in  Thackeray's  and  the  general 
plan  of  the  two  works  is  similar.  On  the  whole  it  can  be  said  that  Raabe 
was  able  to  appreciate  Thackeray's  art  and  learn  from  it  without  becom- 
ing cynical  thereby.  The  continued  influence  of  Sterne's  humane  indul- 
gence served  as  a  counterbalance. 

While  Raabe  still  lived  and  wrote,  it  was  customary  to  mention  Jean 
Paul  as  his  master.  Fritz  Hartmann,  Raabe's  Eckermann,  reports  that 
Raabe  declared  he  did  not  read  Jean  Paul  until  he  had  formed  his  own 
style  and  character,  and  even  then  he  read  him  "nur,  um  das  Gerede  von 
seiner  Jeanpaulheit  selbst  einmal  auf  seine  Berechtigung  zu  prufen."56 
Raabe's  admiration  for  Sterne,  on  the  other  hand,  was  admitted  from 
first  to  last.  Sterne  and  Raabe  are  both  prone  to  vex  their  readers  and  at 
the  same  time  to  woo  them  by  long  personal  confidences.  Raabe  was  well 
read  in  English  literature  and  well  informed  in  regard  to  its  vogue  in 
Germany.  Speaking  once  of  the  influence  of  Sterne  he  is  reported  to  have 
said: 

Der  war  ungeheuer,  wie  uberhaupt  die  englischen  Schriftsteller  des  achtzehnten 
Jahrhunderts  viel  starker  auf  die  deutsche  als  auf  die  eigene  Literatur  gewirkt  haben. 
Denken  Sie  nur  an  Ossian,  der  in  England  nicht  viel  beachtet  wurde,  fur  unsere 
Sturmer  und  Dranger  aber  ein  Evangelium  war.  Und  mit  Sterne  und  Goldsmith  war 
es  nicht  anders.  Ohne  beide  ware  Goethes  Werther  nicht  geschrieben  worden.67 

Raabe  had  much  the  same  conception  of  Sterne's  "Eigenheiten"  as 
Goethe.58  In  Die  Chronik  der  Sperlingsgasse  and  Die  Kinder  von  Finken- 
rode there  are  many  "Sonderlinge."  Of  these  Hauptmann  Fasterling  is 

53  Doernenburg  und  Fehse  [1433]. 
MKruger  [1540]  66-72. 
56  Gummer  [1424]  96. 

56  F.  Hartmann,  Wilhelm  Raabe  .  .  .,  Hannover,  1910,  14  f. 

57  F.  Hartmann,  "Gesprache  mit  Raabe,"  in  Raabe-Gedenkbuch,  Berlin,  1921,  123. 

58  See  p.  205,  above. 


356      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

the  most  direct  descendant  of  Uncle  Toby.  Raabe  never  endeavors  to 
conceal  the  source  of  his  suggestions.  He  tells  the  reader  that  Kuenemund 
in  Meister  Autor,  1871,  because  of  his  misplaced  laughter  and  grimaces,  is 
a  misfit  in  society  just  as  Yorick  was  in  the  previous  century,  even  though 
Kuenemund  knew  nothing  of  Sterne.  Freiherr  Veit  von  Bielow  in  Un- 
ruhige  Gdste,  1886,  in  his  flight  from  death,  compares  himself  directly 
with  Tristram  Shandy,  and  there  are  additional  parallels,  several  of  them 
as  definitely  labeled  as  these.59 

Friedrich  Spielhagen  was  another  admirer  of  the  English  novel. 
Dickens  and  Goldsmith  were  his  first  English  favorites.  He  called 
Dickens,  Goethe,  and  Goldsmith  "die  Epiker  von  Gottes  Gnade."60  In 
his  lectures  he  often  made  comparisons  between  the  "humorous"  Dickens 
and  the  "satirical"  Thackeray.  The  novel  most  frequently  mentioned  was 
David  Copperfield,  which  confirmed  his  theory  of  the  "Ich-Roman"  or 
perhaps  even  gave  rise  to  it  :61 

Mit  David  Copperfield  habe  ich  den  besten  Ich-Roman  genannt,  den  ich  kenne; 
der  mir  als  ein  moglichst  vollkommenes  Beispiel  der  Species  bei  diesen  theoretischen 
Erorterungen  immer  vorgeschwebt  hat,  und  zu  dessen  Zustandekommen  wahrlich 
die  gunstigsten  Sterne  kulminieren  muBten.62 

When  Hammer  und  Ambos  appeared,  Julian  Schmidt  noted  the  parallel 
between  it  and  David  Copperfield,63  and  the  Hart  brothers  also  noted  it 
in  their  Kritische  Waffengdnge.6i  Georg  Hartwig's  first,  second,  and  third 
loves  correspond  in  details  of  character  and  fate  to  David  Copperfield's 
Emily,  Dora,  and  Agnes.  There  is  also  a  storm  scene  in  Hammer  und 
Ambos,6'0  but  a  storm  scene  which  forms  a  closer  parallel  to  the  one  at 
Yarmouth  is  to  be  found  in  the  twentieth  chapter  of  Noblesse  Oblige.  Mrs. 
Leo  Hunter  of  the  Pickwick  Papers  (chapter  xv)  may  well  be  the  proto- 
type of  Primula  in  Problematische  Naturen.66  Spielhagen  would  be  un- 
concerned over  these  discoveries  for  in  his  opinion  a  novelist  should  be  a 
"Finder"  as  well  as  an  "Erfinder." 

The  influence  of  Dickens  continued  to  the  end  of  the  century.  At  a 
certain  stage  of  his  development  Gustav  Frenssen  consciously  and  de- 
liberately turned  away  from  former  models  and  toward  Dickens.  In  his 

59  Doernenberg  [1533]  157-170;  Meyer  [579]  175-221. 

60  Spielhagen,  Beitrdge  zur  Theorie  und  Technik  des  Ro?nans,  Leipzig,  1883,  226; 
Finder  und  Erfinder,  1890,  I  377,  II  395. 

61  See  Gummer  [1424]  114-117. 

62  Spielhagen,  Beitrdge  .  .  .,  226  f. 

63  J.  Schmidt,  Neue  Bilder  aus  dem  geistigen  Leben  unserer  Zeit,  Leipzig,  1873,  223. 

64  Op.  cit.,  Leipzig,  1884,  54  f. 

65  Skinner  [1437]  504  f. 

66  M.  Geller,  Spielhagens  Theorie  und  Praxis  des  Romans.  Bonner  Forschungen, 
Neue  Folge  IX  (1917)  123. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  357 

diary  he  recorded  an  early  attachment  to  Storm,  Keller,  and  Raabe, 
whose  works  were  "zu  zart .  .  .  oder  .  .  .  .  zu  gelehrt  oder  zu  vornehm"  for 
the  mass  of  the  people,  and  he  wrote  of  himself: 

Dem  groBen,  einfachen  Volk  aber  wollte  ich  dienen  .  .  .  Eher  schon  hatte  mir 
Dickens  ein  brauchbarer  Wegweiser  und  Lehrer  sein  konnen;  und  ich  habe  spater 
auch  von  ihm  gelernt.  Ich  kannte  ihn  ein  wenig;  aber  ich  sah  noch  nicht,  wo  von  ihm 
ein  Weg  ...  in  deutsche  Verhaltnisse  hinuberginge67 ...  In  meinem  ersten  Buch  habe 
ich  Gartenlaubengeschichten  nachgeahmt,  danach  haben  Goethe,  Keller  und  Raabe 
EinfluB  auf  meine  Arbeiten  gehabt,  spater  Dickens.  Es  ware  vielleicht  richtiger  ge- 
wesen,  wenn  ich  von  Anfang  an  mein  Feuer  an  Dickens  entzundet  hatte,  denn  er  hat 
die  Gabe  und  den  Willen,  den  ich  auch  habe — der  die  Quintessenz  meines  ganzen 
Schriftsteller turns  ist — das  ganze  Volk  zu  einem  Stand  vereint  zu  sehen.  Ich  war  aber 
zu  lange  unklar  in  dieser  Erkenntnis;  ich  wufite  nicht,  was  es  mit  meinem  Talent  auf 
sich  hatte.68 

This  recognition  occurred  about  at  the  turn  of  the  century  and  one  of 
its  first  fruits  was  J  dm  Uhl,  1901.  A  French  critic  immediately  compared 
it  at  length  with  David  Copper  field,69  to  which  an  American  critic  com- 
pared Frenssen's  more  recent  semiautobiographical  Otto  Babendieck, 
1926. 70  In  both  instances  the  resemblance  lies  in  the  similarity  of  plan, 
a  rather  close  parallelism  of  characters,  and  a  slight  similarity  of  manner- 
isms. When  Frenssen  spoke  of  Dickens,  he  thought  first  and  last  of 
David  Copperfield.  Even  the  Pickwick  Papers  is  mentioned  but  once  in 
his  works.71 

On  the  subject  of  Thackeray,  party  lines  re-formed  in  Germany.  Julian 
Schmidt  classed  him  with  Bulwer-Lytton,  Charlotte  Bronte,  Carlyle, 
Charles  Kingsley,  and  George  Eliot,  as  the  "Young  English"  prose 
writers,  thus  parallelling  the  group  with  the  Young  Germans.  Schmidt 
justified  Bulwer-Lytton  to  a  certain  extent  as  the  worthiest  representa- 
tive of  a  misguided  age. 

Er  gibt  uns  das  Bild  einer  skeptischen  Periode,  welche  die  drei  Kulturvolker  gleich- 
zeitig  durchgemacht  haben,  einer  Periode,  die  wir  bald  uberwunden  haben  werden, 
die  sich  aber  aus  unseren  Bildungsgang  nicht  wegwischen  lafit,  und  der  daher  in  der 
Literatur  eine  Vertretung  gebuhrt.72 

Schmidt  viewed  the  appearance  of  Thackeray  on  the  scene  with  less 
resignation.  Thackeray,  he  said,  was  skeptical  of  a  clear  distinction  be- 
tween right  and  wrong.  This  skepticism  was  the  origin  of  his  mixed 

67  Frenssen,  Moven  und  Manse,  Berlin,  1928,  246. 
63  Ibid.,  33  i.;  cf.  Gummer  [1424]  125-127. 

69  De  Wysewa  [1584]. 

70  Church  [1585]. 

71  Gummer  [1424]  129. 

72  Die  Grenzboten,  1859,  I  211. 


358      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

characters.  These  he  had  in  common  with  Gutzkow  among  others,  but 
Thackeray's  characters  were  more  convincing : 

Sie  sind  nicht  bloO  Mosaikarbeiten  aus  einzelnen  Anschauungen,  sondern  sie  haben 
ein  inneres,  wirkliches  Leben,  sie  bewegen  sich  nach  ihren  eigenen  Gesetzen  .  .  .  Der 
gebildete  Leser  hat  fiir  jeden  seiner  Charaktere,  fur  jede  seiner  Situationen  den 
Schlussel  in  der  Hand.  Er  kann  .  .  .  die  Richtigkeit  der  dichterischen  Schopfung 
prlifen.73 

Of  Gutzkow's  characters,  on  the  other  hand,  Schmidt  said:  "Man  hat 
in  jedem  Augenblick  die  Empfindung,  darJ  sie  ebenso  gut  das  Gegenteil 
tun  konnten,  von  dem  was  sie  wirklich  tun  .  .  .  Sie  tragen  kein  Gesetz  der 
inneren  Notwendigkeit  in  sich."74 

Although  he  recognized  Thackeray's  masterly  technique  and  realistic 
power,  Schmidt  expressly  wished  that  Thackeray's  novels  had  never 
become  known  in  Germany,  "denn  mit  ihrer  triiben  weichmutigen,  halb- 
pessimistische,  halb-ergebenen  Stimmung  greifen  sie  der  schlimmsten 
Neigung  unserer  Zeit  unter  die  Arme."75 

For  once  Gutzkow  and  Julian  Schmidt  voted  alike  in  regard  to  an 
author,  though  to  be  sure  for  different  reasons.  Of  Thackeray  Gutzkow 
said:  'Teh  gestehe,  da!3  ich  den  Roman  Pendennis  zu  lesen  anting  und 
vor  Breite  und  Wiederholung  nicht  iiber  den  ersten  Band  hinauskommen 
konnte."76  At  another  time  Gutzkow  said:  "Ob  bei  meinen  Rittern  vom 
Geist  die  Lesegeduld  noch  Stand  halt,  hangt  von  der  Bildung  des  Lesers 
ab."77  Gutzkow  does  not  strike  the  modern  reader  as  a  competent  judge 
of  the  comparative  tediousness  of  novels.  The  curt  dismissal  of  Pendennis 
at  any  rate  seems  to  forestall  any  study  of  the  influence  of  Thackeray  on 
Gutzkow. 

Of  all  the  young  English  novelists  Charlotte  Bronte  and  George  Eliot 
found  the  highest  favor  with  Julian  Schmidt.  Of  "Currer  Bell's"  heroes 
he  said:  "Sie  gehen  nicht  in  Tapferkeit,  Liebe  und  Mondschein  auf,"  and 
of  her  heroines : 

Sie  wollen  in  der  Welt  eine  niitzliche  Stellung  ausfiillen,  wo  moglich  wollen  sie 
lieben  und  geliebt  werden,  wenn  das  ihnen  vom  Schicksale  versagt  wird,  so  springen 
sie  nicht  ins  Wasser,  gehen  nicht  ins  Kloster,  werden  nicht  verruckt,  sondern  sie 
suchen  eine  Beschaftigung,  die  ihr  Leben  wenigstens  teilweise  auszufiillen  imstande 
ist  .  .  .  In  dieser  Beziehung  stechen  Currer  Bells  Figuren  nicht  nur  von  den  jungen 
Edelleuten  unserer  Hahn,  sondern  von  den  Weltschmerzphilosophen  George  Sands 
sehr  vorteilhaft  ab. 

73  Ibid.,  1853,  I  44. 

74  Ibid.,  1861,  IV  248. 
76  Ibid.,  1854,  III  274. 

76  Gutzkow,  Gesmnmelte  Werke2,  Jena,  1872-1875,  XI  340. 

77  Gutzkow,  Ritter  vom  Geiste,  Berlin,  1878,  xv,  preface  to  the  sixth  edition. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  359 

Moreover,  he  said,  the  women  who  write  English  novels  are  still  pri- 
marily interested  in  domestic  affairs.  It  is  true  they  have  "eine  gewisse 
Tendenz  auf  Emanzipation,  aber  in  einem  andern  Sinne  als  die  sentimen- 
talen  Titaniden  von  Jean  Pauls  Seraphen  heriiber  zu  den  Faustinen  und 
Leilias."78 

Schmidt  regarded  George  Eliot's  Adam  Bede  as  one  of  the  foremost 
novels  of  its  decade  and  superior  even  to  the  recent  work  of  Dickens  and 
Thackeray  because  of  its  realistic  technique,  its  economy  of  action,  and 
its  "kunstlerischen  Idealismus,"  which  last  phrase  included  the  concep- 
tion of  "moral  ideal"  as  well.  Schmidt  compared  the  novel  with  Ludwig's 
Zwischen  Himmel  und  Erde  and  had  to  consult  the  dates  of  origin  in  order 
to  convince  himself  that  the  one  was  not  suggested  by  the  other.79  Char- 
acteristically he  preferred  Adam  Bede  to  Ludwig's  novel  because  it  was 
less  dismal  in  tone  and  therefore  a  work  of  higher  artistic  idealism. 

Gutzkow  attributed  the  success  of  George  Eliot  exclusively  to  her 
"realistische  minutiose  Auffassung  und  Schilderung  von  Menschen, 
Dingen  und  Verhaltnissen."  She  was  not  fortunate,  he  said,  in  her  choice 
of  characters.  "Es  wird  dem  Leser  .  .  .  vor  all  den  Handwerkern  .  .  . 
Pachtern,  Schulmeistern,  Landgeistlichen,  Gutsbesitzern,  Miittern, 
Basen,  zuletzt  ganz  flau  zu  Mute.  Im  Dorfe  leben  wir,  im  Dorfe  sterben 
wir,  lalSt  euch  endlich  auch  im  Dorfe  begraben."80 

Several  journals,  including  some  of  Young  German  tendencies,  were 
rather  inclined  to  agree  with  Schmidt.  Prutz's  Deutsches  Museum  and 
Kuhne's  Europa  both  contain  articles  commendatory  of  Thackeray  and 
George  Eliot.81  A  correspondent  to  the  Magazinfiir  die  Literatur  des  Aus- 
landes  concurred  in  Schmidt's  opinion  in  regard  to  Charlotte  Bronte. 82 
He  took  exception  to  the  assertion  of  a  French  critic  that  Currer  Bell  was 
the  English  George  Sand.  Thereby,  he  said,  the  critic  simply  showed  that 
the  French  have  no  appreciation  of  the  English  novel.  "In  Jane  Eyre  and 
Shirley  ist  keine  Spur  von  Georg  Sand'scher  Anfeindungen  der  Ehe  oder 
Kampfen  gegen  die  bestehenden  Formen  der  Gesellschaft."  This  article 
incidentally  emphasizes  the  popularity  of  the  English  novels  in  Germany. 
It  asserts:  "Unsere  Leihbibliotheken  enthalten  gewiG  mehr  englische  als 
deutsche  Romane."83  Comments  such  as  these  lead  one  to  suppose  that 
the  influence  of  the  English  women  novelists  may  have  been  considerable, 
and  doubtless  A.  Ludwig  is  correct  in  asserting  that  they  paved  the  way 

78  Die  Grenzboten,  1850,  II  488. 

79  Ibid.,  1860,  II  288. 

80  Unterhaltungen  am  hduslichen  Herd,  1860,  863. 

81  Deutsches  Museum,  1851,  89-104,  807-813;  Europa,  1860,  498. 

82  Loc.  tit.,  1850,  80. 

83  Ibid.,  1850,  5  ff. 


360      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

for  the  "Gartenlaube-Roman."84  An  effect  of  the  novels  on  German 
authors  of  highest  importance  has  never  been  pointed  out. 

On  the  other  hand  German  authors  have  profited  from  the  study  of 
Thackeray's  technique.  Theodor  Fontane,  for  example,  tarried  in  Eng- 
land in  1852  and  1855  at  just  the  right  time  to  see  Victorian  snobbishness 
through  Thackeray's  eyes.  In  Ein  $om?ner  in  London,  1854,  there  is  a 
suggestive  reference  to  Vanity  Fair  which  seems  to  support  this  connec- 
tion. Fontane  was  above  all  tolerant,  or  at  least  intolerant  only  of  in- 
tolerance. Thus  he  could  not  be  an  unqualified  follower  of  Thackeray. 
Fontane  gives  the  impression  of  being  a  regretful  conservative.  He  seems 
to  indicate  that  one  must  adhere  to  the  inherited  code,  even  though  one 
knows  it  has  outlived  its  value,  but  he  saw  very  clearly  through  man's 
moral  compromises  and  agreed  with  Thackeray  in  his  hatred  of  sham.  A 
comparison  of  Pendennis  with  Frau  Jenny  Treibel,  1892,  gives  a  clear 
indication  of  what  the  two  authors  have  in  common,  for  here  they  treat 
of  similar  characters  in  similar  situations.85 

84  ASNS,  CLXIV  (1933)  95. 

85  Shears  [15391. 


Chapter  XXV 

THE  AMERICAN  FRONTIER  NOVEL 

The  chief  interest  of  Germany  in  American  literature  during  the  nine- 
teenth century  was  the  American  frontier  novel.  No  important  American 
drama  existed,  and  of  the  American  poets  only  Longfellow  and  Poe  came 
to  be  well  known.  Both  were  translated  into  German  in  toto}  Elise  von 
Hohenhausen  with  her  version  of  The  Golden  Legend  was  the  first  to  do 
honor  to  Longfellow.  Freiligrath  was  her  most  distinguished  successor. 
The  popularity  of  Poe  is  readily  explicable.  Readers  fond  of  the  mys- 
terious and  macabre  could  find  it  in  him  as  well  as  in  Hoffmann.  Poe  was 
translated  and  admired  but  had  no  direct  literary  followers  in  Germany. 
In  the  anthologies  made  up  exclusively  of  American  poetry,  Whittier, 
Lowell,  Holmes,  Joaquin  Miller,  Bret  Harte,  Aldrich,  and  Stoddard,  are 
fairly  well  represented.2  Walt  Whitman,  on  the  other  hand,  did  not  come 
to  be  a  vital  force  in  German  literature  and  life  until  the  twentieth  cen- 
tury. 

The  outbreak  of  the  War  of  Independence  found  its  echo  nearly  every- 
where in  the  journals  of  the  time  and  here  and  there  in  works  of  literature. 
Many  of  the  leading  journalists  in  question  were  politically  liberal,  but 
had  too  long  been  accustomed  to  look  upon  Britain  as  the  land  of  political 
freedom  to  welcome  the  disintegration  of  its  empire.  Adhesion  to  the  one 
cause  or  the  other  was  often  determined  by  geographical  location  or  by 
social  rank.  Well-established  writers  inclined  toward  a  Tory  position,  but 
even  of  the  others  many  were  neutral.  Schlozer,  a  professor  at  the  Uni- 
versity of  Gottingen,  was  an  ardent  and  effectual  supporter  of  the  English 
cause,  but  three  Swabian  journalists,  Schubart,  Wekherlin,  and  Schiller 
were  also  enamored  of  English  institutions.3  Of  the  American  leaders  two 
only  appealed  strongly  to  the  imagination  of  the  German  men  of  letters. 
In  Dichtung  und  Wahrheit  one  reads:  "Man  wiinschte  den  Amerikanern 
alles  Gltick  und  die  Namen  Franklin  und  Washington  fingen  an  am  politi- 
schen  und  kriegerischen  Himmel  zu  glanzen  und  zu  funkeln."4  Klopstock 
was  proud  to  call  himself  a  fellow  citizen  of  Washington,5  and  Herder 
compared  Franklin  with  Socrates.6 

1  Longfellow  by  Simon,  Leipzig,  1883;  Poe  by  Etzel,  Leipzig,  1909. 

2  Cf.  Bibliography  [1160],  [1164]. 
3Walz  [208]  and  King  [209]. 

4  Goethe,  Werke,  I  (29)  68. 

5  Klopstock,  Werke,  Leipzig,  1856,  X  341.  Cf.  the  odes  "Sie  und  nicht  wir  "  1790, 
and  "Zwei  Nordamerikaner,"  1795.  Klopstock,  Oden,  ed.  Muncker  and  Pawel,  Stutt- 
gart, 1889,  II  72,  106. 

6  Herder,  Werke,  XVII  295. 

[361] 


362      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

The  traffic  in  German  mercenaries  stirred  the  passions  of  the  German 
citizens  most  deeply.  Herder  wrote  of  these  victims : 

Und  doch  sind  sie  in  ihrer  Herren  Dienst 

So  htindisch-treu !  Sie  lassen  willig  sich 

Zum  Mississippi  und  Ohio-Strom 

Nach  Candia  und  nach  dem  Mohrenfels 

Verkaufen.  Stirbt  der  Sklave,  streicht  der  Herr 

Den  Sold  indefi  und  seine  Witwe  darbt; 

Die  Waisen  ziehen  den  Pflug  und  hungern.  Doch 

Das  schadet  nichts;  der  Herr  braucht  eine  Schatz.7 

Hermes  made  unfavorable  mention  of  the  sale  of  mercenaries  in  his  novel 
Sophiens  Reise,  1769-1773.  In  his  journal  of  the  time  Schiller  refers  with 
perhaps  a  touch  of  irony,  to  the  mercenaries,  on  their  way  to  America, 
halting  a  moment  to  salute  "ihren  angebeteten  Landesvater  und  Regen- 
ten,"8  and  in  Kabale  und  Liebe,  II,  3,  he  harks  back  to  the  same  theme. 
As  late  as  1787  Schubart  voiced  opposition  to  the  practice  in  his  "Kap- 
lied,"  which,  according  to  Mathisson,  was  sung  from  the  Limmat  in 
Switzerland  to  the  Baltic  sea,  from  Moldau  in  Bohemia  to  the  banks  of 
the  Rhine.9 

Meanwhile  America  was  used  as  a  stage  setting  by  Klinger  in  his 
Sturm  und  Drang,  1776,  and  Franklin  plays  an  important  part  in  his 
novel  Geschichte  eines  Deutschen  der  neuesten  Zeit,  1778.  One  of  the  most 
widely  read  works  at  the  time  was  Crevecoeur's  Letters  from  an  American 
Farmer,  1782.  A  French,  a  Dutch,  and  a  German  translation  came  out  in 
1784.  A  second  volume  by  Crevecoeur  appeared  in  Germany  in  1788 
under  the  title  Reise  in  Ober-Pennsylvanien  und  im  Staate  New  York  von 
einem  adoptierten  Mitgliede  der  Oneide  Nation.  Quite  possibly  Sophie  La 
Roche  did  not  read  these  works  but  her  errant  son  was  in  America  and 
tarried  for  a  time  on  the  shores  of  Lake  Oneida  in  1794.  His  wife  Elzy 
wrote  interesting  letters  concerning  a  French  refugee  family  which  lived 
on  an  island  in  the  lake.  This  formed  the  background  and  provided  the 
characters  for  one  of  the  last  of  Sophie  La  Roche's  novels,  Erscheinungen 
am  See  Oneida,  1798.  The  author  had  at  last  seen  the  error  of  too  close 
an  attachment  to  the  manner  of  Richardson.  The  mood  of  this  novel  was 
rather  that  of  Bernardin  de  Saint-Pierre.10 

Any  account  of  the  American  novel  abroad  naturally  begins  with 
Cooper,  who  attained  popularity  quickly  and  held  it  long.  Cooper  did 
not  invent  his  formula  but  wrote  under  the  spell  of  Chateaubriand's 
Atala  and  Rene  and  its  school,  with  its  romantic  conception  of  the  un- 

7  Ibid.,  XVIII  211. 

8  Cf.  Goebel  [22]  and  Walz  [208]. 

9  Mattison,  Erinnerungen,  Wien,  1794,  I  181. 
10Lange  [1198]. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  363 

spoiled  savage  and  the  beauty  of  life  close  to  nature's  heart,  but  it  re- 
mained for  Cooper  to  bring  the  new  type  of  literature  into  general  vogue 
in  Germany.  His  novels  began  to  appear  in  the  1820's.  The  Pioneer,  The 
Spy,  and  The  Pilot  were  translated  in  1824  and  the  others  shortly  after- 
wards. Though  Cooper's  conception  of  the  American  Indian  was  not  new, 
he  was  able  to  supply  detail  that  was  regarded  as  realistic;  thus  he  was 
able  to  draw  the  full  value  from  the  conflict  of  types,  which  was  to  be- 
come the  chief  stock  in  trade  of  the  pioneer  novel.  Not  only  did  Cooper's 
German  successors,  Gerstacker,  Mollhausen,  Strubberg,  Sealsfield  and 
others,  follow  him  in  his  characteristic  confrontation  of  red  man  with 
white  man,  but  they  sometimes  copied  their  pictures  directly  from  him 
even  when  they  had  the  opportunity  to  draw  from  life. 

In  1848  a  journalist  in  Berlin,  Otto  Ruppius  by  name,  was  condemned 
to  imprisonment  on  account  of  an  article  published  in  his  paper.  He  fled 
to  America,  gained  a  small  fortune  as  a  musician,  lost  it  in  a  fire  in  1853, 
and  then  began  a  successful  literary  career,  the  best-known  products  of 
which  are  Der  Pedlar,  1857,  and  Das  Vermdchtnis  des  Pedlars,  1859. 
When  an  amnesty  was  declared  in  Prussia,  he  returned  in  1861  to  his 
fatherland.  From  this  time  on  until  his  death  in  1864  he  produced  novels 
of  American  life  in  rapid  succession.  He  professed  little  knowledge  of  the 
Indian  or  of  frontier  life,  but  he  had  studied  well  and  almost  too  sympa- 
thetically the  German  settler,  who  invariably  appears  as  a  paragon  of 
virtue  and  industry  and  stands  in  marked  contrast  to  the  dishonest 
Yankee,  who  always  takes  advantage  of  him.  His  works  did  much  to 
perpetuate  the  pattern  for  German  novels  about  America. 

Despite  their  phenomenal  productivity  (Strubberg  published  over  50 
volumes,  Gerstacker  and  Mollhausen  each  over  150)  all  three  were  pri- 
marily men  of  affairs.  Gerstacker  was  a  jack  of  many  trades,  Strubberg 
a  frontiersman  and  colonizing  agent,  and  Mollhausen  a  scientist,11  and 
fiction  writing  was  an  occupation  of  their  few  idle  years.  Gerstacker  had 
the  least  contact  with  frontier  life.  Strubberg's  theme  was  the  life  of 
colonists,  especially  German  colonists  in  the  territory  of  Texas.  The  tales 
of  Mollhausen,  the  explorer,  cover  a  wider  field. 

Karl  Postl  [Charles  Sealsfield]  was  an  Austrian  monk,  who,  tiring  of 
his  monastic  bonds,  fled  to  Switzerland,  wrote  there  a  book  exposing 
Metternich,  and  was  compelled  to  flee,  1822.  The  next  eight  years  he 
spent  in  America,  and  revisited  it  in  1837,  1850,  and  1853-1858.  As  early 
as  1837  Sealsfield  was  extolling  American  institutions  and  as  late  as  1862, 
after  long  residence  in  Germany,  he  was  referring  to  America  as  his 

"Barba  [1114]  and  [1117];  Prahl  [1183]. 


364      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

country,  and  he  prescribed  to  be  written  on  his  tombstone  "Charles 
Sealsfield,  Burger  von  Nordamerika." 

Sealsfield  claimed  to  be  as  realistic  as  the  recently  invented  photog- 
raphy. He  asserted  that  he  had  visited  Louisiana  three  times  and  Mexico 
once.  His  first-hand  knowledge  of  America  has  often  been  doubted  for 
his  Negroes  are  caricatures,  his  Indians  idealizations,  and  his  pictures  of 
American  life  and  character  too  roseate  to  be  plausible.  But  despite 
recent  challenges,  it  would  appear  that  his  observations  in  Louisiana 
were  often  accurate.12  For  his  plots,  and  quite  particularly  for  his  local 
color,  he  drew  upon  Cooper,  Irving,  and  certain  less-known  Americans 
of  the  time  who  have  only  been  partially  identified.13 

A  particular  interest  attaches  to  Sealsfield's  language.  Not  only  in 
reporting  conversation  but  in  narrative  and  description  his  sentences  are 
full  of  American  words  and  American  constructions.  Sealsfield  adopted 
his  style  deliberately.  He  maintained  that  primitive  German  had  allowed 
itself  to  be  corrupted  first  with  Latin,  then  with  French  forms,  while 
English,  however  much  infused  with  words  of  French  origin,  remained 
fundamentally  Anglo-Saxon-Danish-Germanic.  His  own  German,  he 
said,  was  more  Germanic  than  "latinisiertes  gelehrtes  deutsch."14  Seals- 
field's  language  reform  has  frequently  been  examined  and  with  varying 
severity  condemned15  but  need  not  concern  us  here,  since  no  later  German 
novelist  has  adopted  his  manner. 

Early  in  the  century  the  waves  of  emigration  to  America  set  in.  Hunger 
drove  20,000  hither  as  early  as  1817.  Between  1820  and  1830  15,000  fol- 
lowed. Ten  years  later  the  number  of  refugees  had  reached  150,000, 
chiefly  as  a  result  of  the  unsuccessful  revolution  of  1832.  To  mention  all 
conspicuous  novels  which  made  use  of  an  American  background  never 
seen  by  their  authors  would  carry  us  too  far.  It  would  involve  such 
names  as  Zschokke,  Alexis,  Immermann,  Spindler,  Otto  Ludwig,  Gutz- 
kow,  Spielhagen,  Auerbach,  Freytag,  and  Stifter.  Hopeful  works  such 
as  Goethe  suggested  were  by  no  means  in  the  majority.  German  novels 
about  America  had  their  origins  in  two  opposing  camps,  and  fall  into 
four  groups.  In  the  one  camp  were  the  political  idealists  who  saw  in  the 
American  constitution  a  ready-made  political  Utopia  and  either  found 
or  did  not  find  the  Utopia  realized,  but  chiefly  did  not.  Then  there  were 
the  romanticists,  who  hoped  to  find  in  America  an  untouched  Rousseau- 
istic  paradise  and  either  found  it  there  or  failed,  but  chiefly  failed.16 

The  Young  Germans,  for  the  most  part,  belonged  to  the  group  of  dis- 

12  See  Willey,  Arndt,  and  Krumpelmann  in  Bibliography  [1219]- [1225]. 

13  See  Bibliography  [1213]-[1225]. 

14  K.  M.  Kertbeny,  Erinnerungen  an  Charles  Sealsfield,  Brussels  and  Leipzig,  1864, 
77  f. 

16  See  Bibliography  [1226]- [1230].  16  Meyer  [1197]. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  365 

illusioned,  often  satirical  romanticists.  In  Fanny  Lewald's  Diogena,  1847, 
the  author  lets  her  romantic  and  supercultivated  rival,  the  Grafin  Hahn- 
Hahn  wax  enthusiastic  about  the  noble  Indian,  lets  her  read  about  him 
in  novels,  study  his  language,  journey  to  his  haunts,  and  throw  herself 
at  the  feet  of  a  noble  red  man,  only  to  experience  a  rebuff  and  a  change 
of  heart.17 

The  classic  example  of  disillusionment  is  Nikolaus  Lenau,  who  came  to 
America  in  1832  to  see  a  primitive  civilization  and  to  refresh  his  poetic 
spirit.  "Ich  will  meine  Phantasie  in  die  Schule,  in  die  nordamerikanischen 
Urwalder  schicken,  den  Niagara  will  ich  rauschen  horen  und  Niagara- 
lieder  singen."18  After  a  few  short  months  he  found  himself  disappointed 
in  everything.  The  nightingale  that  failed  to  sing  in  October  in  Baltimore 
was  a  symbol  to  him  of  the  dreariness  of  American  life.  The  Americans 
were  "himmelanstinkende  Kramerseelen,"  and  there  was  no  poetry  in 
them. 

In  the  years  1848-1855  Ferdinand  Kurnberger,  a  fugitive  Viennese 
republican,  wrote  a  novel  called  Der  Amerikamude.  Its  title  would  seem 
to  indicate  that  it  was  a  reply  to  Ernst  Willkomm's  novel  of  1838,  Die 
Europamiiden,19  but  more  than  that  it  was  an  epitome,  as  far  as  a  single 
novel  could  be,  of  the  German  literature  on  America  of  the  preceding 
fifty  years.  Kurnberger's  picture  of  America  and  the  Americans  was 
somber.  It  was  long  supposed  that  the  experiences  of  Lenau  formed  the 
basis  of  the  account,  but  it  is  now  clear  that,  though  the  author  started 
with  this  idea,  he  abandoned  it  on  finding  that  the  biographical  facts  did 
not  suit  his  purpose.  In  order  to  be  "topical,"  however,  he  did  make  use 
of  Lenau's  character  and  views.20  Kurnberger  himself,  like  many  another 
German  authority  of  his  time  and  since,  never  visited  America.  In  his 
novel  the  idealism  of  the  German  is  constantly  contrasted  with  the  ruth- 
lessness  and  hypocrisy  of  the  American  settler,  and  this  method  became 
the  favored  routine  in  the  later  German  transatlantic  novels. 

Goethe  belonged  to  neither  of  these  pessimistic  groups.  In  his  earlier 
days  his  connections  with  America  were  remote.  After  relating  the  pain- 
ful story  of  his  broken  relations  with  Lili  Schoenemann  he  reported : 

Wohlwollende  haben  mir  vertraut,  Lili  habe  geauitert,  indem  alle  Hindernisse 
unserer  Verbindung  ihr  vorgetragen  worden:  sie  unternehme  wohl,  aus  Neigung  zu 
mir,  alle  dermaligen  Zustande  und  Verhaltnisse  aufzugeben  und  mit  nach  Amerika 
zu  gehen. 

Goethe  added:  "Amerika  war  damals  vielleicht  noch  mehr  als  jetzt  das 

17Barba  [1408]. 

18  Schurz,  Lenaus  Leben,  Stuttgart,  1855,  I  158;  cf.  Bibliography  [1191]-[1204]. 

19  See  p.  367,  below. 

20  Meyer  [1197]. 


366      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Eldorado  derjenigen,  die  in  ihrer  augenblicklichen  Lage  sich  bedrangt 
fanden."21 

There  may  have  been  times  in  later  life  when  Goethe  regretted  his 
hesitation.  To  Sulpiz  Boiseree  he  once  said:  "Was  mochte  daraus  ge- 
worden  sein,  wenn  ich  mit  wenigen  Freunden  vor  dreiJBig  Jahren  nach 
America  gegangen  ware."22  To  Kanzler  von  Mliller  he  said  in  1819: 
"Waren  wir  zwanzig  Jahre  j  linger,  so  segelten  wir  noch  nach  Amerika,"23 
and  to  Eckermann,  1824 :  "Ich  danke  dem  Himmel,  daB  ich  jetzt,  in  dieser 
durchaus  gemachten  Zeit,  nicht  jung  bin.  Ich  wurde  nicht  zu  bleiben 
wissen.  Ja  selbst  wenn  ich  nach  America  fmchten  wollte,  ich  kame  zu 
spat."24 

In  Wilhelm  Meisters  Lehr jahre  Lothario  returns  from  America  im- 
poverished and  resolved  to  set  his  estate  in  order  declaring:  "Hier  oder 
nirgends  ist  Amerika,"  but  again  toward  the  close  of  the  Wander  jahre 
Lothario  joins  a  group  of  emigrants  who  seek  their  fortune  in  America. 

It  cannot  be  said  that  Goethe  showed  any  especial  interest  in  the 
American  continent  before  1805  when  he  began  to  read  the  works  of 
Alexander  von  Humboldt,  and  even  then  his  interest  was  chiefly  in  the 
physical  and  natural  characteristics  of  the  North  and  South  American 
continent.  When  Aaron  Burr  came  to  Weimar  apparently  to  further 
some  plan  for  the  exploitation  of  Mexican  resources,  Goethe  was  well 
enough  informed  to  show  a  certain  lack  of  interest.  From  1810  to  1815 
Goethe  drew  from  the  Weimar  library  a  large  number  of  books  relating 
to  the  western  hemisphere.  The  autobiography  of  Benjamin  Franklin 
interested  him  especially. 

Shortly  after  this  time  Americans  began  to  visit  Goethe.  The  first  of 
these  were  from  New  England:  In  1816  Everett  and  Ticknor,  in  1817 
Lyman  and  Cogswell,  in  1819  Bancroft  and  again  Cogswell,  in  1824 
William  Emerson,  the  brother  of  Ralph  Waldo,  in  1826  Dwight  of  Yale 
University.  Maryland  was  scantily  but  well  represented  by  Calvert. 
Goethe's  conversations  and  his  later  correspondence  with  these  men  have 
been  rather  fully  recorded.25  Cogswell  reported  that  Goethe  showed  him- 
self fully  informed  in  regard  to  conditions  of  life  in  America.  In  1825 
Prinz  Bernhard,  the  son  of  Karl  August,  made  an  extensive  trip  to 
America  and  wrote  a  600-page  record  of  his  experiences  and  impressions. 
This  was  the  fullest  account  of  America  which  Goethe  had  yet  seen. 
Further  sources  of  information  for  Goethe  were  a  series  of  reports  which 
Hiittner  made  to  Karl  August  and  the  French  journal  Le  Globe.  At  just 
about  the  same  time,  1826,  both  these  sources  called  attention  to  the 

21  Goethe,  Werke,  I  (29)  156. 

22  Goethes  Gesprache,2  ed.  Biedermann,  Leipzig,  1911,  II  389. 

23  Ibid.,  II  377. 

24  Eckermann,  Gesprache,  95.  25  See  Bibliography  [  1 186  ]  -  [  1 1 93  ] . 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  367 

novels  of  Cooper,  commending  them  as  accurate  pictures  of  American 
frontier  life  and  American  Indians.  The  Globe26  commended  Cooper  as 
one  who  drew  from  the  American  picture,  in  contrast  to  Washington 
Irving,  who  wrote  as  an  Englishman  might  write.  With  this  view  Goethe 
came  to  agree. 

From  this  time  on  Goethe  read  and  studied  Cooper's  novels.  By  the 
end  of  the  year  he  had  read  all  the  novels  that  Cooper  had  yet  written, 
The  Pioneers,  The  Last  of  the  Mohicans,  The  Spy,  and  The  Pilot."7  When 
The  Prairie  appeared  the  next  year,  he  read  it  promptly  and  similarly 
The  Red  Rover  in  1828.-8  It  has  been  suggested  that  The  Pioneers  in  par- 
ticular affected  the  grouping  of  characters,  the  landscape  painting,  and 
the  language  of  some  of  the  persons  in  the  Novelle  which  he  wrote  almost 
immediately  after  reading  Cooper's  novel.29  Goethe  also  proposed  to 
young  novelists  a  plan  for  an  American  novel : 

Die  Hauptfigur,  der  protestantische  Geistliche,  der,  selbst  auswanderungslustig, 
die  Auswandernden  ans  Meer  und  dann  hinuberfuhrt  und  oft  an  Moses  in  den  Wusten 
erinnern  wurde,  mufite  eine  Art  von  Dr.  Primrose  sein,  der  mit  so  viel  Verstand  als 
gutem  Willen,  mit  so  viel  Bildung  als  Thatigkeit  bei  allem,  was  er  unternimmt  und 
fordert,  doch  immer  nicht  weifi,  was  er  thut,  von  seiner  "ruling  passion"  fortgetrieben, 
dasjenige,  was  er  sich  vorsetzte,  durchzufuhren  genotigt  wird  und  erst  am  Ende  zu 
Atem  kommt,  wenn  zum  granzenlosen  Unverstand  und  unubersehbarem  Unheil  sich 
zuletzt  noch  ein  ganz  leidliches  Dasein  hervorthut.30 

Ernst  Willkomm's  Die  Europamiiden,  1838,  is  a  work  which  follows 
closely  this  formula. 

Goethe  conceived  America  to  be  a  calm  and  peaceful  land,  undisturbed 
by  social  or  volcanic  turbulence  and  was  moved  to  write  in  1827 : 

Amerika,  du  hast  es  besser 
Als  unser  Continent,  das  alte, 
Hast  keine  verfallene  Schlosser 
Und  keine  Basalte. 
Dich  stort  nicht  im  Innern 
Zu  lebendiger  Zeit 
Unniitzes  Erinnern 
Und  vergeblicher  Streit. 

Benutzt  die  Gegenwart  mit  Gliick! 

Und  wenn  nun  eure  Kinder  dichten, 

Bewahre  sie  ein  gut  Geschick 

Vor  Bitter-  Rauber-  und  Gespenstergeschichten.31 


26  March  12  and  15,  1825;  May  15  and  25,  1826;  March  3,  1827. 

27  Goethe,  Werke,  III  (10)  251  f. 

28  Ibid.,  Ill  (11)  168-172.  30  Goethe,  Werke,  I  (41:2)  296  f. 

29  Wukadinovig  [1411].  31  Ibid.,  I  (5:1)  137. 


368      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Goethe  also  had  a  clear  vision  of  the  future  development  of  the  Ameri- 
can state.  He  foresaw,  1827,  the  crossing  of  the  continent,  the  establish- 
ment of  cities  on  the  Pacific  coast,  and  the  future  decision  to  cut  a  canal 
at  Panama.32 

For  the  greater  part  of  the  century  Germans  continued  to  derive  their 
picture  of  American  life  chiefly  from  the  novels  of  Cooper  and  the  Ger- 
man wanderers,  but,  in  1873,  Grunow  in  Leipzig  published  a  translation 
of  Bret  Harte's  Tales  of  the  Argonauts  (Die  Argonauten-Geschichten) .  In 
1874  a  collection  of  sketches  by  Mark  Twain  appeared  under  the  title 
Jim  Smileys  beruhmter  Sprungfrosch  und  dergleichen  wunderliche  Kauze 
mehr;  Im  Silberlande  Nevada.  In  1875  was  published  a  translation  of  the 
two  volumes  of  The  Innocents  Abroad,  in  1876  of  The  Gilded  Age  and  The 
Adventures  of  Tom  Sawyer,  and,  in  1877,  of  Sketches  New  and  Old.  Mean- 
while The  Adventures  of  Tom  Sawyer  had  been  reprinted,  1876,  in  the  well- 
known  Tauchnitz  series. 

The  early  translations  were  by  the  competent  Moritz  Busch,  who  had 
previously  prepared  German  versions  of  works  of  Dickens  and  Thackeray 
and  who  had  visited  America  in  1851.  Soon  after  this,  further  translations 
appeared  by  Udo  Brachvogel,  Margaret  Jacobi,  Henny  Koch,  and  others, 
and  within  ten  years  the  chief  earlier  works  of  Mark  Twain  were  almost 
all  accessible  to  the  German  public  in  the  original  form  or  in  translation. 

Statistics  of  publication,  republication,  and  sale  testify  to  his  imme- 
diate popularity.  The  critics  were  of  various  opinions.  A.  E.  Schonbach 
placed  Bret  Harte  in  a  higher  category  than  Mark  Twain.  The  latter  was 
an  admirable  journalist  but  Bret  Harte's  work  was  poetic.33  In  general, 
The  Innocents  Abroad  was  less  favorably  received  than  the  other  works. 
Mark  Twain's  persiflage  of  the  monuments  of  German  culture  was  often 
taken  amiss,  and  only  the  minority  of  the  critics  sensed  the  fact  that  the 
author  was  bantering  American  provincialism  at  the  same  time.  The 
Adventures  of  Tom  Sawyer  was  regarded  as  fiction  for  boys  and  compared 
with  Arnold's  Tom  Brown's  Schooldays  and  Thomas  Aldrich's  Story  of  a 
Bad  Boy,  sometimes  to  its  disadvantage.  The  Adventures  of  Huckleberry 
Finn  was  less  readily  appreciated  than  its  companion  piece.  It  will  readily 
be  seen  that  it  is  impossible  to  render  Mark  Twain's  stories  completely  in 
a  foreign  tongue.  Much  of  the  humor  depends  on  dialect  and  local  customs 
and  conditions,  unfamiliar  to  German  readers,  and  untranslatable  word 
plays  occur  from  time  to  time.  Moreover  even  the  type  of  humor  was 
almost  foreign  to  the  Germans.  The  prevailing  humor  of  Germany  was 
of  the  Sterne-Jean  Paul-Dickens  type,   which  mingled  sympathetic 

32  Eckermann,  Gesprache,  28. 

33  Hemminghaus  [1404]  15  f. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  369 

smiles  and  sentimental  tears.  Mark  Twain's  humor  was  at  once  more 
boisterous  and  more  reticent.  He  was  ashamed  of  all  sentimentality  and 
even  treated  his  own  misfortunes  as  a  huge  joke.  This  was  not  regarded 
as  in  the  best  of  form,  and,  much  as  in  America,  Mark  Twain  was  not 
thought  to  be  a  man  of  letters  of  the  highest  class,  but  The  Prince  and  the 
Pauper,  for  example,  gave  more  offense  in  Europe  than  here,  and  Richard 
Wulker,  for  one,  wished  that  Mark  Twain  had  curbed  his  tendency 
toward  the  burlesque  in  A  Connecticut  Yankee  in  King  Arthur's  Court.34, 
The  publication  of  Life  on  the  Mississippi  led  the  critics  to  regard  the 
author  as  a  serious  portrayer  of  American  life. 

Mark  Twain  visited  the  Continent  three  times,  in  1878,  1891,  and 
1898.  During  the  latter  two  visits  he  was  much  feted  and,  as  everywhere, 
became  personally  popular.  His  seventieth  birthday  in  1905  was  the 
occasion  of  many  appreciative  comments  in  the  journals.  His  death  in 
1910  was  widely  mourned. 

In  the  course  of  time  the  stories  of  Mark  Twain  began  to  be  introduced 
into  the  schools.  An  abridged  textbook  edition  of  The  Prince  and  the 
Pauper  was  first  in  the  field  in  1895,  followed  by  one  of  The  Adventures 
of  Tom  Sawyer  in  1890  and  of  A  Tramp  Abroad  in  1903.  Tom  Sawyer  and 
Huckleberry  Finn  long  remained  schoolboy  heroes. 

In  the  most  general  way  we  may  say  that  four  conceptions  of  America 
have  prevailed  in  Germany,  based  in  succession  on  the  novels  of  Cooper, 
then  on  the  novels  of  Ruppius  and  his  group,  next  on  the  novels  of  Mark 
Twain,  and  finally  on  Hollywood  films,  but  Mark  Twain's  popularity 
was  not  confined  to  the  juvenile  public.  During  the  period  1871-1917 
there  were  at  least  130  translations  or  reprints  of  his  works  in  Germany. 
Bret  Harte  of  all  American  novelists  seemed  second  in  popularity  with 
107  translations  and  reprints.35 

Chiefly  owing  to  Mark  Twain  the  existence  of  an  American  literature 
came  to  be  recognized  in  Germany,  and  to  the  serious  pursuit  of  the  sub- 
ject of  "Amerikakunde"  a  thorough  knowledge  of  Mark  Twain's  works 
is  deemed  essential.  American  critics  have  done  their  share  to  make  him 
better  understood.  Archibald  Henderson  contributed  two  discussions  to 
the  Deutsche  Revue  in  1909  and  1911,  and  Charles  Alphonso  Smith  de- 
voted much  attention  to  him  in  his  lectures  as  Roosevelt  Professor  at  the 
University  of  Berlin  1910-191 1.36  Henderson  laid  stress  on  the  more 
serious  work  of  Mark  Twain's  recent  years,  The  Man  That  Corrupted 
Hadleyburg,  Joan  of  Arc,  In  Defense  of  Harriet  Shelley,  and  Was  it 
Heaven  or  Hell.  On  the  basis  of  these  works  he  attributed  to  Mark  Twain 

34  AB,  II  (1891)  11. 

35  Vollmer  [1164]. 

36  Smith  [1160]. 


370      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

a  "Weltanschauung"  without  which  in  Germany  no  author  is  taken 
seriously.  The  lectures  of  Smith  served  a  similar  purpose.  The  appear- 
ance of  Mark  Twain's  Letters  in  1917  and  of  his  Autobiography  in  1925 
stimulated  German  interest  in  his  personality.  The  frustration  theory  of 
Van  Wyck  Brooks  in  The  Ordeal  of  Mark  Twain,  1920,  was  seriously  dis- 
cussed and  rejected  in  the  leading  German  monograph  on  the  subject, 
Mark  Twain  als  literarische  Personlichkeit,  1925,  by  F.  Schoenemann. 

All  this  we  may  say  in  regard  to  the  translations  of  the  works  of  Mark 
Twain  and  their  reception  at  the  hands  of  the  public,  young  and  old, 
uncritical  and  critical,  but  of  literary  influence  nothing  can  be  said. 
There  can  also  be  no  second  Mark  Twain  in  America. 


Chapter  XXVI 
NEW  CONCEPTS  OF  DEMOCRACY 

Hazardous  as  it  is  to  attempt  to  write  the  history  of  one's  own  time, 
and  to  look  back  with  proper  perspective  upon  a  half  century  during 
which  cultural  interchange  was  hampered  by  a  fog  of  political  hostilities, 
still  some  discussion  of  that  period  seems  called  for  here.  It  may  at  least 
be  safe  to  inquire  what  American  and  English  poets,  dramatists,  and 
novelists,  and  for  what  reasons,  have  found  favor  or  disfavor  with  the 
German  men  of  letters  and  the  German  public. 

The  opening  of  the  twentieth  century  found  Germany  but  mildly  inter- 
ested in  contemporary  English  literature  but  obsessed  with  the  problem 
of  England's  world  power.  Germans  also  discussed  with  interest  the 
racial  theories  of  Gobineau  and  of  the  English-born  Houston  Stewart 
Chamberlain.  A  work  by  Paul  Rohrbach,  Der  deutsche  Gedanke  in  der 
Welt,  1912,  had  a  sale  of  192,000  copies  by  1920.  This  essay  inquired  why 
Germany  had  never  attained  the  world  power  acquired  by  England,  and 
the  answer  was  that  the  German  will  had  never  been  consecrated  suffi- 
ciently to  that  end.  A  deeper  impression  on  the  world  at  large  was  made 
by  Spengler's  Untergang  des  Abendlandes,  1918-1922,  the  central  thought 
of  which  might  be  summed  up  by  the  words:  "Weltmacht  oder  Unter- 
gang." One  of  the  most  widely  read  novels  of  the  period  was  Hans 
Grimm's  Volk  ohne  Raum,  1926.  It  pictured  Germany  as  so  overpopulated 
as  to  leave  its  youth  no  room  for  advancement,  while  in  the  colonial 
world  England  had  everywhere  gained  a  foothold  before  it,  denying  it  all 
entry. 

During  these  years  a  British  philosopher  came  into  renewed  honor — 
the  Scotsman  Thomas  Carlyle  with  his  idea  of  natural  kingship  and  his 
thoughts  on  heroes  and  hero  worship.  Of  English  authors  only  Shake- 
speare, Dickens,  Marryat,  Scott,  Defoe,  Swift,  and  Bulwer-Lytton  ex- 
ceeded him  in  popularity.1  No  stylistic  influence  of  Thomas  Carlyle  in 
Germany  could  be  discernible  since  his  cumbrous  paragraphs  are  them- 
selves Germanic.  Early  in  the  twentieth  century  Carlyle's  popularity  in 
Germany  began  to  overtake  Byron's. 

Renditions  of  Byron's  works  and  new  translations  had  been  numerous 
during  the  first  decade  of  the  century  and  at  least  three  important  Byron 
biographies  had  appeared  in  Germany2  and  this  was  precisely  the  time 
when  naturalism  was  coming  into  prominence.  Gerhart  Hauptmann  re- 
covered from  his  Byronic  fever  at  the  outset  of  his  career,  and  withdrew 

1  Schlosser  [15581. 

2Brandes,  1900;  Ackermann,  1901.  Cf.  [1348];  Koeppel,  1903. 

[371] 


372      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

his  Promethidenlos,  1885,  so  soon  from  circulation  that  only  the  inner 
circle  of  his  acquaintances  had  seen  it,  but  Schlenther  reported:  "Der 
Einflufj  des  Childe  Harold  von  Byron  ist  nicht  nur  in  den  Versmafien  son- 
dern  auch  in  dem  ganzen  Stil,  in  Stimmung  und  Inhalt  fuhlbar."3  No 
later  works  of  Hauptmann  can  properly  be  termed  Byronic. 

One  late  echo  of  Byronic  declamation,  at  least,  has  been  heard  in  con- 
temporary German  drama.  A  passage  in  Toller's  Maschinenstiirmer  is  a 
dramatic  paraphrase  of  Byron's  maiden  speech  in  the  House  of  Lords.4 
It  cannot  well  be  said,  however,  that  there  is  any  Byronic  school  of 
poetry  in  Germany  today.  Few  poets  or  prophets  have  arisen  to  tear  the 
mask  of  hypocrisy  from  the  ruling  class,  or  to  speak  for  the  oppressed 
among  their  own  people,  or  like  Albert  Schweitzer  to  consecrate  their 
lives  to  the  betterment  of  a  foreign  race. 

In  the  early  1930's  three  important  biographies  of  Byron  appeared  in 
three  countries,  written  by  Andre  Maurois,  Ethel  Colburn  Mayne,  and 
Helene  Richter.  This  led  a  German  critic  to  inquire:  "Was  ist  uns  heute 
Lord  Byron?"  The  critic  recalled  the  esteem  in  which  Byron  was  held 
by  Goethe,  Bismarck,  and  Treitschke,  and  also  by  Arndt  who  had  ad- 
mired the  closing  visions  of  Lara  and  had  asserted  "dal5  sie  dem  Geiste 
der  Edda  entstammten,"  and  who  had  called  Byron  "einen  in  die  mo- 
derne  Welt  verpflanzten  Skalden."  The  critic  referred  to  Houston 
Stewart  Chamberlain,  who  admired  Byron  for  lifting  the  hypocritical 
mask  from  British  liberalism,  and  also  to  the  Frenchman  Gobineau  who 
found  Byron's  bold  assertion  of  his  own  individuality  typically  Germanic. 

Coming  then  to  the  question  of  Byron's  importance  to  Germany  at 
the  time  of  writing,  he  referred  to  Byron's  political  and  social  views. 
Byron,  he  said,  hated  demagogy  more  than  royal  absolutism,  saying, 
"und  wenn  wir  denn  einen  Tyrannen  haben  miissen,  so  lafit  ihn  wenig- 
stens  einen  Gentleman  sein."  Byron  was  one  of  the  first  in  England  to 
call  attention  to  the  "Allmacht  der  Juden,"  against  which  even  the  pope 
was  powerless;  and  Byron  was  always  the  defender  of  the  oppressed 
peoples,  a  stand  which  should  be  appreciated  in  Germany,  "da  wir  selbst 
in  erster  Linie  zu  den  Geknechteten  gehoren."5 

To  those  who  admired  Byron  for  such  reasons  the  name  of  Walt  Whit- 
man was  anathema,  but  Whitman  meanwhile  had  found  zealous  ad- 
mirers in  a  far  different  group.  Before  1919  the  account  of  Whitman  in 
Germany  was  chiefly  a  history  of  nonunderstandings  and  misunderstand- 
ings. The  earliest  attempt  at  translating  Whitman's  poems  had  been 
made  by  Freiligrath  who  became  acquainted  with  them  during  his  Eng- 

3  Paul  Schlenther,  Gerhart  Hauptmann,  neue  Ausgabe,  Berlin,  1922,  34. 

4  Bell  [1576]. 
5Schemann  [1575]. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  373 

lish  exile  in  1868.  William  Rossetti,  the  brother  of  Dante  Gabriel  Ros- 
setti, had  published  a  Whitman  anthology,  in  which  Drum  Taps  consti- 
tuted one  group.  Freiligrath  had  published  a  translation  of  some  of  these 
poems  in  the  Augsburger  Allgemeine  Zeitung  with  an  introduction  which 
chiefly  paraphrased  Rossetti's  preface.6  Freiligrath  was  aware  of  the 
peculiarity  of  Whitman's  rhythm  but  failed  to  reproduce  it  in  his  ver- 
sions. 

The  next  translator  was  Freiligrath's  friend  Strodtmann,  whose  efforts 
appeared  in  his  Amerikanische  Anthologie,  1870.  He  was  slightly  more 
successful  than  Freiligrath  in  reproducing  the  rhythms  of  Whitman's 
poems,  but  like  Freiligrath  he  sometimes  misinterpreted  Whitman's 
meanings.  The  Irish  critic,  Rolleston,  and  the  long-time  German  resident 
in  America,  Knortz,  published  their  translations  jointly  in  Zurich  under 
the  title  Grashalme  in  1889  but  they  failed  to  recognize  Whitman's 
metrical  form.  In  his  introduction  Knortz  wrote:  "Die  Sprache  der  Uber- 
setzung  wird  den  meisten  Lesern  holprig,  steif  und  unedel  vorkommen ; 
mit  den  Originalen  sieht  es  in  dieser  Hinsicht  noch  viel  schlimmer  aus." 

Passing  over  the  scattered  translations  of  the  remainder  of  the  cen- 
tury we  should  note  Scholermann's  Grashalme  in  Auswahl  and  Karl 
Federn's  Grashalme,  eine  Auswahl,  both  of  1904.  Scholermann  was  duly 
criticized  for  embellishing  two  of  Whitman's  poems  with  rhymes.7  Fe- 
dern's translations  were,  in  many  instances,  more  poetic  than  those  of 
his  predecessors.  By  his  edition  of  Whitman's  Prosaschriften  in  the  follow- 
ing year,  O.  E.  Lessing  extended  the  knowledge  of  Whitman  consider- 
ably, without  making  all  sides  of  his  nature  accessible  to  the  German 
public.  Lessing's  translation  of  "When  Lilacs  Last  in  the  Dooryard 
Bloomed"  has  been  recognized  as  "sprachlich  .  .  .  wie  auch  stylistisch 
dem  Original  nicht  nachstehend."8 

About  1904  opinion  began  to  turn  for  a  time  in  Whitman's  disfavor. 
By  then  Johannes  Schlaf  had  established  himself  as  an  authority  on 
Whitman,  but  when,  in  that  year,  he  wrote  the  Whitman  monograph  for 
Die  Dichtung,  Eduard  Bertz  exposed  him  as  an  incompetent,  who  had 
read  less  than  one-tenth  of  Whitman's  published  works,  and  whose  trans- 
lations were  based  not  on  the  original  but  on  earlier  translations.  Bertz 
doubted  whether  Schlaf  was  able  to  read  English.  At  the  same  time 
Bertz,  long  a  confirmed  Whitmanite,  published  in  the  Jahrbuch  fur 
sexuelle  Zwischenstufen  an  article  called  "Walt  Whitman,  ein  Charakter- 
bild,"9  and  shortly  afterward  supported  his  new  revelations  with  Cala- 

6  hoc.  cit.,  May  10,  1868. 

7  Prellwitz  in  PrJ,  LXIX  (1905)  176-181. 

8  Law-Robertson  [1623]  20,  22. 

9  hoc.  cit.,  VII  1  (1905). 


374      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

muslieder,  Der  Yankee  Heiland  and  Whitman  Mysterien,  eine  Abrechnung 
mit  Johannes  Schlaf.  Bertz's  defection  drew  0.  E.  Lessing's  in  its  wake.10 

Nearly  all  publications  of  Whitman's  works  in  Germany  were  linked 
with  critical  estimates  of  the  poet  revealing  the  ebb  and  flow  of  German 
social  political  thought  more  accurately  than  they  portray  Whitman's 
message.  Rolleston  and  Knortz,  from  1880-1889,  proclaimed  Whitman 
as  "Der  Dichter  der  Demokratie."  Eduard  Bertz  said  much  the  same  in 
1889.  Widmann  in  1889  compared  him  with  Jacob  Boehme  and  Angelus 
Silesius.11  In  1896  Johannes  Schlaf  compared  Whitman  with  Nietzsche,12 
in  1910  rather  with  Jesus  of  Nazareth,13  in  agreement  with  the  Bostonian, 
R.  M.  Bucke,  who  had  published  Whitman's  war  letters  in  1898.  This 
comparison  was  by  no  means  estopped  by  the  revelations  of  Bertz  (1905) 
mentioned  above.  The  next  work  of  Bertz,  Der  Yankee  Heiland  (1906), 
established  an  important  fact.  In  a  chapter  entitled  "Whitman  und 
Nietzsche"  it  pointed  out  that  the  much  discussed  coincidence  of  their 
ideas  went  back  to  a  common  source  in  Novalis,  transmitted  to  Whitman 
through  Carlyle. 

The  Social  Democrats  rediscovered  Whitman  about  1915.  Gustav 
Landauer  translated  several  poems  under  the  title  Walt  Whitman,  Krieg, 
zehn  Gedichte,  and  from  1915-1931  the  Socialistische  Monatshefte  printed 
sixty  translations  of  Whitman's  poems  by  Hayek,  Hochdorf,  Curth,  and 
Bruchner,  most  of  them  rather  poor  as  translations14  but  full  of  demo- 
cratic enthusiasm. 

From  1914  on  Whitman  was  much  celebrated  as  "Der  Sanger  des 
Krieges"  especially  by  the  Social  Democrats  who  counted  Whitman  as 
one  of  themselves:  "Wenn  wir  Sozialismus  mit  Gemeinschaft  iibersetzen 
und  Demokratie  mit  Freiheit,  so  ist  er  der  beste  und  wahrhafteste  Sozial- 
demokrat  und  der  internationalste  dazu."15 

After  the  armistice  Herbert  Eulenberg  proclaimed  Whitman  as  a 
pacifist  before  the  word  existed.16  A  French,  a  German,  and  an  American 
journal  seriously  discussed  the  question  as  to  whether  Wilson's  fourteen 
points  owed  their  origin  to  Whitman's  works.  About  the  same  time  an 
American,  an  English,  and  a  German-Austrian  paper  commented  upon 
the  astonishingly  accurate  prophecy  of  Whitman  in  his  Years  of  the 
Modern.17  Stefan  Zweig  asserted  that  Whitman  was 

10  "Die  Whitmanlegende,"  Beilage  zur  Allgemeinen  Zeitung  (1907)  63;  "Zur  deut- 
schen  Whitmanliteratur,"  Oesterreichische  Rundschau  (1907)  2;  Lessing  [1616]. 

11  Magazinfiir  die  Literatur  des  In-  und  Auslandes,  XXXVII  (1889)  584. 

12  Law-Robertson  [1623  ]  41. 

13  Ibid.,  46. 

14  Ibid.,  27. 

15  A.  Siemsen  in  Freie  Jugend  I  1  (1919).  Law-Robertson  [1623]  71. 

16  H.  Eulenberg,  Erscheinungen,  1923;  Law-Robertson  [1623]  73. 

17  Jacobson  [1621]. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  375 

die  starkste  Energiequelle,  das  hochste  Maft  an  Menschlichkeit  in  der  neueren  Dich- 
tung.  Ein  Vierteljahrhundert  nach  seinem  Tode  ist  er  der  Menschheit  noch  dumpf 
bewufit  in  seiner  Grofie,  die  doch  bloB  einzig  der  Feme  bedarf,  um  neben  den  mythi- 
schen  Gestalten  Dantes  und  Homers  zu  stehen.18 

A  critic  of  the  opposite  party  wrote  with  some  vehemence  in  1936 : 

Der  Whitman,  den  wir  in  deutscher  Sprache  herausbrachten,  [hat]  auch  sehr  viel 
Undeutsches  gefordert  und  eher  zur  Verirrung  deutscher  Seelen  beigetragen.  .  .  .  Und 
sieht  man  sich  die  Namen  der  hauptsachlichsten  Whitman-Junger  an:  neben  Schlaf 
etwa  Franz  Diederich,  Max  Hayek,  Gustav  Landauer,  Iwan  Goll,  A.  Siemsen,  Stefan 
Zweig,  Kurt  Pinthus,  Ludwig  Rubiner,  Joh.  R.  Becher,  u.a.m.,  so  weifi  man  ge- 
nauestens  Bescheid  iiber  das  Deutschtum,  das  hier  zu  Worte  kam.19 

Exaggerated  statements  have  been  made  regarding  the  influence  of 
Whitman  on  German  verse.20  Arno  Holz  developed  his  theory  before  he 
was  familiar  with  the  nature  of  Whitman's  work.  He  read  Freiligrath's 
translations  and  received  no  impression  whatsoever  from  them.  In  1889 
he  read  the  selections  of  Rolleston  and  Knortz  and  reported : 

Und  jetzt  erst  wirkte  Walt  Whitman  selbst  auf  mich.  Er  wirkte  so  ungeheuer,  daB 
ich  sofort  fuhlte:  der  Mann  deckt  sich  so  vollkommen  mit  seiner  Art;  was  nut  ihr  zu 
erreichen  war,  ist  durch  ihn  so  erreicht  worden,  dafi  es  purer  Wahnwitz  ware,  an 
diesen  Weg  auch  nur  ein  Schritt  zu  ver Keren!  Damit  war  fur  mich  als  Kiinstler  Walt 
Whitman  erledigt.21 

The  admiration  Holz  had  for  Whitman  as  a  personality  was  un- 
bounded. Holz  lent  Rolleston's  work  about  and  reported:  "Hauptmann 
fand  es  unverdaulich,  seinen  Optimismus  pathologisch,"22  and  Schlaf's 
enthusiasm  resulted  in  mere  imitation.  Holz  found  the  first  sign  of  this  in 
Schlaf's  Fruhling,  1893.  "Diese  Dichtung,"  he  said,  "schatze  ich  aufler- 
ordentlich,  aber  sie  ist  nicht  mehr  Schlaf,  sondern  Schlaf  minus  Whitman. 
Plus  lafit  sich  in  solchen  Fallen  nicht  sagen  !"23 

Fruhling  became  the  program  of  the  new  impressionistic  school.  There 
are  signs  of  Whitman's  influence,  directly  or  indirectly  transmitted,  in 
certain  poems  in  Alfons  Paquet's  Auf  Erden.  Paquet  himself  admits  the 
influence  with  some  reservations.  The  imputed  influences  on  other  im- 
pressionists, notably  on  Hermann  Bahr,  Otto  zur  Linde,24  and  Richard 
Dehmel  will  not  stand  the  test  of  close  examination. 

18  Neue  Freie  Presse,  Wien,  Marz  28,  1919;  Law-Robertson  [1623]  73. 

19  ZfNTJ,  XXXVI  (1938)  356.  At  the  same  time  Schoenemann  called  attention  to 
an  omission  in  Law-Robertson's  bibliography,  namely  of  five  poems  of  Whitman  in 
the  collection  Amerikanische  Lyrik,  Munchen,  1925,  trsl.  Toni  Harten-Hoenke,  with 
an  introduction  by  F.  Schoenemann. 

20  Cf.  R.  M.  Meyer  in  DR,  CIX  (1900)  276,  and  Soergel,  Dichtung  und  Dichter  der 
Zeit  .  .  .,  1911,  532. 

21  Arno  Holz,  Werke,  Berlin,  1924,  X,  301. 

22  Jbid      3Q1   f 

23  Ibid'.',  302.  '  24  Law-Robertson  [1623]  66  fit. 


376      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

That  Whitman  has  made  school  in  Germany  is  generally  admitted,  but 
too  many  poets  have  been  listed  as  his  disciples.  The  enumerative  style 
so  characteristic  of  Whitman  has  no  common  denominator  short  of  the 
universe.  It  is  an  expression  of  a  pantheistic  feeling,  but  neither  enumera- 
tion nor  pantheism  is  evidence  in  itself  of  the  influence  of  Whitman. 
Rilke  and  Whitman  arrived  at  their  pantheism  by  different  paths ;  Rilke 
from  the  abstract  to  the  concrete,  Whitman  by  the  contrary  course. 
"Whitman  is  the  sensualistic,  Rilke  the  spiritualistic  pantheist."-6  Wer- 
fel's  poetry  is  of  a  similar  nonsensual  origin.  Heinrich  Hart  apparently 
developed  his  enumerative  style  independently  of  Whitman.  The  same 
may  or  may  not  be  true  of  Lissauer  and  Winckler.  On  the  other  hand 
it  is  certain  that  Pacquet  and  Lersch  knew  and  venerated  Whitman.26 
Engelke  had  a  volume  of  Whitman  with  him  in  the  trenches.  The  in- 
fluence of  Whitman  is  obvious  in  his  posthumous  collection  of  verse 
Rhythmus  des  neuen  Europa.  Wegner  and  Lersch  adopted  lines  from 
Whitman  as  introductions  to  their  collections  of  verse.  Franz  Werfel  also 
wrote  his  early  lyrics  under  the  spell  of  Whitman. 

In  1919-1921  appeared  the  translations  of  Hans  Reisiger,  on  which  he 
had  been  quietly  working  since  1909.  The  German  critics  recognized  the 
achievement.  Hermann  Stehr  said:  "Reisigers  tlbersetzung  wirkt  wie  das 
Original,  wirklich  so,  als  habe  der  grof5e  Amerikaner  nicht  in  englischer 
sondern  in  deutscher  Sprache  gedichtet."27  The  Kunstwart  exclaimed: 
"Walt  Whitman  ist  entdeckt.  Ein  deutscher  Dichter  hat  ihn  entdeckt. 
Gespurt,  geahnt,  geruhmt,  auf  ihre  Art  iibersetzt  haben  ihn  schon  viele. 
Doch  erst  Hans  Reisiger  hat  ihn  entdeckt  und  erobert."28 

Thomas  Mann's  discovery  of  Walt  Whitman,  through  the  translation 
of  Reisiger,  was  a  decisive  revelation  to  him.  In  the  Frankfurter  Zeitung 
he  wrote  an  open  letter  to  Reisiger,  saying : 

Fur  mich  personlich,  der  ich  innerlich  um  die  Idee  der  Humanitat  seit  Jahr  und 
Tag  mit  der  mir  eigenen  Langsamkeit  bemtiht  bin,  ...  ist  dies  Werk  ein  wahres 
Gottesgeschenk,  denn  ich  sehe  wohl,  da (3,  was  Whitman  Demokratie  nennt,  nichts 
anderes  ist,  als  was  wir  altmodischer  "Humanitat"  nennen;  wie  ich  auch  sehe,  daB 
es  mit  Goethe  allein  denn  doch  nicht  getan  wird,  sondern  da!3  ein  Schufi  Whitman 
dazu  gehort,  um  das  Gefuhl  der  neuen  Humanitat  zu  gewinnen.29 

In  his  notable  address,  "Von  deutscher  Republik,"  1923,  Mann  reported 
shortly  after : 

Was  folgte  war  eine  auf  neuer  Lebensstufe  wiederholte  im  Zusammenhang  mit 
kimstlicher  Arbeit  gepflogene  Lekture  der  Schriften  Friedrichs  von  Hardenberg  .  .  . 

28  Schumann  [1624]. 

26  Schumann  [1625]. 

27  Vossische  Zeitung,  November  17,  1919;  Law-Robertson  [1623]  30. 

28  hoc.  cit.,  XXXVI  (February  1923). 

29  April  16,  1922;  the  letter  in  full  in  Law-Robertson  [1623]  73  f. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  377 

dessen  Gedanken  liber  Staat  und  Menschengemeinschaft  mir  so  merkwiirdige  Be- 
ziehungen  aufzuweisen  schienen  zu  dem  lyrischen  Amerikanertum,  das  so  eben  auf 
mich  gewirkt,  dafi  meine  heutige  Aussprache  eigentlich  als  ein  Vortrag  liber  dies 
wunderliche  Paar,  liber  Novalis  und  Whitman  entworfen  war.30 

Such  words  from  the  patrician  Mann  made  no  small  sensation  at  the 
time.  They  constituted  his  first  open  declaration  in  favor  of  democracy. 
Mann  quoted  Whitman  to  the  effect  that  the  highest  aim  of  democracy 
was  to  bind  all  men  of  all  nations  into  a  common  brotherhood,  and  re- 
peated the  hope  of  Novalis  for  a  "Staat  der  Staaten."31  He  took  issue 
with  Spengler's  "Verkalkungs-Prophetie."32  He  quoted  "anachronisti- 
scherweise"  Novalis  against  Nietzsche:  "Das  Ideal  der  Sittlichkeit  hat 
keinen  gefahrlicheren  Nebenbuhler  als  das  Ideal  der  hochsten  Starke, 
des  kraftigen  Lebens,  das  man  auch  das  Ideal  der  asthetischen  Grofte 
benannt  hat."33  But  finally  he  made  a  comparison  to  the  disadvantage 
of  Novalis:  "Die  Calamus-Gesdnge  und  die  Hymnen  an  die  Nacht;  das  ist 
ja  ein  Unterschied  wie  zwischen  Leben  und  Tod  oder,  wenn  Goethes  Be- 
stimmung  dieser  Begriffe  die  richtige  ist,  der  Unterschied  des  klassischen 
und  des  romantischen."34 

Whitman's  "Knabenverehrung,"  he  said,  was  more  healthful  than  the 
"Sophienliebe  des  armen  Novalis,  der  es  klug  fand,  Entschlummerte  zu 
lieben,  um  sich  'fur  die  Nacht'  ein  geselliges  Lager  zu  bereiten,  und,  in 
dessen  Abendmahl-Erotik  die  reizbare  Lusternheit  des  Phthisikers  un- 
heimlich  durchschlagt."  Thus  he  came  upon  the  question  of  love  and 
death  which  Whitman  regarded  as  inseparable. 

Give  me  your  tone  therefore  0  death,  that  I  may  accord  with  it, 
Give  me  yourself,  for  I  see  that  you  belong  to  me  now  above  all,  and  are  folded 
inseparably  together,  you,  love  and  death  are. 

And  he  added:  "Es  konnte  Gegenstand  eines  Bildungromanes  sein  zu 
zeigen,  da.fi  das  Erlebnis  des  Todes  zuletzt  ein  Erlebnis  des  Lebens  ist, 
dalS  es  zum  Menschen  fuhrt."35 

The  "kunstliche  Arbeit"  which  accompanied  the  reading  of  Whitman 
and  Novalis,  was  Der  Zauberberg,  1924,  the  dominant  idea  of  which  Hans 
Castorp  expresses  in  words  not  unlike  the  foregoing : 

Der  Tod  ist  das  geniale  Prinzip  . . .  denn  die  Liebe  zu  ihm  flihrt  zur  Liebe  des  Lebens 
und  des  Menschen  .  .  .  Zum  Leben  gibt  es  zwei  Wege:  der  eine  ist  der  gewohnliche, 
direkte  und  brave,  der  andere  ist  schlimm,  er  flihrt  liber  den  Tod,  und  ist  der  geniale. 

30  Op.  cit.,  in  Thomas  Mann,  Bemiihungen,  Berlin,  1925,  166. 

31  Ibid.,  178  f. 

32  Ibid.,  177. 

33  Ibid.,  171. 

34  Ibid.,  186.  Cf.  Goethe  to  Eckermann,  April  2,  1829:  "Das  Klassische  nenne  ich 
das  Gesunde,  und  das  Romantische  das  Kranke."  Eckermann,  Gesprdche,  400. 

35  Mann,  Bemiihungen,  186-188. 


378      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

By  the  time  Der  Zauberberg  appeared,  it  was  clear  that  irony  was  a 
driving  power  in  Mann's  production.  Its  utilization  is  most  brilliantly 
manifested  in  Joseph  der  Erndhrer,  1944.  Thomas  Mann  has  stated  that 
during  the  creation  of  this  work  his  steady  companions  were  Sterne's 
Tristram  Shandy  and  Goethe's  Faust.  These  were  the  works,  the  contem- 
plation of  which  helped  to  keep  him  in  the  right  mood.36  The  artifices 
which  Sterne  used  to  perhaps  no  nobler  intent  than  "to  amuse  the  light- 
minded  and  scandalize  the  demure"37  are  with  Mann  poetic  irony  in  the 
sense  of  Aristophanes  and  of  the  romantic  school.  After  the  manner  of 
Sterne,  Mann  plays  with  his  language,  takes  issue  with  his  sources,  ad- 
dresses his  characters  and  addresses  his  readers.38  Mann's  irony  in  Joseph 
der  Erndhrer  is  "die  hohe  wohlwollende  Ironie"  which  was  praised  so 
highly  by  Goethe.  The  same  mannerisms  are  even  more  observable  in 
Mann's  Doktor  Faustus,  1948,  and  here  too  he  displays  an  art  in  the  nam- 
ing of  his  characters  well  worthy  of  Sterne.  The  irony  is  there  too,  but 
with  its  benevolence  slightly  diminished.  On  the  whole  it  may  be  said 
that  the  direction  of  Thomas  Mann  since  his  maturity  has  been  away 
from  the  extraordinary  man,  away  from  Faustus,  Nietzsche,  and  Wag- 
ner, and  toward  the  common  man,  toward  Sterne,  Tolstoi,  and  Whitman. 

Of  the  new  British  dramatic  forces  active  in  German  literature  of  late, 
the  most  conspicuous  are  Oscar  Wilde,  of  Irish  descent,  and  Bernard 
Shaw,  who  felt  keenly  that  he  was  Irish  rather  than  English.  In  Oscar 
Wilde  the  Germans  discovered,  as  they  had  in  Byron,  a  martyr  to  social 
prejudice.  The  years  of  the  climax  of  his  glory  were  between  1891  and 
1895.  The  Picture  of  Dorian  Gray  (1891)  was  well  known  and  it  was  ru- 
mored that  a  new  work  called  Salome  was  to  be  produced  in  London  with 
Sarah  Bernhardt  in  the  title  role.  Oscar  Wilde  found  his  kindred  spirits 
in  Paris.  Mallarme's  Tuesdays  suddenly  became  a  center  of  literary  life, 
and  among  the  foreign  visitors  were  Stephan  George  and  Oscar  Wilde, 
although  it  is  not  certain  that  they  ever  met.  Fin  de  siecle  and  fin  de 
V empire  were  associated  in  thought.  The  "decadent"  Verlaine,  Mal- 
larme,  and  Gautier,  shared  a  common  admiration  for  the  emperor  Helio- 
gabalus  and  of  all  living  men  Wilde  most  nearly  personified  this  ideal  in 
his  extravagance,  love  of  pleasure,  personal  appearance,  and  sexuality. 
A  recent  critic  regards  it  as  at  least  a  noteworthy  coincidence  "that 
Heliogabalus- Wilde,  in  the  flesh,  and  Heliogabalus-George,  in  a  young 
poet's  fancy,  walked  the  world  of  Paris  in  the  same  days."39 

After  Wilde's  imprisonment  he  still  had  admirers  and  defenders  in 
Paris,  and  Germany,  who  helped  to  restore  him  to  honor.  In  the  first 

36  Thomas  Mann,  The  Theme  of  the  Joseph  Novels,  Washington,  D.C.,  1942,  15  f. 

37  H.  D.  Traill,  Laurence  Sterne,  N.Y.,  1882,  36. 

38  Seidlin  [  1615  ] .  39  Oswald  [16291. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  379 

decade  of  the  century  all  his  chief  works  were  translated.  From  1900  to 
1934  no  other  English  author  passed  through  so  many  editions  as  Wilde, 
225  in  all.  Dickens,  his  nearest  rival,  scored  "only"  220.40 

The  leading  critics  of  1903-1906,  Franz  Blei,  Max  Meyerfeld,  Samuel 
Lublinski,  Alois  Brandl,  and  Richard  Schaukal,  discussed  Wilde's  works. 
There  were  those  who  censured  his  dandyism,  his  aesthetic  snobbery, 
and  his  vices,  but,  like  Lord  Byron,  he  found  more  tolerance  in  Germany 
than  in  England.  In  1917  Egon  Friedell  called  The  Picture  of  Dorian  Gray 
"das  Evangelium  der  Reinheit,  .  .  .  ein  tiefsittliches  Buch,  durchblutet 
von  der  verzehrenden  Sehnsucht  nach  dem  Guten,  .  .  .  die  moralischste 
Dichtung  nach  der  Bibel."41 

However  that  may  be,  it  was  rather  a  lurid  Oriental  drama  of  Wilde 
which  had  a  following  in  Germany.  The  earliest  performances  of  Salome 
were  in  private  theaters  on  account  of  censorship.  In  1903-1904  it  gained 
the  official  stage  and  during  that  season  Wilde's  plays  were  represented 
248  times  (Salome  alone  111  times)  and  this  was  in  a  year  when  Haupt- 
mann,  Sudermann,  and  Ibsen  all  provided  strong  competition.  Salome 
was  condemned  by  some  as  an  example  of  modern  decadence  in  art  and 
heralded  by  others  as  a  triumph  of  romanticism  over  the  prevailing 
naturalism,  which  is  the  matter  that  chiefly  concerns  us  here. 

The  Elektra,  1903,  of  Hugo  von  Hofmannsthal  comes  first  to  mind.  It 
has  been  made  clear  by  Friedrich  Hebbel  that  the  nonconforming  indi- 
vidual is  the  natural  subject  for  a  tragedy.  Hebbel's  characters  tended 
to  be  tragic  because  the  time  was  not  yet  ripe  for  them,  but  the  charac- 
ters of  the  neoromantic  drama  are  atavistic,  impelled  by  elemental  and 
primitive  passions  which  modern  life  has  decided  to  call  outlived  and 
outlawed.  The  new  psychology,  which  is  generally  associated  with  the 
studies  of  Freud,  asserts  that  the  suppression  of  such  passions  is  detrimen- 
tal to  the  individual  and  may  even  be  detrimental  to  society.  At  all  events 
these  primitive  passions  form  the  favorite  material  for  the  neoromantic 
tragedy.  A  decadent  age,  such  as  that  of  the  late  Renaissance,  forms  a 
suitable  milieu  for  such  a  tragedy,  but  still  more  suitable  is  the  Orient. 
Flaubert  was  perhaps  the  first  to  discover  this,  but  Wilde,  no  doubt  after 
reading  Salambo,  saw  fit  to  use  such  an  atmosphere  for  his  tragedy 
Salome. 

Proceeding  from  such  considerations,  a  recent  critic,  equally  apathetic 
to  Wilde  and  Hofmannsthal,  has  sought  to  define  the  relation  of  the  one 
to  the  other.  He  says : 

Ohne  die  Tat  Wildes  hatte  Hofmannsthal  es  kaum  wagen  konnen  seinen  Lesern 
Gestalten  wie  Elektra  und  Schilderungen  wie  die  der  Ermordung  ihrer  Eltern  vorzu- 

40Schlosser  [1558]  172  f. 

41  Die  Schaubiihne,  Berlin,  1917,  591. 


380      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

setzen.  Er  ist  in  keiner  Beziehung  iiber  Wilde  hinausgegangen,  ja,  in  der  Fuhrung  der 
Handlung  selbst  hat  er  sich  an  Wilde  angelehnt  .  .  .  Wildes  Salome  ist  uns  dureh  die 
fast  mafllose  Kunst  noch  ertraglich  gemacht  aber  Hofmannsthals  Elektra  entbehrt 
dieses  Anreizes  bereits.  Dazu  kommt  noch  der  Vergleich  mit  der  Sophokleischen  Tra- 
godie,  naturlich  immer  zu  Hofmannsthals  Ungunsten  ausfallend.42 

There  followed  Das  gerettete  Venedig,  1905,  and  Oedipus  und  die 
Sphynx,  1906.  The  fundamental  changes  which  Hofmannsthal  made  in 
the  chief  characters  led  away  from  Otway  and  Sophocles  and  toward  the 
complexes  of  Oscar  Wilde's  heroes.  Defieber  characterizes  Hofmanns- 
thal as  an  aesthetically  based  individual,  a  dandy,  in  much  the  same 
sense  as  Oscar  Wilde.  The  French  theorists  who  insisted  on  "L'art  pour 
l'art"  arrived  at  their  demand  by  rationalistic  processes.  The  two  chief 
British  and  Viennese  exponents  were  forced  upon  the  theory  by  their 
own  natures.  The  passion  for  sheer  meaningless  beauty  brought  suffering 
as  well  as  satisfaction  for  both.  Hofmannsthal  felt  the  need  of  penetrating 
the  outward  shell  of  beauty  and  arriving  at  its  content.  "Nur  Oskar  Wilde 
hatte  den  Mut  und  die  Tatkraft  aus  dem  Nichtkonnen  ein  Nichtwollen 
zu  machen."43 

Defieber  finds  the  spell  of  Wilde  wholly  detrimental  to  Herbert 
Eulenberg  in  three  of  his  dramas,  Anna  Walewska,  1899,  Cassandra, 
1903,  and  Belinde,  1912.  The  character  of  Hyazinth  in  Belinda,  he  de- 
scribes as  "ein  Konglomerat  aus  Tatsachen  aus  dem  Leben  Wildes  und 
dessen  asthetischen  Motiven  .  .  .  und  eine  widerliche  Widerspiegelung 
von  Oscar  Wildes  Wesen."  He  adds:  "Eulenbergs  Gestalten  endlich,  so- 
weit  die  Salome  ihr  Vorbild  war,  machen  einen  fast  widerlichen  Ein- 
druck."44 

The  popularity  of  Oscar  Wilde  began  about  1901  and  was  at  its  height 
between  1902  and  1910.  George  Bernard  Shaw's  success  in  Germany 
began  in  1903  and  continued  for  thirty  years  or  more.  On  a  visit  to 
London  in  1900  Trebitsch,  already  an  admirer  of  Shaw,  gained  the  per- 
mission to  translate  some  of  his  plays  into  German.  He  translated  several 
in  a  rather  inadequate  fashion.  Shaw  returned  the  compliment  by  trans- 
lating one  of  Trebitsch's  plays  similarly.  Shaw  and  Wilde  did  not  com- 
pete in  the  same  field.  To  be  sure,  both  took  pleasure  in  astonishing 
remarks,  but  Wilde  was  willing  to  sacrifice  ideas  for  brilliant  sayings  and 
genteel  form,  while  Shaw  was  ready  to  sacrifice  form  for  the  promulga- 
tion of  principles. 

The  DeviVs  Disciple,  Arms  and  the  Man,  Candida,  and  The  Man  of 
Destiny  made  Shaw  known  in  Berlin,  Frankfurt,  Dresden,  and  Vienna 

42  Defieber  [1628]  81,  128  f. 

43  Ibid.,  108. 

44  Ibid.,  120,  128. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  381 

in  1903.  The  success  of  The  Devil's  Disciple  at  the  Raimund  Theater  in 
Vienna  and  elsewhere,  and  of  Candida  at  the  Neues  Theater  in  Berlin 
under  Max  Reinhardt's  direction,  with  Agnes  Sorma  in  the  title  role  in 
1904,  gained  for  Shaw  the  support  of  many  German  critics,  among  them 
Alfred  Kerr,  Arthur  Eloesser,  Julius  Bab,  Hermann  Bahr,  Alfred  Polgar, 
and  Felix  Salten.  Bab  wrote  a  biography  of  Shaw  which  was  published 
in  Berlin  in  1910.  (Revised  edition,  1926). 

During  the  season  1903-1904  there  were  thirty-nine  representations 
of  Shaw's  plays  in  Germany  and  Austria.  In  the  following  season  the 
number  was  increased  by  a  round  hundred.45  Not  all  the  plays  found 
equal  favor.  In  1906  Caesar  and  Cleopatra  was  played  more  than  twenty 
times  and  Mrs.  Warren's  Profession  became  the  hit  of  the  season  at  the 
Raimund  Theater  in  Vienna  in  the  same  year.  The  Doctor's  Dilemma  was 
a  success  in  1908.  Less  fortunate  were  You  Never  Can  Tell,  The  Philan- 
derer, and  Man  and  Superman,  which  appealed  less  strongly  to  German 
than  British  audiences.  Major  Barbara,  John  Bull's  Other  Island,  and 
Widowers'  Houses  were  accepted  only  with  reservations.  Fanny's  First 
Play  was  found  neither  interesting  nor  amusing.  Androcles  and  the  Lion 
fared  not  much  better.  Captain  Brassbound's  Conversion  with  Agnes 
Sorma  in  the  cast  was  a  success  in  Berlin  but  a  failure  in  Vienna.  The 
next  unqualified  success  was  Pygmalion,  played  at  the  Burgtheater  in 
Vienna  in  1913,  then  in  the  Lessing  Theater  in  Berlin  before  it  was 
staged  either  in  New  York  or  London.  After  the  first  world  war  Great 
Catherine,  Heartbreak  House,  and  Back  to  Methuselah  were  looked  upon 
chiefly  as  curiosities.  Shaw  finally  triumphed  again  with  St.  Joan,  1924, 
which  despite  divided  critical  opinions  was  immediately  recognized  as  a 
drama  of  world  importance. 

Shaw  has  had  opponents  as  well  as  supporters  in  Germany.  Chief 
among  the  former  was  Herbert  Eulenberg.  Julius  Bab  characterized  his 
Gegen  Shaw,  1926,  as  an  example  of  the  lowest  type  of  polemic  and  main- 
tained that  Eulenberg  misunderstood  the  simplest  and  clearest  part  of 
Shaw's  message.46 

An  influence  of  Shaw  upon  German  playwrights  would  be  difficult  to 
demonstrate.  It  should  appear  in  the  form  of  a  tendency  to  sacrifice 
dramatic  compactness  to  the  purpose  of  surprising  the  hearers  with  un- 
usual bits  of  wisdom  and  at  the  same  time  attacking  the  hypocrisy  of 
certain  nationalistic,  capitalistic,  and  aristocratic  ideas.  That  such  tend- 
encies have  been  evident  in  the  German  drama  will  scarcely  be  denied. 
There  are  Shavian  confrontations  in  some  of  the  early  dramas  of  Her- 

4BSchlosser  [1558]  99. 

46  Bab,  quoted  by  Heydet  [1611]  124  f. 


382      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

mann  Bahr,  Der  Unmensch,  Der  Meister,  and  Das  Prinzip.  Bahr's 
Josephine  (1898)  runs  parallel  in  many  respects  to  Shaw's  Man  af 
Destiny. 

Lion  Feuchtwanger  insisted  that  Shaw  exerted  a  strong  influence, 
both  on  the  German  stage  and  the  German  playwrights.  He  wrote  in 
the  London  Daily  Mail: 

There  are  few  German  dramatic  writers  who  have  not  been  influenced  by  him.  My 
own  plays  would  have  been  quite  different  but  for  him.  He  is  regarded  as  a  classic  as 
much  in  the  provinces  as  in  Berlin.  .  .  .  While  our  great  dramatist  Sudermann  has 
long  disappeared  from  the  stage,  while  the  dramatists  of  the  Viennese  school  have 
long  fallen  in  the  background,  while  even  Hauptmann  occupies  a  very  limited  place 
in  the  repertoire  of  the  German  theater,  Bernard  Shaw  since  the  war  reigns  supreme.47 

About  ten  years  later  another  critic  wrote  with  conviction,  "daB  Shaws 
30-jahrige  Gastrolle  im  grofien  und  ganzen  abgeschlossen  ist.  Man  hat 
ihn  schon  zu  lange  gekannt  und  vielleicht  zu  gut  kennen  gelernt,  als  daU 
er  uns  gegenwartig  noch  viel  zu  sagen  hatte."48 

Several  other  Irish  playwrights  have  found  their  way  to  the  German 
stage.  Before  1930,  productions  took  place  of  St.  John  Ervine's  The  First 
Mrs.  Selby,  Lady  Gregory's  The  Work-house  Ward,  J.  M.  Synge's  The 
Shadow  of  the  Glen,  The  Well  of  the  Saints,  and  The  Playboy  of  the  Western 
World,  of  W.  B.  Yeats's  The  Land  of  Heart's  Desire  and  of  James  Joyce's 
Exiles. 

The  recent  English  theater  was  represented  before  1930  by  at  least 
nine  of  Galsworthy's  plays,  by  six  of  Somerset  Maugham's  plays,  and 
by  one  play  each  of  Laurence  Housman,  Arnold  Bennett,  Gilbert 
Chesterton  and  Robert  Sheriff.  T.  S.  Eliot's  Death  in  the  Cathedral  and 
The  Cocktail  Party  have  found  interested  audiences  in  Germany.  The 
Scottish  drama  has  fared  less  well.  James  Barrie's  Quality  Street  (Im 
stillen  GaBchen)  was  played  in  the  Burgtheater  in  Vienna  in  1941  but 
before  that  time  neither  The  Admirable  Crighton  nor  Peter  Pan  had  been 
produced.48 

Finally,  some  nonpredictable  revivals  of  older  English  dramas  should 
be  noted  in  passing.  Stefan  Zweig  wrote,  in  1927,  an  adaptation  of  Jon- 
son's  Volpone,  in  which  he  shuffled  the  elements  of  the  action  and  changed 
the  character  of  the  persons,  for  the  most  part  to  artistic  disadvantage. 
The  experiment  did  not  result  in  a  theatrical  success.49  On  the  other  hand 
Bert  Brecht's  adaptation  of  Gay's  The  Beggars'  Opera,  his  Dreigroschen 
Oper  of  1928,  became  a  long-enduring  favorite.  The  serious  old  English 
drama  was  represented  by  Hofmannsthal's  Everyman,  1911,  by  Richard 

47  See  Literary  Digest  January  9,  1928.  Re  Bahr  see  Oswald  GR  XXVII  (1952)  189. 

48  Fifty  Years  of  German  Drama  .  .  .  1880-1930,  Baltimore  1941  and  Stahl  [1562]. 

49  See  also  Eckhardt  [1561]  and  Beck  [1598]. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  383 

Beer-Hofmann's  adaptation  of  Massinger's  The  Fatal  Dowry  under  the 
title  Der  Graf  von  Charolais,  1905,  by  Bert  Brecht's  Leben  Eduards  des 
Zweiten  von  England,  "nach  Marlowe/'  1924,  and  by  John  Ford's 
Giovanni  und  Annabella  ('Tis  a  Pity  she's  a  Whore),  1924. 

Until  recent  years  the  German  public  has  been  justifiably  unaware  of 
the  American  drama,  but  since  1922  many  of  our  successes  have  been 
repeated  in  Germany.  The  pioneer  name  is  Eugene  O'Neill.  Anna  Christie 
translated  by  Lengyel  was  played  in  Max  Reinhardt's  theater  in  Janu- 
ary, 1922,  and  two  years  later  Kaiser  Jones,  under  the  direction  of 
Berthold  Viertel,  was  staged  in  the  Berlin  Lustspielhaus.  O'Neill  im- 
pressed Felix  Hollander,  who  heralded  him  as  "ein  neuer  Mann,  der  mit 
frischen  unverbrauchten  Augen  sieht,  eine  fremde  Welt  mit  sicheren 
Strichen  hinzustellen  weiG."50  In  October  of  the  same  year  The  Hairy 
Ape,  translated  by  Frank  Washburn  Freund  and  Else  von  Hollander, 
was  played  in  Konigsberg  and  The  Moon  of  the  Caribbees  (German  by 
Kauder)  in  the  Berlin  Volksbiihne  in  December.  Later  still  Strange 
Interlude  with  Elisabeth  Bergner  as  Nina  was  a  sensational  success  at 
the  Kiinstlertheater.  Julius  Bab  wrote  in  1926:  "Mit  diesem  O'Neill,  der 
weitaus  starksten  Physiognomie  im  Drama  des  letzten  Jahrzehnts,  be- 
ginnt  das  amerikanische  Theater  ein  Faktor  in  der  abendlandischen  Kul- 
turgemeinschaft  zu  werden."61 

The  serious  American  drama  has  been  further  represented  in  Germany 
by  Elmer  Rice's  Street  Scene  and  See  Naples  and  Die,  by  Robert  Sher- 
wood's The  Road  to  Rome,  staged  by  Melnitz  at  the  Neues  Theater  in 
Frankfurt,  and  by  Maxwell  Anderson's  Outside  Looking  in  (Zaungdste) 
and  the  Gods  of  Lightning  (Wir  haben  nichts  dagegen).  In  the  most  recent 
years  Thornton  Wilder  has  become  well  known  by  productions  of  some 
of  his  best  plays  including  Our  Town  (Unsere  kleine  Stadt)  and  The  Skin 
of  our  Teeth  {Wir  sind  noch  einmal  davon  gekommen). 

Broadway  favorites  have  also  had  their  run  in  the  German  theaters. 
Prominent  in  the  German  repertories  1927-1929  were  Front  Page  (Re- 
porter), translated  by  Rudolf  Lothar,  The  Trial  of  Mary  Dugan,  adapted 
by  Lothar,  Broadway,  translated  by  Klement,  Burlesque  (Artisten), 
adapted  by  Ossip  Dymow,  and  Abie's  Irish  Rose,  translated  by  Felix 
Salten.  In  1950-1951  Tennessee  Williams's  StraUenbahn  Sehnsucht  was 
produced  in  Vienna.  What  Price  Glory  by  Anderson  and  Stallings  first 
appeared  under  the  title  Rivalen  in  a  German  film  adaptation  of  the 
American  film  in  1927.  It  was  greeted  as  an  antiwar  play  and  as  such  drew 
cheers  from  the  audience.  Zuckmayer  developed  certain  passages  into  a 
tirade  of  the  front-line  soldiers  against  the  rear  echelons.  Short  speeches 

50  F.  Hollander,  Lebendiges  Theater  .  .  .,  Berlin,  1932,  211. 

51  Julius  Bab,  Das  Theater  der  Gegenwart,  Leipzig,  1928,  212. 


384      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

were  lengthened  into  ponderous  sentences  and  some  translations  of  Amer- 
ican slang  were  amusing.  The  discussion  of  the  affairs  of  Charmaine  was 
crass,  and  full  of  a  vulgar  wit,  impossible  on  an  American  stage,  but 
Monty  Jacobs  in  the  Vossische  Zeitung  commended  these  inventions  as 
"ein  ehrlicher  angelsachsischer  Humor,  exportfahig,  weil  er  in  seiner 
Echtheit  auf  Widerhall  ringsum  in  der  Welt  rechnen  darf."52 

During  the  last  half  century  the  novel  of  American  social  life  has  inter- 
ested the  Germans  more  than  formerly.  The  late-nineteenth-century 
novels  of  the  class  invited  the  strictures  of  the  critics.  The  American 
novel  was  too  puritanical,  it  glorified  women  without  cause,  since  women 
were  no  longer  economically  so  important  as  in  colonial  times.  It  paid 
too  much  heed  to  social  distinctions  (Churchill's  Richard  Carvel  and  Mr. 
Crewe's  Career,  Howell's  The  Rise  of  Silas  Lapham,  and  F.  Hopkinson 
Smith's  stories  of  the  South).  The  stress  laid  upon  the  acquisition  of 
wealth  and  power  (David  Harum  and  The  Honorable  Peter  Stirling)  was 
set  over  against  the  "ganz  auf  Innen  gerichteten  Lebensgeschichten 
Raabescher  Gestalten."63 

The  American  novel  has  mended  its  ways  of  late.  It  is  certainly  no 
longer  overpuritanical.  The  career  woman  is  taking  the  place  of  the 
household  goddess  on  her  rocking  chair  throne.  The  study  of  the  inner 
life  is  gaining  ascendency  over  the  novel  of  worldly  success.  Jack  London, 
Theodore  Dreiser,  Upton  Sinclair,  and  the  badly  translated  Sinclair 
Lewis  were  among  the  most  highly  respected  novelists  of  the  late  1920's.54 
Main  Street  and  Babbitt  to  thoughtful  readers  were  not  smug  glorifica- 
tions but  criticisms  of  "the  American  way  of  life." 

During  the  1930's  works  of  literature  which  aroused  thought  on  social 
problems  were  suppressed  in  Germany  while  "escape  literature"  was  in 
no  wise  discouraged.  About  300,000  copies  of  Gone  with  the  Wind  were 
sold.  A  more  critical  public  was  free  to  enjoy  the  novels  of  Willa  Cather, 
Marquand,  Prokosch,  and  Hemingway.  Thomas  Wolfe  found  favor  with 
the  best  critics  and  gained  popularity  with  the  public  as  well.  It  was 
known  in  Germany  that  Sinclair  Lewis  had  said  in  1930  that  Thomas 
Wolfe  might  "have  a  chance  to  be  the  greatest  American  writer,"  and 
possibly  "one  of  the  greatest  world  writers."  Hermann  Hesse  called 
Look  Homeward  Angel  the  most  impressive  poetic  work  from  present-day 
America.  Wolfe  was  fortunate  in  his  first  translator,  Hans  Schickelhuth, 
Schau  heimwdrts,  Engel,  1933,  Von  Zeit  und  Strom,  1936  (Time  and  the 

62  Cited  by  Steiner  and  Frenz  [1571]  249. 

63  Schoenemann  [1177]. 

54  In  an  informal  inquiry  among  lending  libraries  in  Germany  in  1920  the  following 
were  mentioned  as  "meist  gelesene  Autoren":  Remarque,  20  times;  Herzog,  19; 
Mann  18;  Undset  18;  Ganghofer  16;  Wassermann  15;  Upton  Sinclair  14;  Galsworthv 
14.  See  Uhu,  May,  1920. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  385 

River)  and  Vom  Tod  zum  Morgen,  1937.  The  later  Web  and  the  Rock 
(Strom  des  Lebens),  1941,  and  You  Can't  go  Home  Again  (Es  fiihrt  kein 
Weg  zuriick,  1942)  were  badly  translated  but  still  found  many  readers 
and  Wolfe's  popularity  continued  into  the  1950's.  Favorable  criticism, 
some  of  it  extravagant,  predominated.  Of  interest  is  the  declaration  that 
he  carried  on  the  tradition  of  Whitman,  though  with  less  joyous  confi- 
dence.55 


It  was  once  said  that  the  fame  of  an  author  in  foreign  lands  during  his 
lifetime  afforded  the  best  prognostication  of  his  enduring  fame.  There 
are  no  such  auspices  to  consult  today,  for  leading  authors  such  as  Hesse, 
Rilke,  Kafka,  Mann;  Anatole  France,  Gide,  Romain  Rolland;  Shaw,  T. 
S.  Eliot;  Jack  London,  Dreiser,  Sinclair  Lewis,  and  Thomas  Wolfe  be- 
come almost  simultaneously  known  at  home  and  abroad  within  the  At- 
lantic hemisphere.  They  may  be  variously  estimated,  but  national  favor 
and  national  prejudice  play  no  important  role  in  the  criticism. 

The  capital  of  this  literature  is  everywhere  and  nowhere.  The  most 
active  center  of  German  literature  might  be  at  some  time  on  some  far- 
flung  American  coast.  Such  movements  as  naturalism,  neoromanticism, 
and  existentialism  are  confined  to  no  one  land.  Sometimes  it  is  dfficult  to 
specify  the  country  of  origin.  Even  in  our  conservative  universities  there 
is  a  growing  tendency  to  regard  literature  as  a  unity. 

As  I  lay  the  last  hand  on  this  work  I  note  without  regret  that  it  is 
already  antiquated.  There  will  be  no  further  version  of  this  summary. 
It  is  a  two-sided  treatment  of  a  many-sided  theme.  "Ein  Theil  des  Theils, 
der  anfangs  alles  war."  Future  progress  lies  with  such  works  as  van 
Tieghem's  La  Decouverte  de  Shakespeare  sur  le  continent,  Ermatinger's 
Goethe  und  die  Weltliteratur,  and  Hazard's  La  Pensee  europeenne  au 
XVIII6  siecle  de  Montesquieu  a  Lessing;  but  we  have  gone  a  long  way 
since  the  publication  of  Max  Koch's  40-page  survey  in  1883. 

68Pusey  [1630]. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


CONTENTS  OF  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

PAGE 

Abbreviations 391 

Preliminary  Note 394 

Introduction 395 

Part  One :  Reformation  and  Renaissance 397 

Part  Two :  Rationalism,  Sentimentalism,  and  Genius       ....  407 

Part  Three :  Shakespeare  in  Germany 444 

Part  Four:  The  Era  of  World  Literature 482 


ABBREVIATIONS 


AB  Anglia  Beiblatt 

ADA  Anzeiger  fiir  deutsches  Altertum 

ADB  Allgemeine  deutsche  Bibliothek 

AG  Americana  Germanica 

AGR  American  German  Review 

AL  Archiv  fiir  Literaturgeschichte 

Am.  Lit.  American  Literature 

ASNS  Archiv  fiir  das  Studium  der  neueren  Sprachen  und  Litera- 

turen 

BBGRPh  Berliner  Beitrage  zur  germanischen  und  romanischen  Philo- 

logie  (Germanische  Abteilung) 

BBL  Breslauer  Beitrage  zur  Literaturgeschichte 

BDL  Beitrage  zur  deutschen  Literaturwissenschaft 

BFDH  Berichte  des  freien  deutschen  Hochstifts  zu  Frankfurt 

BGNDL  Bausteine  zur  Geschichte  der  neueren  deutschen  Literatur 

B1U  Blatter  fiir  literarische  Unterhaltung 

BLVS  Bibliothek  des  Literatur- Vereins  in  Stuttgart 

BSWFK  Bibliothek  der  schonen  Wissenschaften  und  freien  Kiinste 

CUGS  Columbia  University  Germanic  studies 

CWGV  Chronik  des  Wiener  Goethe- Vereins 

DLD  Deutsche  Literaturdenkmale  des  18.  und  19.  Jahrhunderts 

DLE  Deutsche  Literatur  ...  in  Entwicklungsreihen 

DLZ  Deutsche  Literaturzeitung 

DNL  (Kiirschners)  Deutsche  Nationalliteratur 

DNS  Die  neueren  Sprachen 

DR  Deutsche  Rundschau 

DV  Dichtung  und  Volkstum 

DVLG  Deutsche  Vierteljahrschrift  fiir  Literaturwissenschaft  und 

Geistesgeschichte 

ES  Englische  Studien 

FFDL  Freie  Forschungen  zur  deutschen  Literaturgeschichte 

FNL  Forschungen  zur  neueren  Literaturgeschichte 

GAA  German- American  Annals  (new  series) 

GGA  Gottingische  gelehrte  Anzeigen 

GJ  Goethe-Jahrbuch 

GLL  German  Life  and  Letters 

GpJ  Jahrbuch  der  Grillparzer-Gesellschaft 

GQ  German  Quarterly 

GR  Germanic  Review 

[391] 


392      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 


GRM 

GS 

IMWKT 

JbL 


JEGPh 

JFDH 

LblGRPh 

LE 

LF 

LZ 

MDU 

MLA 

MLF 

MLN 

MLQ 

MLR 

MPh 

NADB 

NBSWFK 

NDL 

NF 
NJKA 

NQ 

PAPC 

PDS 

PEGS 

PMLA 

PQ 

PrJ 

QF 

RC 
RDM 
RES 
RLC 


Germanisch-romanische  Monatsschrift 

Germanische  Studien 

Internationale  Monatsschrift  fiir  Wissenschaft,  Kunst  und 

Technik  (1907-1912  Int.  Wochenschrift) 
Jahresberichte  fiir  die  neuere  deutsche  Literaturgeschichte 

(since  1921:  Jahresberichte  iiber  die  wissenschaftlichen 

Erscheinungen  .  .  .  Literatur) 
Journal  of  English  and  Germanic  Philology 
Jahrbuch  des  freien  deutschen  Hochstifts  zu  Frankfurt 
Literaturblatt  fiir  Germanische  und  Romanische  Philologie 
Das  literarische  Echo 
Literarhistorische  Forschungen 
Literarisches  Zentralblatt 
Monatshefte  fiir  den  deutschen  Unterricht 
Modern  Language  Association 
Modern  Language  Forum 
Modern  Language  Notes 
Modern  Language  Quarterly- 
Modern  Language  Review 
Modern  Philology 

Neue  allgemeine  deutsche  Bibliothek 
Neue  Bibliothek  der  schonen  Wissenschaften  und  freyen 

Kiinste 
Neudrucke  deutscher  Litteraturwerke  des  XVI  und  XVII 

Jahrhunderts 
Neue  Forschungen 
Neue  Jahrbiicher  fiir  das  klassische  Altertum,  Geschichte 

und  deutsche  Literatur. 
Notes  and  Queries 

Philological  Association  of  the  Pacific  Coast 
Prager  deutsche  Studien 
Publications  of  the  English  Goethe  Society 
Publications  of  the  Modern  Language  Association  of  America 
Philological  Quarterly 
Preufiische  Jahrbiicher 
Quellen  und  Forschungen  zur  Sprach-  und  Kulturgeschichte 

der  germanischen  Volker 
Revue  critique  d'histoire  de  litterature  (new  series) 
Revue  des  deux  mondes 
Review  of  English  Studies 
Revue  de  litterature  comparee 


Price:  E7iglish  Literature  in  Germany 


393 


RSH 
RSSCW 

SdSG 

SGG 

ShJ 

SP 

SVL 

ThF 

UCPMPh 

UNSL 

VDPh 

VGG 

VJSL 

VNS 

ZB 


ZDA 
ZDPh 
ZDU 
ZfA 

ZfD 
ZfFEU 

ZfNU 

Z6G 

ZVL 


Revue  de  synthese  historique 

Research  Studies  of  the  State  College  of  Washington 

Schriften  der  deutschen  Shakespeare-Gesellschaft.  Neue 

Folge. 
Schriften  der  Goethe-Gesellschaft 
Jahrbuch  der  deutschen  Shakespeare-Gesellschaft 
Studies  in  Philology 

Studien  zur  vergleichenden  Literaturgeschichte 
TheatergeschichtlicheForschungen 

University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 
Untersuchungen  zur  neueren  Sprach-  und  Literaturgeschichte 
Versammlungen  deutscher  Philologen  und  Schulmanner 
Vierteljahrschrift  der  Goethe  Gesellschaft 
Vierteljahrschrift  fur  Literaturgeschichte 
Verein  fur  niederdeutsche  Sprachf  orschung 
Zeitschrift  fur  Bucherf  reunde 

(Roman  numerals  refer  to  "Jahrgange"  without  reference  to 

series.) 
Zeitschrift  fur  deutsches  Altertum 
Zeitschrift  fur  deutsche  Philologie 
Zeitschrift  fur  deutschen  Unterricht 
Zeitschrift  fur  Aesthetik 
Zeitschrift  fur  Deutschkunde 

Zeitschrift  f ur  f  ranzosischen  und  englischen  Unterricht 
Zeitschrift  fur  neusprachlichen  Unterricht 
Zeitschrift  fur  die  osterreichischen  Gymnasien 
Zeitschrift  fur  vergleichende  Literaturgeschichte.  Neue 

Folge. 


Other  frequently  cited  serial  publications  are  Euphorion,  English 
Studies,  Die  Grenzboten,  Hesperia,  Palaestra,  Probefahrten,  and  Teut- 
scher  Merkur. 


PRELIMINARY  NOTE 

See  first  the  table  of  contents  on  page  vii  and  the  list  of  abbreviations 
on  pages  391-392.  "Influences"  are  placed  as  far  as  possible  under  the 
century  in  which  they  occurred;  e.g.,  that  of  Sterne  on  Heine  in  Part  IV, 
"The  Era  of  World  Literature."  Within  the  parts  the  arrangement  is 
alphabetical;  e.g.,  Part  II,  Addison  [307]  to  Young  [631].  Within  the 
subdivisions  the  order  is  alphabetical  according  to  the  German  author 
name;  e.g.  Addison  and  Bodmer  [318]  to  Addison  and  Rabener  [325]. 
The  cross  references  do  not  aim  to  be  complete. 
The  bibliography  was  closed  January,  1953. 


Introduction 

GENERAL  BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  WORKS 
AND  GENERAL  SURVEYS 

(i.e.,  works  covering  more  than  one  century) 

General  bibliographical  works 

Betz,  Louis  P.  La  Litterature  comparee.  Essai  bibliographique.  Strass-  [1] 

burg,  1900.  2e  ed.  augmentee,  Strassburg,  1904;  410  pp. 
Reviews: 

F.  Baldensperger.  RC  L  (1900)  91-93. 
Anon.  MLR  I  (1905)  77  f. 
R.  Petsch.  LblGRPh  XXVI  (1905)  353. 
E.  Stemplinger.  SVL  VI  (1906)  366-368. 
"W.  W[etz].  ZVLXVI  (1906)  486-488. 

For  list  of  other  reviews  see  ShJ  XLII  (1906)  395. 

Northup,  Clark  S.  A  bibliography  of  comparative  literature.  MLN  XX  [2] 

(1905)  235-239  and  XXI  (1906)  12-15. 
Supplement  to  Betz  [1]. 

Baldensperger,  Ferdinand  and  Werner  P.  Friederich.  Bibliography  [3] 

of  Comparative  Literature.  University  of  North  Carolina  Studies  in 
Comparative  Literature  I,  Chapel  Hill,  North  Carolina,  1950;  xxiv  + 
701  pp. 
R.  W[ellek].  Comparative  Literature  III  (1951)  90-92. 
R.  Rosenberg.  GR  XXVI  (1951)  165  f. 

Anglo-German  and  Anglo-American  bibliographies 

Pochmann,  Henry  A.  et  al.  Anglo-German  bibliography  for  1935-1940.  [4] 

JEGPh,  April  numbers,  1936-1941,  but  1940,  pp.  546  ff. 

Price,  Lawrence  M.  Anglo-German  literary  bibliography  for  1943-1951.  [5] 

JEGPh,  July  numbers  1946-1952. 

Zucker,  A.  E.,  D.  Cunz,  F.  Beichmann,  et  al.  Bibliography  Americana  [6] 

Germanica.  AGB,  April  numbers,  1942-1952. 

Baginsky,  Paul  Ben.  German  works  relating  to  America,  1493-1800.  [7] 

A  list  compiled  from  the  collections  of  the  New  York  Public  Library, 
1942;  xv +  217  pp. 

A.  E.  Zucker.  AGR  VIII  6  (1942)  31. 

H.  A.  Pochmann.  Am.  Lit.  XIV  (1942)  192. 

L.  M.  Price.  MLQ  IV  (1943)  260-261. 

General  Surveys.  See  also  [137]-[150]  and  [1232]-[1238] 

Flaischlen,  Casar.  Graphische  Literaturtafel.  Die  deutsche  Literatur  [8] 

und  der  EinfluB  fremder  Literaturen  auf  ihren  Verlauf.  Stuttgart, 
1890. 

Whitman,  Sidney.  Former  English  influence  in  Germany.  North  Ameri-  [9] 

can  Eeview  CLXXIII  (1901)  221-231. 

Political,  intellectual,  and  literary  influences  to  about  1848. 

Muncker,  Franz.  Anschauungen  vom  englischen  Staat  und  Volk  in  der  [10] 

deutschen  Literatur  der  letzten  vier  Jahrhunderte.  I :  Von  Erasmus  bis 
zu  Goethe  und  den  Bomantikern,  vorgetragen  am  3.  Juli,  1916.  II :  Von 

[395] 


396      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Piickler-Muskau  bis  zn  den  Jungdeutschen,  vorgetragen  am  8.  Mai, 
1920.  Sitzungsberichte  der  Kgl.  Bayerischen  Akademie  der  Wissen- 
schaften,  Philosophisch-philologische  und  historische  Klasse,  Miinchen, 
1918  and  1925 ;  162  pp.  and  59  pp. 

Anon.  ASNS  CXLI  (1921)  297-300. 

B.  Uhlendorff.  JEGPh  XXI  (1922)  184-188. 

H.  Ludeke.  DLZ  XL VII  (1926)  1106-1108. 

Von  Zabeltttz,  Max  Zobeju  Englands  Bild  in  den  Augen  der  deutschen         [11] 
Klassiker.  Grenzboten  LXXVII  3  (1918)  199-202,  228-231,  252-254. 
Herder,  Klinger,  Goethe,  Schiller,  Hebbel,  Grillparzer,  Ludwig. 

Price,  Lawrence  Marsden.  English-German  literary  influences.  Bibliog-         [12] 
raphy  and  Survey.  UCPMPh  IX  (1919-1920)  ;  616  pp. 
F.  Baldensperger.  RC  LXXXVII  (1920)  86. 
F.  Baldenspergeb.  RC  LXXXVIII  (1921)  27-29. 
F.  Schobnbmann.  MLN  XXXVI  (1921)  354-358. 
B.  Uhlbndobff.  JBGPh  XX  (1921)  137-155. 
W.  Kellee.  ShJ  LVII  (1921)  102  f. 
F.  Baldenspergeb.  RLC  I  (1921)  170-174. 
L,  Willoughbt.  MLR  XVI  (1921)  192-196. 
F.  Piquet.  RG  XII  (1921)  87  f. 
F.  Schoenemann.  ASNS  CXLIII  (1922)  142-145. 

A.  KOSTEE.  ADA  XLI  (1922)  150-154. 
R.  Fife.  MLJ  VI  (1922)  225-228. 

F.  "Werner.  LZ  LXXIII  (1922)  381  f. 

O.  Bbhaghel.  LblGRPh  XLIV  (1923)  159  f. 

Willoughby  quotes  Lessing:  "Es  sind  also  mehr  Collectanea  zu  einem  Buch 
als  ein  Buch." 

Mielke,  Gerda.  Englische  Literatur  (EinfluB  auf  die  deutsche  Literatur)  [13] 

in  "Eeallexikon  der  deutschen  Literaturgeschichte,"  ed.  Merker  and 
Stammler,  I-IV.  Berlin,  1925-1931;  I  279-300. 

Schoffler,  Herbert.  England  in  der  deutschen  Bildung,  pp.  328-341  in  [14] 

"Brittanica,  Festschrift  fur  Max  Forster,"  Leipzig,  1929. 

Wolcken,  Fritz.  Shakespeares  Zeitgenossen  in  der  deutschen  Dichtung.  [15] 

NFV  (1929);  80  pp. 

M.  Enzinger.  DLZ  XII  (1930)  553-556. 
Von  Geolman.  LZ  LXXXI  (1930)  503. 

E.  Geoth.  AB  XLIII  (1932)  120-124. 

Price,  Lawrence  Marsden.  The  reception  of  English  literature  in  Ger-  [16] 

many.  Berkeley,  1932 ;  vii  +  596  pp. 

W.  F.  Schiemee.  DLZ  LIII  (1932)  1606-1607. 
L.  Bbun.  RG  XXII  (1932)  287-288. 

F.  R.  Scheodee.  GRM  XX  (1932)  222. 

P.  Van  Tieghem.  RSH  LII  (1932)  307-308. 

R.  D.  Hoen.  University  of  California  Chronicle  (1932)  213-218. 

G.  "W.  Spink.  AB  XLIV  (1933)  184-189. 
P.  Mbissnee.  ADA  LII  (1933)  63-65. 
H.  Almstedt.  MLJ  XVII  (1933)  543. 

F.  "W.  Steothmann.  MDU  XXV  (1933)  266-267. 
L.  A.  Willoughby.  MLR  XXVIII  (1933)  390-393. 

B.  Q.  Moegan.  JEGPh  XXXII  (1933)  267-269. 
F.  Baldbnspeegeb.  RLC  XIII  (1933)  377-378. 
H.  Richter,  DNS  XLI  (1933)   381-382. 

A.  Ludwig.  ASNS  CLXIV  (1933)  94-96. 

W.  Keller.  ShJ  LXIX  (1933)  175-176. 

F.  Schoenemann.  MLN  XLVIII  (1933)  547-550. 

H.  A.  Pochmann.  Am.  Lit.  VI  (1934)  211-215. 

W.  Kayser.  Neophilologus  XIX  (1934)  297-298. 

W.  Rose.  RES  X  (1934)  244-245. 

J.  Van  Dam.  English  Studies  XVI  (1934)  236-238. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  397 

Blassneck,  Marge.  Frankreich  als  Vermittler  englisch-deutscher  Ein-  [17] 

fliisse  im  17.  und  18.  Jahrhundert.  Kblner  anglistische  Studien  XX 
(1934)  ;  181  pp. 
P.  Van  Tieghem.  RSH  LV  (1935)  244-246. 
A.  B[randl].  ASNS  CLXVI  (1935)  284-285. 

Price,  Lawrence  Marsden.  Holland  as  a  mediator  of  English-German         [18] 
literary  influences  in  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries.  MLQ  II 
(1941)  115-122. 

Kose,  "William.  German  literary  exiles  in  England.  GL&L  I  (1947)  175-         [19] 
185. 

Marx,  Engels,  Arnold  Ruge,  Max  Miiller,  Malvida  von  Meysenbug,  Gottfried 
Kinkel,  Freiligrath,  Toller,  Zuckmeyer,  Stefan  Zweig,  Robert  Neumann,  Feucht- 
wanger. 

America 

Descyzk,  Gerhard.  Amerika  in  der  Phantasie  deutscher  Dichter.  Deutsch-         [20] 
amerikanische  Geschichtsblatter,  XXIV  (1924)  7-142. 

Goebel,  Julius.  Amerika  in  der  deutschen  Dichtung  bis  1832.  Vortrag,  [21] 

New  York,  1890.  pp.  102-127  in  "Forschungen  .  .  .  Eudolph  Hilde- 
brand,"  Leipzig,  1894,  and  pp.  55-74  in  Goebel's  "Der  Kampf  um  die 
deutsche  Kultur  in  Amerika,"  Leipzig,  1914. 

Klopstock,  Herder,  "Sturm  und  Drang,"  Lenau,  the  aged  Goethe. 
J.  Minor.  Supplement  to  above.  GGA  1896;  662-666. 

Linguistic  worlcs 

Palmer,  Philip  M.  Der  EinfluB  der  neuen  Welt  auf  den  deutschen  "Wort-         [22] 
schatz  1492-1800.  Heidelberg,  1933 ;  166  pp. 
G.  T.  Flom.  JEGPh  XXXIII  (1934)  590-591. 
G.  Friederici.  GGA  CXCVI  (1934)  438-445. 
H.  Suolahti.  Neuphilologische  Mitteilungen,  1934,  pp.  183-185. 
G.  Kirschner.  English  Studies  XVII  (1935)  186-188. 
P.  M.  Palmer.  JEGPh  XXXV  (1936)  401-404. 
W.  Fischer.  AB  XL VII  (1936)  65. 
P.  Meissner.  English  Studies  XVIII  (1936)  269. 
P.  Goetsch.  GR  XI  (1936)  290  f. 
W.  Keller.  ShJ  LXXI  (1936)  160  f. 

Stiven,  Agnes  B.  Englands  EinfluB  auf  den  deutschen  Wortschatz.  Mar-  [23] 

burg  diss.,  1936;  151  pp. 

A.  Heinrich.  DNS  XLV  (1937)  381  f. 

A.  Goetze.  LblGRPh  LIX  (1938)  5-6. 

W.  E.  Collinson.  MLR  XXXIII  (1938)  324-325. 

G.  Galinsky.  DLZ  LIX  (1938)  770-772. 

F.  STROH.  AB  XLIX  (1938)  326-327. 

E.  Ohmann.  Neuphilologische  Mitteilungen  XXXIX  (1938)  273-275. 

G.  T.  Flom.  JEGPh  XXXIX  (1940)  274-276. 

Palmer,  Philip  Motley.  Neuweltworter  im  Deutschen.  Germanische         [24] 
Bibliothek,  Abth.  2,  XLII  (1939)  ;  174  pp. 
W.  Fischer.  AB  LI  (1940)  123-124. 
A.  C.  Dunstan.  MLR  XXXV  (1940)  567. 
J.  H.  SCHOLTE.  Neophilologus  XXVII  (1941)  75. 
C.  F.  Bayerschmidt.  GR  XVII  (1942)  135. 
H.  Penzl.  JEGPh  XLII  (1943)  422. 
A.  Goetze.  LblGRPh  LXII  (1941)  10. 

Kurrelmeyer,  "W.  American  and  other  loan  words  in  German.  JEGPh         [25] 
XLIII  (1944)  286-301. 

Palmer,  Philip  M.  New-world  words  in  German.  MDU  XXXVIII  (1945)  [26] 

481-488. 


398      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Palmer,  Philif  Motley.  The  influence  of  English  on  the  German  vocabu-         [27] 
lary  to  1700.  University  of  California  Publications  in  Linguistics  VII 
(1950)  1-38. 

Part  One 

REFORMATION  AND  RENAISSANCE 

The  Sixteenth  Century 

Bibliographical  worlcs 

Spirigatis,  M.  Englische  Literatur  auf  der  Frankfurter  Messe  von  1561-         [28] 
1620.  Pp.  37-89  in  Sammlung  bibliothekswissenschaftlicher  Arbeiten 
XV,  Leipzig,  1902. 

J.  Koch.  ES  XXXII  (1903)  278-280. 

Wiem,  Irene.  Das  englische  Schrifttum  in  Deutsehland  von  1518-1600.  [29] 

Palaestra  CCIX  (1940)  150  pp. 

M.  Schutt.  DLZ  LXII  (1941)  644-646. 
It.  M.  Peice.  MLN  LVII  (1942)  161  f. 

Historical  works 

Goedeke,  Karl.  Everyman,  Homulus  und  Helcastus  .  .  .  Hannover,  1865.         [30] 

Herford,  Charles  H.  Studies  in  the  literary  relations  of  England  and         [31] 
Germany  in  the  16.  century.  Cambridge,  1886;  426  pp. 
Practically  no  English  >  German  influences  exhibited. 
E.  Bobertag.  ES  X  (1887)  282-285. 

Kosztjl,  Andre.  L'Alsace  et  l'Angleterre  au  XVP  siecle.  PLC  IX  (1929)  [32] 

5-24. 

England  and  Switzerland 

Vetter,  Theodor.  Englische  Fliichtlinge  in  Zurich  wahrend  der  ersten         [33] 
Halfte  des  XVI.  Jahrhunderts.  Zurich,  1903,  23  pp. 

Vetter,  Theodor.  Johannes  Hooper,  Bischof  von  Gloucester  und  Wor-  [34] 

cester  und  seine  Beziehungen  zu  Bullinger  und  Zurich.  Turicensia, 
Zurich,  1891. 

Vetter,    Theodor.   Litterarische   Beziehungen   zwischen   England   und         [35] 
der  Schweiz  im  Beformationszeitalter.  Gratulationsschrift  zum  450- 
jahrigen  Jubilaum  der  Universitat  Glasgow.  Zurich,  1901;  41  pp. 

Flugel,   Ewald.  Eeferences  to  the  English  language  in  the  German  [36] 

literature  of  the  first  half  of  the  sixteenth  century.  MPh  I   (1903) 
19-30. 

Luther  and  the  English  language.  English  fugitives  in  Ziirich. 

Eobson-Scott,  W.  D.  Josua  Maler's  visit  to  England  in  1551.  MLE  XLV  [37] 

(1950)  346-351. 

Buchanan 

Bolte,  Johannes.  Die  Heidelberger  Verdeutschungen  von  Buchanans  [38] 

Tragodie  Baptistes.  ASNS  CLXII  (1932)  174-184  and  CLXIII  (1933) 
1-33. 

Trsl.  Lingelsheim,  1585. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  399 

Duns  Scotus  in  Tyrol 

Dorrer,  A.  Johannes  Duns  Scotus  in  Siidtirol.  ASNS  CLXV  (1934)  228-         [39] 
234. 

The  Seventeenth  Century 

Historical  works 

Waterhotjse,  Gilbert.  The  literary  relations  of  England  and  Germany  in  [40] 

the  seventeenth  century.  Cambridge  University  Press,  1914;  190  pp. 
Dramatic  field  excluded.  Bibliography  of  translations. 
L.  A.  WillOUGHBY.  MLR  X  (1915)  122-126. 
W.  Ceeizenach.  ShJ  LI  (1915)  273  f. 
H.  LtiDEKE.  AB  XXVIII  (1917)  20. 

Vietor,  Karl.  Probleme  der  deutschen  Barockliteratur.  Von  deutscher         [41] 
Poetereylll  (1928)  94  pp. 

Aehle,  Wilhelm.  Die  Anfange  des  Unterrichts  in  der  englischen  Sprache         [42] 
besonders  auf  den  Eitterakademien.  Hamburg,  1938;  253  pp. 
1668  ff. 
K.  Thielke.  ES  LXXIII  (1938)  433  f. 
G.  Dietrich.  AB  L  (1939)  29  f. 
A.  Heinrich.  DNS  XLIV  (1939)  385  f. 

F.  Fiedler.  ASNS  CLXXVI  (1939)  94  f. 
K.  Brunner.  LblGRPh  LXI  (1940)  95  f. 

Grimmelshausen.  See  also  [54]. 

Hennig,  John-.  Simplicius  Simplieissimus's  British  relations.  MLR  XLI  [43] 

(1945)  37-45. 

Gryphius.  See  also  [708]  ff. 

Schonle,    Gustav.    Das    Trauerspiel    Carolus    Stuardus    des    Andreas  [44] 

Gryphius ;  Quellen  und  Gestaltungen  des  Stoff  es.  Bonn,  1933 ;  56  pp. 
Chief  sources  Eikojv  /SaeriXiK?;  and  Engelandische  Memorial. 

Schupp 

ZschaiTjWaltherW.  Quellen  und  Vorbilder  in  den  Lehrreichen  Schriften         [45] 
Johann  Balthasar  Schupps.  Halle  diss.,  1906  ;  109  pp. 
Pp.  66-96:  Bacon,  Owen,  Sidney,  Barclay,  Shakespeare. 
C.  Vogt.  Euphorion  XVI  (1909)  6-27. 

Weckherlin 

Bohm,  Friedrich  Wilhelm.  Englands  EinfluB  auf  Georg  Eudolf  Week-         [46] 
herlin.  Gottingen  diss.,  1893 ;  80  pp. 

Forster,  Leonard.  G.  R.  Weckherlin  and  England.  GLL  III   (1939)         [47] 
107-116. 

Forster,  Leonard.  G.  R.  Weckherlin  and  the  "Choyce  of  a  wife."  MLR         [48] 
XXXVIII  (1943)  251-254. 

Forster,   Leonard  Wilson.   G.   R.   Weckherlin;    zur   Kenntnis  seines         [49] 
Lebens  in  England.  Basler  Studien  zur  deutschen  Sprache  und  Litera- 
tur  II.  Basel,  1944;  168  pp. 

L.  M.  PRICE.  MLQ  VII  (1946)  253-254. 

G.  F.  Merkel.  MLN  LXIV  (1949)  425-428. 


400      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Bacon 

Minkowski,  Helmut.  Die  New  Atlantis  des  Francis  Bacon  und  die         [50] 
Leopoldino-Carolino;   zur  Vorgeschichte  der  ersten  deutschen  natur- 
wissenschaftlichen  gelehrten  Gesellschaf t.  Archiv  fur  Kulturgeschichte 
XXVI  (1936)  283-295. 

Minkowski,  Helmut.  Die  geistesgeschichtliche  und  literarische  Nach-         [51] 
folge  der  New  Atlantis  des  Francis  Bacon.  I-II  Neophilologus  XXII 
(1937)  120-139,185-200. 

Germany,  p.  186  fir.  Bausch,  Morhof,  Schupp,  Harsdoerffer. 

Barclay 

Collignon,  Albert.  Notes  historiques,  litteraires  et  biographiques  sur  [52] 

VArgenis  de  Barclay.  Nancy,  1902  ;  182  pp. 

Schmid,  Karl.  John  Barclays  Argenis.  I.  Ausgaben  der  Argenis,  ihrer  [53] 

Fortsetzungen  und  Ubersetzungen.  LF  XXXI  (1904)  ;  183  pp. 
Pp.  72-102:  "Deutsche  Ubersetzungen."   (Opitz  et  al.) . 

Barclay  and  Grimmelshausen 

Von  Bloedau,  Karl  August.  Grimmelshausens  Simplicissimus  und  seine         [54] 
Vorganger  .  . .  Palaestra  LI  (1908)  ;  vi  +  145  pp. 

Barclay  and  Opitz 

Kettelhoit,    Paula.    Formanalyse    der    Barclay-Opitzschen    Argenis.         [55] 
Minister  diss.  1934;  82  pp. 

Burnet 

Haller,  Elisabeth.  Die  barocken  Stilmerkmale  in  der  englischen,  late-  [56] 

inischen  und  deutschen  Fassungen  von  Dr.  Thomas  Burnets  Theorie 
of  the  earth.  Schweizer  anglistische  Arbeiten  IX,  Bern,  1940;  xiv  + 
179  pp. 

M.  W.  Ceodd.  MLN  LVII  (1942)  320. 

H.  H.  Glunz.  AB  LIII  (1942)  295-296. 

D.  Bischoff.  ES  LXXV  (1943)  369-376. 

Ball 

Petherick,  Edward  A.  On  the  authorship  and  translations  of  Mundus         [57] 
alter  et  idem.  The  Genth  man's  Magazine,  CCLXXXVIII  (1896)  66-87. 

Jonson 

Bolte,  Johannes.  Ben  Jonson's  Seianus  am  Heidelberger  Hofe.  ShJ  [58] 

XXIV  (1889)  72-89. 

Trsl.  J.  M.  Girish,  played  between  1663  and  1671. 

Nevil 

Hippe,  J.  Eine  vor-Defoe'sche  Eobinsonade.  ES  XIX   (1894)    66-104.  [59] 

Cf.  J.  H.  Scholte,  ZB,  Neue  Folge,  XXII  (1930)  49-55. 

Owen 

Urban,  Erich.  Owenus  und  die  deutschen  Epigrarmnatiker  des  XVII         [60] 
Jahrhunderts.  LF  XI  (1900)  ;  58  pp. 
H.  Fischer.  ADA  XXVII  (1901)  278-280. 

Sidney 

Brunhuber,  K.  Sir  Philip  Sidneys  Arcadia  und  ihre  Nachlaufer.  Niirn-  [61] 

berg,  1903 ;  55  pp. 

Der  Konigliche  Schafer  among  others. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  401 

Bbie,  Fbiedbich.  Das  Volksbuch  Vom  gehornten  Siegfried  und  Sidneys  [62] 

Arcadia.  ASNS  CXXI  (1908)  287-290. 

Sidney  and  Opitz 

Huebneb,  Alfred.  Das  erste  deutsche  Schaferidyll  und  seine  Quellen.  [63] 

Konigsberg  diss.,  1910 ;  119  pp. 

Wukmb,  Agnes.  Die  deutsche  tibersetzung  von  Sidneys  Arcadia  (1629  [64] 

und  1638)   und  Opitz's  Verhaltnis  dazu.  Heidelberg  diss.,  Hannover, 
1911;  64  pp. 

Husgen,  Schwester  H.  Das  Intellectualfeld  in  der  deutschen  Arcadia         [65] 
und  in  ihrem  englischen  Vorbild.  Miinster  diss.,  1935 ;  95  pp. 
R.  Woeslee.  AB  XLVIII  (1937)  147-149. 


THE  ENGLISH  COMEDIANS 


History 


Gen£e,   Kudolf.   Lehr-   und   Wanderjahre    des   deutschen    Schauspiels.  [66] 

Berlin,  1882;  400  pp. 

Creizenach,  Wilhelm,  ed.  Die  Schauspiele  der  englischen  Komodianten.  [67] 

DNL  XXIII  (1889)  ;  cxviii  +  352  pp. 

1.  Wanderziige  der  Englander.  2.  Biihnenverhaltnisse.  3.  Repertoire  der  Eng- 
ender in  Deutschland.  4.  Kunststil  der  englischen  Komodianten.  5.  Die  lustige 
Person.  6.  Der  Liebeskampf.  7.  Die  englischen  Komodianten  und  die  deutsche 
Literatur. 
M.  KOCH.  ZVL  III  (1890)  146-149. 

Bolte,  Johannes.  Die  Singspiele  der  englischen  Komodianten  und  ihrer  [68] 

Nachfolger   in   Deutschland,    Holland   und    Skandinavien.    ThF   VII 
(1893);  vii  +  194pp. 

A.  Von  "Weilen.  DLZ  XV  (1894)  460  f. 
W.  Creizenach.  LZ  XLIX  (1896)  26. 

B.  Hoenig.  ADA  XXII  (1896)  296-319. 
L.  Fkankel.  ES  XXIII  (1897)  125-130. 

Flemming,  Willi,  ed.  Das  Schauspiel  der  Wanderbuhne.  DLZ,  Eeihe         [69] 
XIII  b,  3,  1931;  340  pp. 
M.  B.  Evans.  MLN  XLVII  (1932)  338-340. 

See  also  Plemming's  article,   "Englische  Komodianten"  in  Reallexikon  der 
deutschen  Literatur,  ed.  Merker  &  Stammler,  Berlin,  1925-1931;  I  271-279. 

Texts 

See  also  Creizenach  [67]. 

Tieck,  Ludwig,  ed.  Deutsches  Theater  I-II,  Berlin,  1817.  [70] 

Cohn,  Albebt,  ed.  Shakespeare  in  Germany  in  the  16th  and  17th  cen-  [71] 

turies ;  an  account  of  English  actors  in  Germany  and  the  Netherlands 
and  of  the  plays  performed  by  them  during  the  same  period.  London 
and  Berlin,  1865 ;  cxxxiii  +  406  pp. 
R.  Kohlee.  ShJ  I  (1865)  406-417. 

Tittmann,  Julius,  ed.  Die  Schauspiele  der  englischen  Komodianten  in         [72] 
Deutschland.  Deutsche  Dichter  des  16.  Jahrhunderts  XIII   (1880)  ; 
xii  +  248  pp. 


402      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 
Wanderings 

See  also  introductions  to  [70]  ff. 

Mobyson,  Fynes.  Travels  in  Germany.  London,  1617.  Reprinted  under         [73] 
the  title  Shakespeare's  Europe,  by  Chas.  Hughes,  London,  Sherratt  and 
Hughes,  1903. 

P.    304,    dealing   with   the   English    comedians   in   Frankfurt,    reprinted   by 
A.  Brandl  in  ShJ  XL  (1904)  229-230. 

Deutsche    Shakespeare-Gesellschaft.    [Englisehe    Komodianten   in         [74] 
Deutschland]. 

Sundry  contributions  to  the  ShJ  as  follows: 
R.  Wulcker.  E.K.  in  Kassel — XIV  (1879)  360-361. 
T.  Elze.  E.K.  in  Regensburg — XIV  (1879)  362. 
W.  Creizenach.  E.K.  in  Frankfurt  am  Main — XVIII  (1883)  268. 
J.  Meissner.  E.K.  in  Oesterreich — XIX  (1884)  113-155. 
J.  Bolte.  E.K.  in  Denmark  and  Sweden — XXIII  (1888)  99-106. 
A.  COHN.  E.K.  in  Koln  (1592-1656)— XXI  (1896)  245-276. 
J.  Bolte.  E.K.  in  Minister  and  Ulm — XXXVI  (1900)  273-276. 
C.  F.  Meyer.  E.K.  in  Pommern-Wolgast — XXXVIII  (1902)  196-211. 

A.  Brandl.  E.K.  in  Frankfurt  am  Main — XL  (1904)  229-230. 

Tbaxjtmann,  Karl.  [Englisehe  Komodianten  in  Deutschland].  [75] 

Sundry  contributions  to  AL  XI-XIV  (1882-1886)  as  follows: 
E.K.  in  Nordlingen  (1604) — XI  (1882)   625-626. 
E.K.  in  Miinchen  (1597,  1600,  1607) — XII  (1884)  319-320. 
E.K.  in  Schwaben  (16.  Jht.)- — XIII  (1885)  34-71. 
E.K.  in  Ulm  (1594-1657) — XIII  (1885)  315-324. 
E.K.  in  Frankfurt  (1615) — XIII  (1885)  417-418. 
E.K.  in  Niirnberg  (1593-1648) — XIV  (1886)  113-136. 

Meissner,  Johannes.  Die  englischen  Komodianten  zur  Zeit  Shakespeares         [76] 
in  Oesterreich.  Wien,  1884;  198  pp. 
Cf.  ShJ  XIX  (1884)  113-155. 

Ckuger,  Johannes.  Englisehe  Komodianten  in  StraBburg  im  ElsaB.  AL  [77] 

XV  (1887)  113-125. 

Konnecke,  Gustav.  Neue  Beitrage  zur  Geschichte  der  englischen  Komo-  [78] 

dianten.  ZVL  I  (1887)  85-88. 

Trautmann,  Karl.  Deutsche  Schauspiele  am  Bayrischen  Hof.  Jahrbuch  [79] 

fur  Miinchener  Geschichte  III,  Bamberg,  1889. 

Trautmann,    Karl.    Englisehe    Komodianten   in   Eothenburg    ob    der         [80] 
Tauber.  ZVL  VII  (1894)  60-67. 

Bolte,  Johannes.  Das  Danziger  Theater  im  16.  und  17.  Jahrhundert.  [81] 

ThF  XII  (1895)  ;  xxiii  +  296  pp. 
J.  Bolte.  ShJ  XXXII  (1896)  312-314. 

B.  Hoenig.  ADA  XXIV  (1898)  377-382. 

Krauss,   E.   Die   englischen   Komodianten   im  heutigen  Wiirttemberg.  [82] 

Wiirttembergische  Vierteljahrschrift  fur  Landesgesehichte,  Neue  Folge 
II  (1898). 

Zimmermann,  Paul.  Englisehe  Komodianten  am  Hofe  zu  Wolfenbiittel.  [83] 

Braunschweigisches  Magazin  VIII  (1902)  37-45  and  53-57. 

Zimmermann,  Paul.  Englisehe  Komodianten  in  Wolfenbiittel.  Pp.  213-         [84] 
224  in  "Germanistische  Abhandlungen  Hermann  Paul  dargebracht .  .  ." 
StraGburg,  1902. 

Herz,  E.  Englisehe  Schauspieler  und  englisches  Schauspiel  zur  Zeit  Shake-  [85] 

speares  in  Deutschland.  ThF  XVIII  (1903)  ;  x  +  143  pp. 
A.  Hatjffen.  ShJ  XL  (1904)  281-283. 
A.  Von  Weilen.  DLZ  XXV  (1904)  221  f. 
G.  WlTKOWSKI.  ZDPh  XXXVI  (1904)  562-564. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  403 

Harris,  Charles.  English  actors  in  Germany  in  the  16th  and  17th  cen-         [86] 
turies.  Western  Keserve  University  Bulletin  X  (1907)  136-163. 

Witkowski,  Georg.  Englische  Komodianten  in  Leipzig.  Euphorion  XV         [87] 
(1908)  441-444. 

1585,    and    1603—1613    often.    Based    in    part   on   Wustmann    in   Leipziger 
Tageblatt,  December  22,  1907. 

Worp,  J.  A.  Die  englischen  Komodianten  Jellifus  und  Eowe.  ShJ  XLVI  [88] 

(1910)  128-129. 

Niedecken-Gebhart,  Hanns.  Neues  Aktenmaterial  iiber  die  englischen         [89] 
Komodianten  in  Deutschland.  Euphorion  XXI  (1914)  72-85. 
Sackville  troupe  in  Braunschweig,  1595  ff. 

Niessen,  Carl.  Die   dramatischen  Darstellungen  in  Koln,   1526-1700.  [90] 

Veroffentlichungen  des  Kolner  Geschichtsvereins  III,  1917. 

Stage 

Kaulftjss-Diesch,    Carl   Hermann.   Die   Inszenierung   des   deutschen         [91] 
Dramas  an  der  Wende  des  sechzehnten  und  siebzehnten  Jahrhunderts. 
Probefahrten  VII  (1905)  ;  236  pp. 

Influence   of  the  English  comedians   on   the  stages  of  Heinrich  Julius  von 

Braunschweig  and  Jacob  Ayrer. 

J.  Bolte.  ShJ  XLII  (1906)  276  f. 

M.  K[0CH].  LZ  LVII  (1906)  435  f. 

J.  MlNOE.  Euphorion  XIV  (1907)  794-804. 

K.  Helm.  LblGRPh  XXVIII  (1907)  96-98. 

E.  Kilian.  SVL  VII  (1907)  139-147. 

K.  Meier.  AB  XX  (1909)  241  f. 

M.  B.  EVANS.  MLR  IV  (1909)  531-537. 

Harris,  Charles.  The  English  comedians  in  Germany  before  the  thirty         [92] 
years'  war;  the  financial  side.  PMLA  XXII  (1907)  446-464. 

Evans,  M.  Blakemore.  An  early  type  of  stage.  MPh  IX  (1912)  421-426.  [93] 

Evans,  M.  Blakemore.  Traditions  of  the  Elizabethan  stage  in  Germany.  [94] 

PQ  II  (1923)  310-314. 

Evident    in    Heinrich    Julius    von    Braunschweig's    Tragoedie    van    einer 
Ehebrecherin  and  Gryphius's  Peter  Squenz. 

Baesecke,    Anna.    Das    Schauspiel    der    Englischen    Komodianten    in         [95] 
Deutschland.  Seine  dramatische  Form  und  seine  Entwicklung.  Studien 
zur  englischen  Philologie  LXXXVII  (1935)  ;  xiii  +  154  pp. 

W.  Linden.  ZfD  L  (1936)  276. 

W.  Keller.  ZfNU  XXXVI  (1937)  50  f. 

J.  H.  Walter.  MLR  XXXII  (1937)  138. 

P.  GROSSE.  AB  XL VII  (1936)   114-116. 

W.  Keller.  ShJ  LXXII  (1936)  161  f. 

M.  Denis.  RG  XXVIII  (1937)  207. 

G.  Skopnik.  DLZ  LIX  (1938)  740-742. 

Pascal,  B.  The  stage  of  the  English  comedians;  three  problems.  MLR         [96] 
XXXV  (1940)  367-376. 

Repertory 

See  also  [70]  ff. 

Dessoff,  Albert.  Tiber  englische,  italienische  und  spanische  Dramen  in         [97] 
den  Spielverzeichnissen  deutscher  Wandertruppen.  SVL  I  (1901)  420- 
444. 

Plays  by  Shirley,  Shakespeare,  Dekker(  ?),  and  Massinger. 


404      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Richter,  Werner.  LiebesTcampf,  1630  und  Schaubuhne,  1670  ;  ein  Beitrag         [98] 
zur    deutschen    Theatergeschichte    des    17.    Jahrhunderts.    Palaestra 
LXXVIII  (1910)  ;  ix  +  420  pp. 

A.  von  Weilen.  DLZ  XXXIII  (1911)  1834  f. 

Dramas  of  anonymous  English  origin 

Schwartz,  Rudolf.  Das  Esther-Drama  des  Chrysostomus  Schultze,  1936.  [99] 

ZVL  IX  (1896)  334-351. 

Bischoff,  Ferdinand.  Niemand  und  Jemand  in  Graz  im  Jahre  1608.        [100] 
Mittheilungen  des  historischen  Vereins  fur  Steiermark  XLVII  (1899) 
127-138. 

Bolte,  Johannes.  Eine  Hamburger  Auffiihrung  von  Nobody  and  some-       [101] 
body.  ShJ  XLI  (1905)  188-193. 

Cf.  Bolte's  edition  of  Tieck's  translation  in  ShJ  XXIX  (1894)  4-92. 

Kramer.,  Frederic  J.  Nobody  and  Somebody.  A  study  of  the  English  and       [102] 
two  German  versions.  Ohio  State  University,  Abstracts  of  Doctors' 
Dissertations  XX  (1935-1936)  61-70. 

Kramer,  F.  J.  The  origin  of  the  manuscript  version  of  Niemand  und       [103] 
Jemand.  MDU  XXXVIII  (April-May,  1945)  85-95. 

Spengler,  Franz.  Der  verlorene  Sohn  im  Drama  des  16.  Jahrhunderts.        [104] 
Innsbruck,  1888;  vii  +  174  pp. 

Denies  that  Der  verlorene  Sohn  of  the  English  comedians  is  based  on  an 
English  version.  Herz  [85]  108  f.  dissents. 

Schwenkendiek,   Adolf.   Biihnengeschichte   des    Verlornen   Sohnes  in       [105] 
Deutschlandl  (1527-1627).  ThF  XL  (1930)  ;  163  pp. 

Chettle 

Von    Westenholz,    Friedrich.    Die    Griseldis-Sage   in    der    Literatur-        [106] 
geschichte.  Heidelberg,  1888;  177  pp. 

Dehher 

Creizenach,  Wilhelm.  Der  alteste  Faust-Prolog.  Krakau,  1887;  19  pp.        [107] 
Dekker's  If  this  be  not  good,  the  devil  is  in  it  as  a  source. 

Harms,    Paul.    Die    deutschen   Fortunatus-Dramen   und    ein    Kasseler       [108] 
Dichter  des  17.  Jahrhunderts.  ThF  V  (1892)  ;  vii  +  95  pp. 
Teildruck:  Marburg  diss.,  1891. 
C.  LZ  XLIV  (1893)   797  f. 

Bolte,  Johannes.  Zwei  Fortunatus-Dramen  aus  dem  Jahre  1643.  Eu-       [109] 
phorion  XXXI  (1930)  21-30. 

Glapthorne 

Bolte,  Johannes.  Eine  englische  Wallensteintragodie  in  Deutschland.       [HO] 
ZDPhXIX  (1887)  93-97. 

Vetter,  Theodor.  Wallenstein  in  der  dramatischen  Dichtung  des  Jahr-        [HI] 
zehnts  seines  Todes.  Frauenfeld,  1894;  42  pp. 
M.  Koch.  ES  XXIII  (1897)  133  f. 
W.  Creizenach.  ShJ  XLI  (1905)  201-203. 

Heywood 

Creizenach,  Wilhelm.  Ein  Kepertoirestiick  der  englischen  Komodianten.       [112] 
ShJ  XLI  (1905)  201. 

Thomas  Heywood's  The  Silver  Age   (1618)    and  Eomodie  von  Jupiter  und 
Arnphitryo,  played  in  Dresden  February  27,  1678. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  405 

Eyd.  See  also  [717]  ff. 

Schoenwerth,  Rudolf.  Die  niederlandischen  und  deutschen  Bearbeit-        [113] 
ungen  von  Thomas  Kyds  Spanish  tragedy.  LF  XXVI  (1903)  ;  cxxvii 
+  227  pp. 

J.  Ayrer's  Pelimperi  and  C.  Stieler's  Bellimperi  (1680). 
"W.  Keller.  ShJ  XXXIX  (1903)  319  f. 

Marlowe 

Creizenach,  Wilhelm.  Versuch  einer  Geschichte  des  Volksschauspiels        [114] 
vom  Doctor  Faust.  Halle,  1878 ;  xiv  +  197  pp. 

Brtjinier,  J.  W.  Untersuchungen  zur  Entwicklungsgeschichte  des  Volks-        [115] 
schauspiels  vom  Dr.  Faust.  ZDPh  XXIX   (1897)   180-195,  345-372; 
XXX  (1898)  324-359;  XXXI  (1899)  60-89,  194-231. 

Castle,  Editard.  Das  erste  Zeugnis  fiir  die  Bekanntschaft  mit  Marlowes       [116] 
Dr.  Faustus  in  Deutschland.  ADA  XXXV  (1911)  300-302. 

A  passage  in  Ayrer's  Historischer  Processus  Juris,  1597;  but  see  p.  30  f., 
above. 

Peele 

oftering,  Michael  Stephan.  Die  Geschichte  der  schonen  Irene  in  den       [117] 
modernen  Literaturen.  Miinchen  diss.,  Wurzburg,  1897. 

Two  German  versions:  1.  Ayrer's  tragedy,  dependant  on  Bandello  and  on 
Peele's  version.  2.  Hamburg  opera  of  H.  Hinsch  (1696)  based  on  Painter's 
version.  Cf.  Offering,  SVL  XIII  (1899)  164. 

Shakespeare.  See  [717]-[749]. 

Shirley.  See  also  [97]. 

Creizenach,  Wilhelm.  Eine  Tragodie  Shirleys  auf  der  deutschen  Buhne.       [118] 
ShJ  XLVII  (1911)  201-202. 

Shirley's  The  Maid's  Revenge  (1626)  and  the  Tragico-Comoedia  vom,  Conte 
Montenegro  (ca.  1700). 

Influences 

English  comedians  and  Ayrer.  See  also  [91],  [116]  and  [652]. 

Eobertson,  John  G.  Zur  Kritik  Jakob  Ayrers  mit  besonderer  Biicksicht       [119] 
auf  sein  Verhaltnis  zu  Hans  Sachs  und  den  englischen  Komodianten. 
Leipzig  diss.,  1892 ;  70  pp. 

Chronology  regarded  by  Wodick  [120]  as  untenable. 
W.  Creizenach.  JbL  IV  (1893)  II  4,  34. 
Cf.  A.  Hauffen.  ShJ  XXXIX  (1903)  302. 

Wodick,  Willibald.   Jakob  Ayrers   Dramen  in  ihrem   Verhaltnis   zur       [120] 
einheimischen  Literatur  und  zum  Schauspiel  der  englischen  Komod- 
ianten. Halle,  1912;  xii  +  112  pp. 

Contains  a  bibliography  of  241  titles. 
M.  Forster.  ShJ  XLIV  (1918)  233  f. 
P.  PflQUET].  RG  IX  (1913)  248. 

Hofer,  Gottfried.  Die  Bildung  Jakob  Ayrers.  Von  deutscher  Poeterey       [121] 
VI  (1929);  96  pp. 

H.  Galinsky.  ZDPh  LVI  (1931)  341-345. 
A.  Goetze.  LblGRPh  LIII  (1932)  7  f. 
C.  Diesch.  DLZ  LIII  (1932)  1942-1946. 
M.  Denis.  RG  XXIII  (1932)  44  f. 

English  comedians  and  Gryphius.  See  [44],  [706]  ff.,  and  [741]. 

English  comedians  and  Herzog  Heinrich  Julius  von  Braunschweig.  See  also 
[67],  [91],  and  [94]. 


406      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Holland,  Wilhelm  L.  Die  Schauspiele  des  Herzogs  Heinrich  Julius  von       [122] 
Braunschweig.  BLVS  XXXVI  (1855)  ;  906  pp. 
Anmerkungen  pp.  796—906. 

Grimm,  Herman.  Das  Theater  des  Herzogs  Heinrich  Julius  von  Braun-        [123] 
schweig  zu  Wolfenbiittel.  Westermanns  Monatshefte  I   (1856)   323- 
340;  also  in  his  Essays,  Hannover,  1859,  pp.  130-174  and  in  Fiinfzehn 
Essays,  Neue  Folge,  Berlin,  1879;  142-182. 

Tittmann,  Julius.  Die  Schauspiele  des  Herzogs  Heinrich  Julius  von       [124] 
Braunschweig.  Deutsche  Diehter  des  16.  Jahrhunderts  XIV,  Leipzig, 
1880;  lxii  +  248pp. 

Evans,  M.  Blakemore.  Elizabethan  ghosts  and  Herzog  Heinrich  Julius       [125] 
of  Braunschweig.  JEGPh  XXII  (1923)  195-216. 

Bruggemann,  Fritz.  Versuch  einer  Zeitfolge  der  Dramen  des  Herzogs       [126] 
Heinrich  Julius  von  Braunschweig  .  .  .  1590   bis   1594.   Veroffentlieh- 
ungen   des   Deutschen   Instituts   an   der    Technischen   Hochschule   in 
Aachen,  Heft  2, 1926;  53  pp. 
A.  Goetzb.  LblGRPh  L  (1929)  174. 

Pfutzenreuter.,  Wilhelm.  Herzog  Heinrich  Julius  von  Braunschweig       [127] 
und   der   norddeutsche    Spathmnanismus.    Minister   diss.,   Diilmen  in 
Westphalen,  1936;  72  pp. 

Knight,  A.  H.  J.  Zum  Studium  der  Tragodien  des  Herzogs  Heinrich       [128] 
Julius  von  Braunschweig.  GEM  XXV  (1937)  100-119. 

Knight,  A.  H.  J.  Heinrich  Julius,  Duke  of  Brunswick.  Oxford,  1948;        [129] 
148  pp. 

G.  Wateehouse.  MLR  XLIV  (1949)  287  f. 
E.  Peise.  MLN  LXIV  (1949)  185-187. 

English  comedians  and  Menius 

Nordstrom,  Johan.  Friedrich  Menius,  en  avertyrlig  Dorpatprofessor  och       [130] 
hans    glomda    insats    i    det    engelska    komediant-dramatis    historia. 
Samlarenll  (1922)  ;  42-91. 
Cf.  RLC  VIII  (1928)  420. 

Freden,  G.  A  propos  du  theatre  anglais  en  Allemagne:  l'auteur  inconnu       [131] 
des  Comedies  et  Tragedies  anglaises  de  1620.  RLC  VIII  (1928)  420- 
432. 

Freden,  Gustav.  Friederich  Menius  und  das  Repertoire  der  englischen       [132] 
Komodianten  in  Deutsehland.  Upsala  diss.,  Stockholm,  1940;  527  pp. 
L.  M.  Peicts.  GR  XVII  (1942)  153-155. 

English  comedians  and  Landgraf  Moritz  von  Hessen 

Duncker,   Albert.   Landgraf   Moritz  von   Hessen  und   die  englischen       [133] 
Komodianten.  DR  XLVII  (1886)  260-275. 

Bolte,   Johannes.   Schauspiele  am  Hofe  des  Landgrafen  Moritz  von       [134] 
Hessen.    Sitzungsberichte    der    preuBischen    Akademie    der    Wissen- 
schaften;  philoloph.  hist.  Klasse,  1931;  pp.  6-28. 

M.  D.  RG  XXII  (1931)  343. 

H.  Scheeee.  ASNS  CLXI  (1932)  297. 

Hartleb,  Hans.  Deutschlands  erster  Theaterbau:  Eine  Geschichte  des       [135] 
Theaterlebens  und  der  englischen  Komodianten  unter  Landgraf  Moritz 
dem  Gelehrten  von  Hessen-Kassel.  Berlin  and  Leipzig,  1936 ;  162  pp. 

H.  H.  Boecheedt.  ADA  LV  (1937)  198  f. 

A.  Doeeee.  DLZ  LVIII  (1937)  1143  f. 

A.  Doeeee.  ASNS  CLXXII  (1939)  11-27. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  407 

Part  Two 

RATIONALISM,  SENTIMENTALISM, 
AND  GENIUS 

The  Eighteenth  Century  in  General 

General  bibliographical  works 

Price,  Mart  Bell  and  Lawrence  Marsden  Price.  The  publication  of       [136] 
English  literature  in  Germany  in  the  eighteenth  century.  TJCPMPh 
XVII  (1934)  ;  1-288. 

W.  Fischer.  AB  XLV  (1934)  298-301. 

K.  Vietor.  LblGRPh  LV  (1934)  377-379. 

P.  Van  Tieghem.  RSH  LIV  (1934)  226-227. 

F.  T.  Blanchard.  MLF  XIX  (1934)  245. 

J.  A.  Kelly.  GR  X  (1935)  140-141. 

F.  Delattre.  Revue  de  1'Universite  de  Bruxelles  XI  (1935)  359. 

H.  TRONCHON.  RG  XXVI  (1935)  277-278. 

A.  R.  Hohlfeld.  JEGPh  XXXIV  (1935)  451-457. 
R.  D.  HORN.  MLN  LII  (1936)  122-126. 

E.  Semrau.  ZDPh  LXII  (1937)  194-199. 

Historical  worlcs 

Biedermann,    Karl.   Deutschland   im    18.   Jahrhundert.    I-II   Leipzig,       [137] 
Leipzig,  1854  ff.;  new  ed.,  Leipzig,  1867-1880. 

Bd.    II,    "Deutschlands   geistige,    sittliche   und    gesellige    Zustande   im    18. 
Jahrhundert,"  lays  stress  upon  English  influences. 

Anon.  The  influence  of  the  English  literature  on  the  German.  North       [138] 
American  Review  LXXXIV  (1857)  311-333. 
Generally  attributed  to  J.  B.  Angell. 

Elze,  Karl.  Die  englische  Sprache  und  Literatur  in  Deutschland.  Eine       [139] 
Festrede  zum  CCC.  Geburtstag  Shakespeares.  Dresden,  1864;  92  pp. 

Joret,  Charles.  La  Litterature  allemande  au  XVIII6  siecle  dans  ses       [140] 
rapports  avec  la  litterature  franchise  et  avec  la  litterature  anglaise. 
Paris,  1876 ;  47  pp. 

Koch,  Max.  tiber  die  Beziehungen  der  englischen  Literatur  zur  deutschen       [141] 
im  18.  Jahrhundert.  Leipzig,  1883 ;  40  pp. 

Seidensticker,  Oswald.  The  relation  of  English  to  German  literature  in       [142] 
the  eighteenth  century.  Poet  Lore  II  (1890)  57-70  and  169-185. 

Flindt,  Emil.  tiber  den  EinfluB  der  englischen  Literatur  auf  die  deutsche        [143] 
des  18.  Jahrhunderts.  Prog.  Charlottenburg,  1897  ;  20  pp. 

Kelly,  John  Alexander.  England  and  the  Englishman  in  German  litera-       [144] 
ture  of  the  eighteenth  century.  New  York,  Columbia  University  Press, 
1921;  xvii  +  156pp. 

F.  Baldensperger.  RC  LXXXVIII  (1921)  430. 
J.  Caro.  AB  XXXII  (1921)  280-282. 

B.  A.  Uhlendorf.  JEGPh  XXI  (1922)  184-188. 
Anon.  RLC  II  (1922)  157. 

A.  Koster.  ADA  XLI  (1922)  154-156. 

B.  Seuffert.  DLZ  XLIII  (1922)  142-144. 
A.  Brandl.  ASNS  CXLV  (1923)  294-296. 


408      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Jantzen,  H.  Zeugnisse  fur  das  Eindringen  der  englischen  Literatur  des       [145] 
18.  Jahrhunderts  in  Deutschland.  ES  XLVI  (1931)  249-253. 

Hecht,  Hans.  T.  Percy,  B.  Wood,  and  J.  E.  Michaelis.  Ein  Beitrag  zur       [146] 
Literaturgeschichte  der  Genieperiode.  Stuttgart,  1933 ;  94  pp.  (=  Got- 
tinger  Forschungen  III). 

B.  Von  Wiese.  JbL  XIII  (1933)  84. 

Allen,  Don  Cameron.  Early  eighteenth  century  influences  between  Eng-        [147] 
land  and  Germany.  MLN  XLIX  (1934)  99-100. 

References  of  J.  B.  Mencken  to  Dryden,  Thomas  Fuller,  Boyle,  and  Bentley; 
Marburg,  1713. 

Ewen,   Frederic.   Criticism   of   English   literature   in   Grimm's   Corre-       [148] 
spondance  litteraire.  SP  XXXIII  (1936)  397-404. 

Purdie,  Edna.  Some  problems  of  translation  in  the  18th.  century  in  Ger-        [149] 
many.  English  Studies  XXX  (1949)  191-205. 

Weydt,  Gunther.  Die  Einwirkung  Englands  auf  die  deutsche  Literatur       [150] 
des  achtzehnten  Jahrhunderts.  Minden,  n.d.  [1948] ;  72  pp. 

Pohl,  Herbert.  Studien  iiber  die  Beziehungen  der  englischen  Literatur       [151] 
zur  deutschen  im  18.  Jahrhundert.  Wien  diss.,  1950  ;  typescript. 

German  visitors  in  England 

Schaible,  K.  H.  Geschiehte  der  Deutschen  in  England  bis  zum  Ende  des        [152] 
18.  Jahrhunderts.  StraBburg,  1885. 

Hamann,  Mylius,  Lichtenberg  et  al.  in  England. 

Elsasser,  Egbert.  Tiber  die  politisehen  Bildungsreisen  der  Deutschen       [153] 
nach  England  (vom  18.  Jahrhundert  bis  1815).  Heidelberger  Abhand- 
lungen  zur  mittleren  und  neueren  Geschiehte,  Heft  51,  Heidelberg,  1917. 
"Teildruck,"  Heidelberg  diss.,   1917.  J.  MSser,  Lichtenberg,   Sturz,  Archen- 
holz,  J.  R.  Forster,  Moritz,  La  Roche,  Campe,  Niebuhr  et  al. 

Matheson,  P.  E.  German  visitors  to  England  1770-1795  and  their  im-        [154] 
pressions.  Taylorian  Lecture,  Oxford  1930  ;  31  pp. 
Moritz,  Wendeborn,  Archenholz,  Lichtenberg. 
R.  Meissner.  AB  XLIII  (1932)  26-27. 

Kelly,  John  Alexander.  German  visitors  to  English  theaters  in  the       [155] 
eighteenth  century.  Princeton  University  Press,  1936;  178  pp. 
A.  BEbandd].  ASNS  CLXXI  (1937)  120  f. 
W.  Graham.  JEGPh  XXXVI  (1937)  614  f. 

A.  G.  VON  Kranendonk.  Neophilologus  XXVII  (1941-1942)  152. 
G.  J.  Ten  Hoor.  MPh  XXV  (1937)  207  f. 
J.  A.  Walz.  MLN  LIII  (1938)  70  f. 
A.  CLOSS.  DV  XXXIX  (1938)  258. 

C.  C.  D.  Vail.  GR  XIII  (1938)  68-69. 

English  literature  in  Switzerland 

Schoftler,  Herbert.  Das  literarische  Zurich  (1700-1750).  Die  Schweiz       [156] 
im  deutschen  Geistesleben,  Bdch.  40,  Leipzig,  1925 ;  138  pp. 
W.  Fischer.  ES  LX  (1926)  363  f. 
P.  Van  Tieghem.  RSH  XLII  (1926)  130  f. 

Fritz,  Ernst.  Die  Schweiz  als  geistige  Mittlerin  von  Muralt  bis  Jacob        [157] 
Burckhardt.  Zurich,  1932 ;  191  pp. 

I.  "Der  Anteil  der  Schweiz  an  der  Entdeckung  Englands,"  pp.  13—56. 
P.  Van  Tieghem.  RSH  LIII  (1932)  305  f. 

Engel,   Claire-Eliane.   English   novels   in  Switzerland  in  the   XVIII       [158] 
century.  Comp.  Lit.  Studies  XIV-XV  (1944)  2-8. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  409 

Linguistic  studies 

Walz,  John  A.  "Harmlos,"  "harm,"  a  supposed  Anglicism  in  German.        [159] 
6EX  (1935)  98-114. 

Walz,  John  A.  English  influence  on  the   German  vocabulary  of  the       [160] 
eighteenth  century.  MDU  XXXV  (1943)  156-164. 

English  drama 

See  also  Addison,  Beaumont,  Burnaby,  Congreve,  Crisp,  Dryden,  Farquhar, 
Fielding,  Goldsmith,  Lee,  Lillo,  Marlowe,  Mason,  Moore,  Otway,  Richardson, 
Rowe,  Shadwell,  Shakespeare,  Sheridan,  Smollett,  Wycherley. 

Anon.  Brief  e  die  Einfiihrung  des  englischen  Geschmacks  in  Sehauspielen        [161] 
betreffend.  Frankfurt  and  Leipzig,  1760. 
Re  authorship  see  [114]  77. 

Wolff,    Eugen.    Die    Sturm-    und    Drangkomodie    und    ihre    fremden       [162] 
Vorbilder.  ZVL  I  (1887)  192-220  and  329-347. 

Chiefly  Rousseau,  Richardson,  Shakespeare,  Hogarth. 

Eloesser,  Arthur.  Das  biirgerliche  Drama:  Seine  Geschichte  im  18.  und       [163] 
19.  Jahrhundert.  Berlin,  1898;  218  pp. 

Lillo,  Moore,  Richardson,  Lessing,  Brawe,  Weisse,  et  al. 

A.  Von  Weilen.  JbL  IX  (1898)  IV,  4,  427  (2  pp.). 

B.  HOENIG.  ADA  XXVII  (1901)  179-183. 

R.  SchlOSSER.  Euphorion  IX  (1902)  427-440. 

Beam,  Jacob  N.  Die  ersten  deutschen  tibersetzungen  engliseher  Lustspiele       [164] 
im  18.  Jahrhundert.  ThF  XX  (1906)  ;  96  pp. 
Also  diss.  Jena,  1904. 
J.  Crosland.  MLR  II  (1907)  278-280. 
F.  Baldensperger.  RG  III  (1907)  615  f. 
J.  WlHAN.  Euphorion  XV  (1908)  341  f. 
A.  Von  Weilen.  DLZ  XXXI  (1910)  2980  f. 

Trimmel,  Franz.  Englische  Lustspiele  aus  der  Zeit  von  1660  bis  1780  in       [165] 
deutschen  tibersetzungen  und  Bearbeitungen  des  18.  Jahrhunderts. 
Wien  diss.,  1928;  typescript. 

Nolte,  Fred  O.  Early  middle  class  drama  (1696-1774).  Lancaster,  Pa.,       [166] 
1935;  213  pp. 

R.  Meissner.  DLZ  LVII  (1936)  1484-1486. 
A.  B[randl].  ASNS  CXLIX  (1936)  131. 
F.  E.  Budd.  MLR  XXXII  (1937)  138  f. 
L.  M.  Price.  MLN  LII  (1937)  140-144. 

A.  Nicoll.  JEGPh  XXXVI  (1937)  123  f. 

F.  T.  WOOD.  ES  LXXII  (1937)  117-119. 

Pinatel,  Joseph.  Le  Drame  bourgeois  en  Allemagne  au  XVIIP  siecle.       [167] 
Lyon,  1938;  569  pp. 
L.  Mis.  RG  XXX  (1939)  275. 
Price,  Lawrence  M.  Christian  Heinrich  Schmid  and  his  translations  of       [168] 
English  dramas  (1767-1789).  UCPMPh  XXVI  (1942) ;  122  pp. 
J.  W.  Eaton.  MLJ  XXVI  (1941)  632  f. 

G.  J.  Ten  Hoor.  GQ  XVI  (1942)  107. 
R.  PASCAL.  MLR  XXXVIII  (1943)  66  f. 

H.  A.  POCHMANN.  JEGPh  XLII  (1943)  446-448. 
R.  D.  Horn.  MLQ  IV  (1943)  495-497. 

B.  Q.  MORGAN.  MDU  XXXVI  (1944)  59-60. 
H.  W.  Pfund.  AGR  IX  4  (1943)  28. 

J.  A.  Kelly.  GR  XXI  (1946)  73-74. 

English  esthetics 

See  also  Shaftesbury  and  Young. 
Servaes,  Franz.  Die  Poetik  Gottscheds  und  der  Schweizer  literarhis-       [169] 
torisch  untersucht.  QF  LX  (1887)  viii  +  178  pp. 
B.  Seuffert.  GGA,  1890;  24-28. 


410      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Braitmaier,  Friedrich.  Geschichte  der  poetischen  Theorie  und  Kritik       [170] 
von  den  Diskursen  der  Maler  bis  auf  Lessing.  Frauenf  eld,  1888 ;  xi  + 
313  pp. 

B.  Seuffert.  GGA,  1890;  28-44. 

Wohlgemuth,  Josef.  Henry  Homes  Aesthetik  und  ihr  EinfluB  auf  die       [171] 
deutschen  Aesthetiker.  Bostock  Diss.  Berlin,  1893  ;  77  pp. 

Neumann,  Wilhelm.  Die  Bedeutung  Homes  fur  die  Aesthetik  und  sein       [172] 
EinfluB  auf  die  deutschen  Aesthetiker.  Halle  diss.,  1894;  168  pp. 
Lessing,  Schiller,  Kant. 

Candrea,   George.   Der   Begriff   des   Erhabenen  bei   Burke  und   Kant.        [173] 
StraBburg  diss.,  1894;  80  pp. 

Biethmuller,  Kichard.  Herder  und  Hogarth.  GAA  II  (1904)  185-191.        [174] 

Gothein,  Marie.  Der  englische  Landschaftsgarten  in  der  Literatur.  Ver-        [175] 
handlungen  des  11.  deutschen  Neuphilologentages,  Koln,  1904  (1905)  ; 
pp. 100-112. 

The  turning  away  from  the  formal  Italian  garden,  obvious  in  Pope's  and 
Thomson's  poetry,  affected  Germany.  The  Weimar  park  after  the  burning  of 
the  ducal  residence. 

Goldstein,   Ludwig.    Moses   Mendelssohn   und   die    deutsche   Asthetik.        [176] 
Teutonia  III  (1904)  ;  viii  +  240  pp. 

Burke,  Home,  Shaftesbury,  Shakespeare,  et  al. 
R.  M.  Meyer.  ASNS  CXIII  (1904)  42  f. 
H.  Spitzer.  DLZ  XXVI  (1905)  1853-1857. 
A.  Leitzmann.  ShJ  XLII  (1906)  277  f. 
O.  Walzel.  ADA  XXXI  (1908)  39-43. 

Howard,  "William  Guild.  Burke  among  the  forerunners  of  Lessing.       [177] 
PMLAXXII  (1907)  608-632. 

Howard,  William  Guild.  "Reiz  ist  Schonheit  in  Bewegung."  PMLA       [178] 
XXIV  (1909)  286-293. 

A  phrase  in  Luokoon.  Spenee  >  Webb  >  Home  >  Lessing. 

Howard,  William  Guild,  ed.  LaoTcoon;  Lessing,  Herder,  Goethe,  Selec-       [179] 
tions.  New  York,  Henry  Holt  &  Co.,  1910;  clxviii  +  465  pp. 
The  introduction  considers  the  English  relations. 

Bojanowski,  Martin.  Literarische  Einniisse  bei  der  Entstehung  von        [180] 
Baumgartens  Aesthetik.  Breslau  diss.,  1910 ;  60  pp. 

Braune,  Friede.  Edmund  Burke  in  Deutschland  .  .  .  Heidelberger  Ab-        [181] 
handlungen  zur  mittleren  und  neueren  Geschichte,  Heft  50.  Heidelberg, 
1917;  x  +  227pp. 

Cf.  Braune's  diss.  "Ernst  Brandes  und  Edmund  Burke,"  Heidelberg,  1917; 
44  pp. 

Dewey,  Malcolm  Howard.  Herder's  relation  to  the  aesthetic  theory  of        [182] 
his  time.  A  contribution  based  on  the  fourth  critical  Wdldchen.  Uni- 
versity of  Chicago  diss.,  1920 ;  124  pp. 

Boileau,  Batteaux,  Shaftesbury,  Hogarth,  Home,  Burke;  Dubos,  Diderot, 
Rousseau ;  and  certain  German  authorities. 

Ten  Hoor,  George  J.  James  Harris  and  the  influence  of  his  aesthetic        [183] 
theories  in  Germany.  University  of  Michigan  diss.,  1929;  typescript. 

Neumayer,  Eva  Maria.  The  landscape  garden  as  a  symbol  in  Eousseau,       [184] 
Goethe,  and  Flaubert.  Journal  of  the  History  of  Ideas  VIII  (1937) 
187-218. 

Mautner,  Franz  H.  Lichtenberg  as  an  interpreter  of  Hogarth.  MLQ       [185] 
XIII  (1952)  64-80. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  411 

English  fiction 

See  also  Defoe,  Fielding,  Goldsmith,  Lee,  Richardson,  Smollett,  Sterne,  Swift. 

Heine,  Carl.  Der  Eoman  in  Deutschland  von  1774-1778.  Halle,  1892;        [186] 
134  pp. 

Influence  of  Richardson  and  Fielding  in  the  period. 

Furst,  Eudolf.  Die  Vorlaufer  der  modernen  Novelle  im  18.  Jahrhun-        [187] 
dert .  . .  Halle,  1897 ;  240  pp. 

Chaucer,  Addison  with  his  characters,  Defoe,  Richardson,  Fielding,  Sterne ; 
Goethe's  Novelle. 

E.  Lindner.  ES  XXV  (1898)  433-445  and  XXVI  (1899)  320. 

Wihan,  Josef.  Johann  Joachim  Ckristoph  Bode  als  Vermittler  englischer       [188] 
Geisteswerke  in  Deutschland.  PDS  III  (1906)  ;  v  +  221  pp. 

Translations  of  Sterne,  Smollett,  and  Fielding ;  Hoadly,  Colman,  Whitehead, 
Cumberland,  Congreve ;  Hawkesworth's  The  Adventurer,  and  Moore's  The 
World. 

Kost,  E.  Die  Technik  des  deutschen  Romans  von  Musaus  bis  Goethe  in       [189] 
ihren  Beziehungen  zu  Fielding  und  Smollett.  Tubingen  diss.,  1922. 

Van  Tieghem,  Paul.  La  Sensibilite  et  la  passion  dans  le  roman  europeen        [190] 
au  XVIIP  siecle.  RLC  VI  (1926)  424-435. 

Van  Tieghem,  Paul.  Quelques  Aspects  de  la  sentimentalite  preromanti-        [191] 
que  dans  le  roman  europeen  au  XVIII6  siecle.  Edda,  XXVII  (1927) 
146-175. 

English  lyric  poetry  in  Germany 

See  also  Dryden,  Glover,  Goldsmith,  Gray,  Kirkpatrick,  Mallett,  Milton, 
Ossian,  Percy,  Pope,  Prior,  Rowe,  Thomson,  Young. 

Van  Tieghem,  Paul.  La  Poesie  de  la  nuit  et  des  tombeaux  en  Europe  au       [192] 
XVIII6  siecle.  Paris,  Rieder,  1921. 

The  influence  of  Young,  Hervey,  Gray,  and  others. 

F.  Baldensperger.  RLC  II  (1922)  667-669. 

English  moral  weeklies.  See  [304]-[315]. 

English  philosophy 

See  also  Locke  and  Shaftesbury. 

Zart,  Gustav.  Der  EinfluB  der  englischen  Philosophen  seit  Bacon  auf  die       [193] 
deutsche  Philosophie  des  18.  Jahrhunderts.  Berlin,  1881;  237  pp. 
J.  Freudenthal.  ES  VI  (1883)  112-114. 
O.  F.  "Walzel.  GRM  I  (1909)  423  f. 

Wolfsteig,  A.  Der  englische  und  franzosische  Deismus  und  die  deutsche        [194] 
Aufkliirung.  Monatshefte  der  Comenius-Gesellschaft  XVII  (1908)  137- 
147. 

Euthe,  B.  D.  Humes  Bedeutung  fur  das  deutsche  Geistesleben.  Deutsche       [195] 
SchuleXV  (1911-1912)  201-209. 

Pinkuss,  Fritz.  Moses  Mendelssohns  Verhaltnis  zur  englischen  Philos-       [196] 
ophie.  Philosophisches  Jahrbuch  der  Gorres-Gesellschaft  XLVII  (1929) 
449-498. 

Thomas  Reid,  James  Beattie,  Locke,  Hume. 

Liljegren,  S.  B.  Harrington  and  Leibniz.  Pp.  414-426  in  "Studies  in       [197] 
English  philology  in  honor  of  Friedrich  Klaeber."  Minneapolis,  1929. 
The  interest  of  Leibniz  in  the  theory  of  state  described  by  James  Harring- 
ton's Oceana. 
F.  Holthattsen.  AB  XLII  (1931)  204. 


412      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Behm-Cierpa,    Stefanie.    Die    optimistische    Weltanschauung    in    der       [198] 
deutschen  Gedankenlyrik  der  Aufklarung.  Heidelberg  diss.,  Mannheim, 
1933;  119  pp. 

Re  Pope,  Shaftesbury,  Newton;  Leibniz,  Wolff,  Brockes,  Haller,  Hagedorn, 
Kleist,  Klopstock,  et  al. 

von  Brockdorff,  Fr.  Klinger  and  Hobbes.  Kiel,  1935;  20  pp.  [199] 

Klibansky,  Baymond.  Leibniz's  unknown  correspondence  with  English       [200] 
scholars  and  men  of  letters.  Medieval  and  Eenaissance  Studies  I  1 
(1940). 

Heinemann,  F.  H.  Toland  and  Leibniz.  The  Philosophical  Beview  LIV       [201] 
(1945)  437-457. 

Faiechild,  Hoxie  N.  Hartley,  Pistorius,  and  Coleridge.  PMLA  LXII       [202] 
(1947)  1010-1021. 

English  reviews.  See  also  [292]  f. 

Trieloff,  Otto  P.  Die  Entstehung  der  Eezensionen  in  den  Frankfurter       [203] 
gelehrten  Anzeigen  vom  Jahre  1772.  Miinstersche  Beitrage  zur  neueren 
Literaturgeschichte  VII  (1908)  ;  140  pp. 

The  American  Revolution 

Biedermann,  Kael.  Die  nordamerikanische  und  franzosische  Eevolution        [204] 
in  ihren  Eiickwirkungen   auf   Deutschland.   Zeitschrift  fiir   deutsche 
Kulturgeschichte  III  (1858)  483-495. 

Hatfield,  James  Taft,  and  Hochbatjm,  Elfrieda.  The  influence  of  the       [205] 
American  revolution  upon  German  literature.  AG  III   (1899-1900) 
333-385. 

References  to  Goethe,  Gleini,  Klinger,  Klopstock,  Schiller,  Schubert,  Stolberg, 
Wieland,  Voss. 

Galljnger,  Herbert  P.  Die  Haltung  der  deutschen  Publizistik  zu  dem       [206] 
amerikanischen  Unabhiingigkeitskriege.  1775-1783.  Leipzig  diss.,  1900 ; 
77  pp. 

Walz,  John  A.  The  American  revolution  and  German  literature.  MLN        [207] 
XVI  (1901)  336-351,  411-418,  449-462. 

Walz,  John  A.  Three  Swabian  journalists  and  the  American  revolution.        [208] 
AG  IV   (1901-1902)   95-129,  267-291,  and  GAA  I   (1903)   209-224, 
257-274,  347-356,  406-419,  593-600. 
Schiller,  Wekherlin,  Schubart. 

King,  Heney  Saffoed.  Echoes  of  the  American  Eevolution  in  German       [209] 
literature.  UCPMPh  XIV  (1929)  ;  192  pp. 
E.  Champion.  RLC  X  (1930)  386. 
E.  H.  Zeydel.  MDU  XXII  (1930)  157  f. 
P.  Piquet.  RG  XXII  (1931)  81  f. 
C.  A.  Williams.  JEGPh  XXXV  (1936)  433-434. 

America  and  Herder 

Claek,  Eobeet  Thomas.  Herder  and  the  noble  savage.  Stanford  Uni-       [210] 
versity  Bulletin,  Abstracts  of  Dissertations  VIII  (1930-1933)  53-55. 

America  and  Lessing 

Schneidee,  Heinrich.  Lessing  and  America.  MDU  XXX  (1938)  424-       [211] 
432  and  in  H.  Schneider,  Lessing  .  .  .  Bern,  1951;  198-240. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  413 

America  and  Schiller 

Carruth,  William  Herbert.  Schiller  and  America.  GAA  IV  (1906)  131-       [212] 
146. 

GERMAN  AUTHORS 

Blarikenburg.  See  also  [774]. 

Beasley,  Schubael  T.  Christian  Friedrich  von  Blankenburg's   (1744-       [213] 
1796)   relation  to  the  English  language  and  literature.  Cornell  diss., 
1948. 

Bode.  See  [188]. 

Bodmer 

See  also  Addison,  Dryden,  Milton,  Thomson,  Whiston,  Young,  Shakespeare. 

Vetter,    Theodor.    Zurich    als    Vermittlerin    englischer    Literatur    im       [214] 
achtzehnten  Jahrhundert.  Prog.  Zurich,  1891 ;  26  pp. 
Cf.  Vetter  in  B1U,  1856  ;  52  ff. 
L.  Feankel.  ES  XVI  (1892)  412  f. 

Vetter,    Theodor,    ed.   Die   Discourse   der   Mahlern    (1721-1722).    In       [215] 
Bibliothek  alterer  Schriftwerke  der  deutschen  Schweiz.  Ser.  II,  Heft  2, 
Frauenfeld,  1891 ;  124  pp.  +  13  pp.  "Anmerkungen." 

Vetter,  Theodor.  J.  J.  Bodmer  und  die  englische  Literatur.  Pp.  315-386        [216] 
in  "Johann  Jakob  Bodmer  Denkschrift.  .  . ,"  Zurich,  1900 ;  418  pp. 

Brawe 

Sauer,  August.  Joachim  Wilhelm  von  Brawe,  der  Schiiler  Lessings.  QF        [217] 
XXX  (1878)  ;  viii  +  148  pp. 

Addison's  Cato ;  Young's  Revenge;  Brawe's  Freygelst;  English  middle-class 
drama  ;  Miss  Sara  Sampson.  German  drama. 
J.  Minor.  ADA  V  (1879)  380-395. 

Burger 

Blomker,  Friedrich.  Das  Verhaltnis  von  Burgers  lyrischer  und  episch-       [218] 
lyrischer  Dichtung  zur  englischen  Literatur.  Minister  diss.,  Emsdetten, 
1930;  84  pp. 
H.  Ptbitz.  JbL,  1930;  91. 
P.  Van  Tieghem.  RSH  LII  (1932)  318-319. 

Goethe 

See  also  Addison,  Carey,  Fielding,  Goldsmith,  Lillo,  Mallet,  Marlowe,  Milton, 
Ossian,  Percy,  Pope,  Richardson,  Shaftesbury,  Sterne,  Swift,  Shakespeare. 

Carr,  Mary.  Goethe  in  his  connection  with  English  literature.  PEGS  IV       [219] 
(1888)  50-58. 

Shakespeare,  Richardson,  Goldsmith. 

Alford,  E.  G.  Englishmen  at  Weimar.  PEGS  V  (1890)  191-192  and  VI       [220] 
(1891)  132-134. 

See  also  [1275]-[1291]. 

Euland,  C.  English  books  in  Goethe's  library.  PEGS  V  (1890)  189-190.       [221] 

Heine,  Carl.  Die  auslandischen  Dramen  im  Spielplane  des  Weimarischen       [222] 
Theaters  unter  Goethes  Leitung.  ZVL  IV  (1891)  313-321. 
Sheridan,  Moore,  Otway,  and  Shakespeare. 

von  Waldberg,  Max.  Goethe  und  die  Empfindsamkeit.  BFDH  XV  (1899)        [223] 
1-21. 

St«ele's  "Inkle  and  Yarico,"  Goldsmith,  Richardson,  Sterne. 


414      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Sachs-Brandenburg,    K.    Goethes    Bekanntschaft    mit   der    englischen       [224] 
Sprache  und  Literatur.  Neuphilologisches  Zentralblatt  XIX   (1905) 
1-3,  35-38,  etc. 

Cf.  Verhandlungen  des  elften  deutschen  Neuphilologentages,  Koln,  1904 
(1905),  p.  132. 

Brown,  Hume.  Goethe  on  English  literature.  Transactions  of  the  Royal       [225] 
Society  of  Literature,  2d.  series,  XXX  2  (1911)  59-86. 

Cf.  Hume  Brown,  The  Youth  of  Goethe,  London,  1913;  indexed. 

Jahn,  Kurt.   Wilhelm.  Meisters  theatralische  Sendung  und  der  humo-        [226] 
ristische  Roman  der  Englander.  GRM  V  (1913)  225-233. 

Thesis:  The  "Bildungsroman"  was  the  paternal,  the  "humoristische  Roman" 
the  maternal  ancestor  of  Goethe's  Wilhelm  Meister.  Traces  of  Fielding,  Sterne, 
Goldsmith  more  evident  in  the  Sendung  than  in  the  Lehrjahre. 

Bode,  Wilhelm.  Die  Franzosen  und  Englander  in  Goethes  Leben  und  [227] 
Urteile.  Stunden  mit  Goethe  XXXVIII  and  XXXIX  (1915)  ;  179  pp. 
Chapter  VI,  pp.  109—136:  "Goethes  englische  Beziehungen."  Frankfurt: 
Boyhood  studies,  early  English  verses,  readings  in  Young  and  Richardson. 
Leipzig:  Lillo,  Moore,  Addison,  Steele,  Johnson,  Pope,  Dodd's  Beauties  of 
Shakespeare.  Frankfurt:  Wieland's  "Shakespeare."  Strassburg:  Shakespeare, 
Goldsmith,  Sterne,  Ossian.  Englishmen  in  Weimar  and  on  the  Italian  journey. 
Shakespeare  on  the  Weimar  stage.  "Shakespeare  und  kein  Ende,"  Byron, 
Scott. 
H.  Jantzen.  ZfFEU  XV  (1916)  365-366. 

Krasensky,  Ottokar.  Goethes  Verhaltnis  zu  den  Hauptvertretern  des       [228] 
sentimentalen  englischen  Romans  des  18.  Jahrhunderts,  Richardson, 
Fielding,  Smollett,  Sterne  und  Goldsmith.  Wien  diss.,  1928;  typescript. 

Robertson,  J.  G.  Goethe  und  England.  GJ  XVIII  (1932)  40-48.  [229] 

Robertson,  J.  G.  Goethe  und  England.  GRM  XXX  (1932)  134-149.  [230] 

Boyd,  James.  Goethe's  knowledge  of  English  literature.  Oxford  Studies       [231] 
in  Modern  Language  and  Literature.  Oxford,  1932 ;  xvii  +  310  pp. 
E.  Champion.  RLC  XIII  (1933)  383-384. 
A.  Brandl.  ASNS  CLXIII  (1933)   138-139. 
W.  Keller.  ShJ  LXIX  (1933)  176-177. 
L.  V.  T.  Simmons.  GQ  VI  (1933)  182-185. 
R.  Petsch.  DLZ  V  (1934)   109. 
L.  WrLLOUGHBY.  MLR  XXIX  (1934)  106-108. 
W.  Fischer.  AB  XLV  (1934)  158-160. 
A.  P.  ZUCKER.  MLN  XLIX  (1934)  67. 
H.  Jantzen.  ES  LXIX  (1934)  137-139. 
W.  Wadepuhl.  GR  IX  (1934)  272-273. 
L.  M.  Price.  JEGPh  XXXIII  (1934)  584-590. 
H.  Atkins.  RES  X  (1934)  371-372. 
H.  T[RONCHON].  RGXXVI  (1935)  274-275. 

Bodenburg,  J.,  ed.  Goethe  iiber  England  und  die  englische  Literatur.        [232] 
Leipzig,  1935 ;  26  pp. 

Moore,  Will  G.  A  sidelight  on  Goethe's  English  reading.  PEGS  XII        [233] 
(1937)  82-89. 

Strich,  Fritz.  Goethe  und  die  Weltliteratur.  Berne,  1946;  408  pp.  [234] 

II,  1.  "Empfangender  Segen.  Die  weckende  Macht  der  englischen  Literatur." 
J.  Fierz.  Trivium  IV  (1946)  220-224. 

E.  KoRRODl.  Neue  Ziircher  Zeitung,  March  1,  1946. 
A.  Closs.  MLQ  VII  (1946)  501-502. 

O.  G.  Seidlin.  GR  XXII  (1947)  150-151. 

F.  Baldensperger.  RLC  XXI  (1947)  312-320. 
L.  A.  Willoughby.  PEGS  XVII  (1948)  164-169. 
K.  MiJLLER.  DLZ  LXX  (1949)  216-233. 

E.  Trunz.  ZDPh  LXXI  (1951)  92-93. 

W.  Boehlich.  ZDPh  LXXI  (1951)  94-96. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  415 

Sternfeld,  Frederick  W.  The  musical  sources  of  Goethe's  poetry.  AGE,       [235] 
XV  (1949)  16-21. 

English  melodies  as  a  pattern  for  Goethe's  songs. 

Federmann,  Arnold.  Der  junge  Goethe  und  England.  Essays.  [Berlin],       [236] 
1949;  212  pp. 

Gottinger  Hain 

Wicke,  Amelie.  Die  Dichter  des  Gottinger  Hains  in  ihrem  Verhaltnis       [237] 
zur  englischen  Literatur  und  Aesthetik.  Gottingen  diss.,  Kassel,  1929; 
110  pp. 

AN.ON.  ASNS  CLIV  (1929)  279. 

Gottsched 

Waniek,   Gustav.   Gottsched  und   die   deutsche   Literatur   seiner   Zeit.       [238] 
Leipzig,  1897;  xii  +  698  pp. 

Many  references  to  English  literature.  Indexed. 
K.  Deescher.  ADA  XXVII  (1901)  65-74. 
G.  Minde-Pouet.  ASNS  CXV    (1901)    374-378. 

Loomis,  C.  Grant.  English  writers  in  Gottsched's  Handlexicon.  JEGPh       [239] 
XLII  (1943)  96-103. 

L.  A.  V.  Gottsched 

Schlenther,  Paul.  Frau  Gottsched  und  die  biirgerliche  Komodie  . . .       [240] 
Berlin,  1886;  267  pp. 

B.  Seuffert.  GGA,  1887,  201-207. 

B.  Litzmann.  ADA  XIV  (1888)  94-96. 

Hagedom.  See  also  [531]. 

Wtjkadinoviq,   Spiridion.   Die   Quellen  von   Hagedorns   "Aurelius   und       [241] 
Beelzebub."  VJSL  V  (1892)  607-612. 
Gay,  Prior. 

Meinhold,    Franz    Louis.    Hagedorns    Gedanken    von    sittlicher    und       [242] 
geistiger  Bildung.  Leipzig  diss.,  1894 ;  41  pp. 

Copfman,  Bertha  Eeed.  The  influence  of  English  literature  on  Friedrich       [243] 
von  Hagedorn.  MPh  XII  (1914)   313-324,  XII  (1915)  503-520  and 
XIII  (1915)  75-97. 

Also  University  of  Chicago  diss.,  1914—1915. 

Addison,  Pope,  Prior,  Swift,  Thomson. 

Coffman,  Bertha  Eeed.  A  note  on  Hagedorn's  and  Haller's  literary       [244] 
relations.  MLN  XLI  (1926)  387-388. 

Sailer 

See  also  Pope  and  Shaftesbury. 

Wtplel,  L.  Englands  EinfluB  auf  die  Lehrdichtung  Hallers.  Prog.  Wien,       [245] 
1888;  33  pp. 

Jones,  Howard  Mumford.  Albrecht  von  Haller  and  English  philosophy.       [246] 
PMLAXL  (1925)  103-127. 
Newton. 

Price,  Lawrence  Marsden.  Albrecht  von  Haller  and  English  theology.       [247] 
PMLA  XLI  (1926)  952-954. 
Newton  and  King. 


416      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 
Herder 

See  also  Franklin,  Hogarth,  Ossian,  Percy,  Shaftesbury,  Shakespeare. 
Joret,  Charles.  Herder  et  la  renaissance  litteraire  en  Allemagne  au       [248] 
XVIIP  siecle.  Paris,  1875. 

Schork,  Luise.  Herders  Bekanntschaft  mit  der  englischen  Literatur.       [249] 
Breslau  diss.,  1928;  viii  +  83  pp. 

Pascal,  Eoy.  Herder  and  the  Scotch  historical  school.  PEGS  XIV  (1939)        [250] 
23-42. 

Hblty 

Khoades,  Lewis  A.  Holtys  Verhaltnis  zu  der  englischen  Literatur.  Got-        [251] 
tingen  diss.,  1892  ;  48  pp. 

Gray,  Swift,  Thomson,  Mallet,  Percy. 
Saube,  A.  JbL  IV  (1893)  IV  2a,  34. 

La  Roche 

Kobertson,  John  G.  Sophie  La  Eoche's  visit  to  England  in  1786.  MLB       [252] 
XXVIII  (1932)  196-203. 

Lev,z 

Clarke,  Karl  H.  Lenz'  tibersetzungen  aus  dem  Englischen.  ZVL  X       [253] 
(1896)  117-150  and  385-418. 

Shakespeare,  Pope,  Ossian,  popular  ballads. 

Lessing 

See   also   Burke,   Burnaby,   Crisp,   Dryden,   Farquhar,   Fielding,   Lee,   Lillo, 
Richardson,  Shaftesbury,  Shakespeare,  and  Swift. 

Albrecht,  Paul.  Lessings  Plagiate.  I-VI.  Hamburg,  1888-1891.  [254] 

Schmidt,  Erich.  Lessing.  Geschichte  seines  Lebens  und  seiner  Schriften       [255] 
I-II.  Berlin,  1884-1892.  4.  Auflage,  Berlin,  1923. 

Ample  treatment  of  English  influences.  Indexed. 

Caro,  Josef.  Lessing  und  die  Englander.  Euphorion  VI  (1899)  465-490.       [256] 
Shakespeare,     Wycherley,     Beaumont     and     Fletcher,     Congreve,     Dryden, 
Farquhar,  Thomson,  Otway,  Moore,  Lillo,  Pope,  and  Sterne. 

Kettner,  Gustav.  Lessings  Dramen  im  Lichte  ihrer  und  unserer  Zeit.        [257] 
Berlin,  1904;  511  pp. 

Lillo,  Moore,  Richardson. 
R.  Petsch.  NJKL  XVII  (1906)  206-228. 
H.  Herrmann.  ASNS  CXXI  (1908)  147-149. 

Bruggemann,  Fritz.  Die  Entwicklung  der  Psychologie  im  biirgerlichen       [258] 
Drama  Lessings  und  seiner  Zeit.  Euphorion  XXVI  (1925)  376-388. 
Lillo,  Lessing,  Moore,  Brawe. 

Kies,  Paul  P.  The  sources  and  basic  model  of  Lessing's  Miss  Sara  Samp-       [259] 
son.  MPh  XXIV  (1926)  65-90. 
See  p.  155  f.,  above. 

Kies,  Paul  P.  The  sources  of  Lessing's  Die  Juden.  PQ  VI  (1927)  406-       [260] 
410. 

Vanbrugh's  The  Relapse  and  Farquhar's  The  Beaux'  Stratagem*. 

Kies,  Paul  Philemon.  The  influence  of  English  drama  on  the  early  plays       [261] 
of  Lessing.  University  of  Chicago,  Abstracts  of  Theses,  Humanistic 
Series  VII  (1928-1929)  529-533. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  417 

Kies,  Paul.  Lessing's  early  study  of  English  drama.  JEGPh  XXVIII       [262] 

(1929)  18-34. 

Wycherley's  The  Country  Wife  and  Der  Leichtglaubige ;  Shadwell's  Bury 
Fair  and  Damon  oder  die  wahre  Freundschaft  and  Die  Witzlinge ;  Granville's 
The  She-Gallants  and  Der  Misogyn;  Congreve's  The  Way  of  the  World  and  Die 
alte  Jungfer ;  Vanbrugh's  The  Relapse  and  Der  Dorf  junker. 

Kies,  Paul  P.  Lessing  and  English  domestic  tragedy.  RSSCW  II  4       [263] 

(1930)  130-147. 

Kies,  Paul  P.  Lessing's  relation  to  early  English  sentimental  comedy.       [264] 
PMLAXLVII  (1932)  807-826. 

Nolte,  Fred  O.  Lessing  and  the  bourgeois  drama.  JEGPh  XXXI  (1932)        [265] 
66-83. 

Vail,  Cuetis  C.  D.  Originality  in  Lessing's  Theatralische  BibliotlieTc.  GR       [266] 
IX  (1934)  96-101. 

Kies,  Paul  P.  The  authorship  of  Die  englische  Schanbiihne.  ESSCW  III       [267] 
2  (1935)  51-71. 

Vail,  Cuetis  C.  D.  Lessing's  relation  to  the  English  language  and  litera-       [268] 
ture.  CUGS,  New  Series,  III,  1936  ;  220  pp. 
E.  Castle.  CWGV  XLII  (1937)  54. 
W.  G.  Howaed.  MLN  LII  (1937)  360-363. 
L.  M.  Price.  GR  XII  (1937)  132-133. 
G.  J.  Ten  Hoor.  MPh  XXXV  (1937)  205-207. 
W.  Kalthoff.  AB  XLIX  (1938)  19. 
H.  G.  Heun.  DLZ  LIX  (1938)  740-742. 
A.  Closs.  DuV  XXXIX  (1938)  258-259. 
P.  P.  KIES.  PQ  XVII  (1938)  414-416. 
O.  W.  Long.  JEGPh  XXXVIII  (1939)  134-136. 
E.  Purdie.  MLR  XXXIV  (1939)  461-463. 
H.  TRONCHON.  RGXXX  (1939)  289-291. 

Robertson',  J.  G.  Lessing's  dramatic  theory,  being  an  introduction  to  and        [269] 
commentary   on   his   Hamburgische   Dramaturgic    Cambridge,   Univ. 
Press,  1939 ;  x  +  544  pp. 

L.  M.  Price.  GR  XIV  (1939)  293-295. 

E.  L.  Stahl.  MLR  XXV  (1940)  124-127. 

C.  C.  D.  VAIL.  JEGPh  XXXIX  (1940)  410-413. 

R.  B.  Roulston.  MLN  LV  (1940)  630-631. 

J.  H.  S[Cholte].  Neophilologus  XXV  (1940)  305. 

Kies,  Paul  P.  Lessing's  intention  in  Der  DorfjunJcer.  RSSCW  XI  (1943)        [270] 
257-263. 

Lessing,  J.  G. 

Vail,  Curtis  C.  D.  Pastor  Lessing's  knowledge  of  English  GR  XX  (1945)        [271] 
33-36. 

Price,  L.  M.  English  theological  works  in  Pastor  Lessing's  library.  Prog.       [272] 
MLA,  Boston,  1952. 

Lichtenberg 

See  also  Fielding,  Hogarth,  and  Swift. 

Leitzmann,  Albert.  Notizen  iiber  die  englische  Buhne  aus  Lichtenbergs       [273] 
Tagebiichern.  ShJ  XLII  (1906)  158-178. 

Kleineibst,  Richard.  G.Ch.Lichtenberg  in  seiner  Stellung  zur  deutschen       [274] 
Literatur.  FFDL  IV  (1915)  ;  172  pp. 

W.  Stammler.  DLZ  XXXVII  (1916)  663-664. 


418      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Betz,  Gottlieb.  Lichtenberg  as  a  critic  of  the  English,  stage.  JEGPh       [275] 
XXIII  (1924)  270-288. 

His  description  of  Garrick's  Hamlet  and  Schroder's  presentation. 

Hecht,  Hans,  ed.  Briefe  aus  G.Chr.Lichtenbergs  englischem  Freundes-        [276] 
kreis  .  .  .  Gottingen,  1925;  73  pp. 

Mare,  Margaret  L.  and  W.  H.  Quarrell,  eds.  Lichtenberg's  visits  to       [277] 
England  as  described  by  his  letters  and  diaries.  Trsl.  and  annotated. 
London,  1938. 

W.  KalthOFF.  AB  Lt  (1939)  302-303. 

J.  H.  S[CHOLTB].  Neophilologus  XXIV  (1939)  310. 

H.  G.  Atkins.  MLR  XXIV  (1939)  117-118. 

J.  A.  Kelly.  GR  XV  (1940)  63-64. 

Scholte,  J.  H.  Georg  Christoph  Lichtenberg  in  England.  Neophilologus       [278] 
XXVIII  (1943)  114-120. 

Mendelssohn.  See  also  [176]  and  [196]. 

Ten  Hoor,  George  J.  Moses  Mendelssohn's  relation  to  English  poetry.        [279] 
PMLAXLVI  (1931)  1137-1165. 

Moritz.  See  also  [558]. 

Zxjr  Linde,  Otto,  ed.  Eeisen  eines  Deutschen  in  England  im  Jahre  1782        [280] 
von  Carl  Ph.  Moritz.  DLD  CXXVI  (1903)  ;  xxxiii  +  167  pp. 

Pp.  v— xxix;   Impressions   of  Defoe,    Bunyan,    Sterne,    Shakespeare,  Young, 
Richardson,  and  Pope. 

Moser 

Smith,  M.  Horton.  Justus  Moser  and  the  British.  GLL  V  (1951)  47-56.        [281] 

Nicolai 

Schwinger,  Eichard.  Eriedrich  Nicolais  Eoman  Seoaldus  Notlianker  .  .  .        [282] 
LFII  (1897);  xiv  +  272pp. 

Pollnitz 

EOBSON-ScOTT,  W.  D.  Baron  Pollnitz  and  the  English.  GLL  I  (1937)  284-       [283] 
292. 

Schiller 

See  also  Brydone,  Fielding,  Fletcher,  Milton,  Moore,  Ossian,  Otway,  Shaftes- 
bury, Shakespeare,  and  Thomson. 

Sachs,  C.  Schillers  Beziehungen  zur  franzosischen  und  englischen  Litera-       [284] 
tur.  ASNS  XXX  (1861)  83-110. 
Shakespeare,  Ferguson,  Gibson. 

Kelly,  John  Alexander.  Schiller's  attitude  toward  England.  PMLA       [285] 
XXXIX  (1924)  346-357. 

Schroder.  See  also  [915]  ff. 

Hauffen,  Adolf.  Friedrich  Ludwig  Schroder.  DNL  CXXXIX :  1,  87-187.       [286] 
See  pp.  160  f..  above. 

Pfenniger,  Else.  Friedrich  Ludwig  Schroder  als  Bearbeiter  englischer       [287] 
Dramen.  Zurich  diss.,  1919;  106  pp. 

Sturz 

Koch,  Max.  Helferich  Peter  Stiirz  nebst  einer  Abhandlung  iiber  die       [288] 
schleswigschen  Literaturbriefe.  Miinchen  diss.,  1879;  292  pp. 

Frances  Brooke's  novel  Julia  Mandeville  >  Sturz's  drama  Julia.  Sturz's  visit 
to  England,  1762.  Acquaintance  with  Garrick. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  419 

TiecTc.  See  [1034]  ff.  and  [1308]  ff. 

Waser.  See  also  [333]  f. 

Bodmer,  Johann  Jakob.  Denkmaal  dem  tibersezer  Buttlers,  Swifts  und       [289] 
Luzians  errichtet.  Deutsches  Museum,  1784, 1,  511-527. 

Vetter,  Theodor.  Johann  Heinrieh  Waser,  Diakon  in  Winterthur  (1713-       [290] 
1777),  ein  Vermittler  der  englischen  Literatur.  Neujahrsblatt  hrsg. 
von  der  Stadtbibliothek  in  Zurich.  1898. 

Weisse 

See  also  Shadwell,  Shakespeare,  and  Wycherley. 

Minor,  Jakob.  Christian  Felix  Weisse.  DNL  LXXXII;  xxv  +  122  pp.       [291] 

The    "Einleitung"    treats    of    the    English   middle-class   tragedy,    Miss   Sara 
Sampson,  and  Shakespeare. 

Giessing,  Charles  Paul.  The  plagiarized  book  reviews  of  C.  F.  Weisse       [292] 
in  the  Bibliothek  der schonen  Wissenschaften.  MPh  XVI  (1918)  77-88. 

Wilkie,  Eichard  F.  Christian  Felix  WeiBe  in  his  relations  to  French  and       [293] 
English  Literature.  University  of   California  diss.,  Berkeley,  1953; 
typescript. 

Wieland 

See  also  Fielding,  Kirkpatrick,  Prior,  Richardson,  Shaftesbury,  Shakespeare, 
and  Sterne. 

Koch,  Max.  Das  Quellenverhaltnis  von  Wielands  Oberon.  Marburg,  1880 ;        [294] 

57  pp. 

Chaucer's  The  Merchant's  Tale,  A  Midsummer  Night's  Dream,  Pope. 
Lenz,  Ludwig.  Wielands  Verhaltnis  zu  Spenser,  Pope,  und  Swift.  Prog.        [295] 

Hersf  eld,  1903;  12  pp. 

Ischer,  Rudolf.  Kleine  Studien  tiber  Wieland.  Prog.  Bern,  1904 ;  37  pp.        [296] 

Marx,  Emilie.  Wieland  und  das  Drama.  FFDL  III  (1914)  ;  136  pp.  [297] 

Rowe  and  Johanna  Gray ;  Richardson  and  Clementina  von  Porretta ;  Addison 
and  Rosamonde ;  Shakespeare. 

Satzke,  Marianne.  Wielands  Jugendwerke  unter  dem  EinfluB  der  eng-       [298] 
lischen  Schriftsteller.  Graz  diss.,  1921;  typescript. 

Kurrelmeyer,  W.  Wieland's  Teutscher  Merlcur  and  contemporary  Eng-        [299] 
lish  journals.  PMLA  XXXVIII  (1923)  869-886. 

Borrowings  from  The  Universal  Magazine  and  The  Gentleman's  Magazine. 
Harm,  Edith  M.  Wieland's  Neuer  Amadis.  Hesperia  XVII  (1928) ;  119       [300] 
pp. 

Chapter  II,   pp.   6—25:   Sources:   Sterne,   Spenser,   Hamilton,   Ariosto,  and 
Anstey's  New  Bath  Guide. 
M.  Schutze.  MPh  XXV  (1929)  378  f. 
W.  Schwbnn.  MDU  XXI  (1929)  210  f. 
J.  T.  Hatfield.  MLN  XLIV  (1929)  468-470. 
V.  Michel.  RG  XXI  (1930)  59. 
M.  G.  Bach.  GR  VI  (1931)  86  f. 

Zacharia 

Muncker,  Franz.  Friedrich  Wilhelm  Zacharia.  DNL  XLIV  245-322.        [301] 

Pp.  245-260:  Pope,  Milton,  Thomson,  Young. 
Kirchgeorg,  Otto  H.  Die  dichterische  Entwicklung  J.  F.  W.  Zacharias.        [302] 
Greif  swald  diss.,  1904 ;  52  pp. 

Pope,  Young,  Thomson. 

Crosland,  Jessie.  J.  Fr.  W.  Zacharia  and  his  English  models.  ASNS  CXX       [303] 
(1908)  289-295. 

Pope,  Milton,  Thomson,  Young. 


420      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 
ENGLISH  AUTHORS 

Addison  and  the  English  moral  weeklies 

Beck, .  Verzeichnis  der  in  deutscher  Sprache  herausgekommenen       [304] 

sittlichen  Wochenschriften.  Das  Neueste  aus  der  anmutigen  Gelehrsam- 
keit,  1761;  pp.  829  ff. 

Milberg,  Ernest.  Die  deutschen  inoralischen  Wochenschriften  des  18.        [305] 
Jahrhunderts.  Leipzig  diss.,  Meissen,  1880  ;  86  pp. 

Die  Discourse  der  Mahlern,  Der  Patriot,  Die  vemiinfftigen  Tadlerinnen. 

Kawczynski,   Maxim.   Studien  zur  Literaturgeschichte   des   18.   Jahr-        [306] 
hunderts.  I.  Moralische  Zeitschriften.  Leipzig,  1880 ;  170  pp. 
A.  Brandl.  ADA  VIII  (1882)  26-52. 
Cruger,  Johannes,  ed.  Joh.  Christoph  Gottsched  und  die  Schweizer,  J.  J.       [307] 
Bodmer  und  J.  J.  Breitinger.  DNL  XLII  [1882]  ;  ci  +  335  pp. 
"Einleitung"  ;  Die  Discourse  der  Mahlern  and  Gottsched's  journals. 

Geiger,   L.   Die  altesten  Berliner  Wochenschriften.   Gegenwart   XXIV       [308] 
(1883)  72  ff. 

Das  moralische  Fernglas,  1732,  Der  Weltbiirger,  1741. 

Jacoby,  Karl.  Die  ersten  moralischen  Wochenschriften  Hamburgs  am        [309] 
Anfange  des  18.  Jahrhunderts.  Prog.  Hamburg,  1888;  48  pp. 

Der  Verniinfftler,  1713;  Die  lustige  Fama  aus  der  narrischen  Welt,  1718; 
Neuangelegte  Nouvellen-Correspondence  aus  dem  Reiche  derer  Lebendigen  in 
das  Reich  derer  Todten,  1721 ;  Der  Patriot,  1724-1726. 
A.  Wohlwill.  ZVL  II  (1889)  384-387. 

Keller,  L.  Die  deutschen  Gesellschaften  des  18.  Jahrhunderts  und  die        [310] 
moralischen  Wochenschriften,  Monatshefte  der  Comeniusgesellschaft 
IX,  7  and  8  (1900). 

Lachmanski,  Hugo.  Die  deutschen  Frauenzeitschriften  des  18.  Jnhrhun-        [311] 
derts.  Berlin  diss.,  1900 ;  76  pp. 

Eckhardt,   J.   H.   Die   moralischen   Wochenschriften.   Die   Grenzboten       [312] 
LXIV,  2  (1905)  477-485. 

Umbach,  E.  Die  deutschen  moralischen  Wochenschriften  und  der  Spec-       [313] 
tator  von  Addison  und  Steele.  Ihre  Beziehungen  zu  einander  und  zur 
deutschen  Literatur  des  18.  Jahrhunderts.  StraBburg  diss.,  1911 ;  89  pp. 
Chapter  V:  Haller,  Hagedorn,  Rabener,  Gellert. 
P.  Baldbnspbeger.  RG  VIII  (1912)  566  f. 

Stecher,  Martin.  Die  Erziehungsbestrebungen  der  deutschen  inoralischen       [314] 
Wochenschriften.  Leipzig  diss.,  Langensalza,  1914;  143  pp. 

Addison  and  Bodmer  and  Breitinger 

Vetter,  Theodor.  Der  Spectator  als  Quelle  der  Discourse  der  Mahlern.       [315] 
Erauenfeld,  1887;  34  pp. 

But  compare  Vetter  [215]  ff. 

Addison  and  Brawe.  See  [217]. 
Addison  and  Gellert 

Nedden,  Eudolf.  Quellenstudien  zu  Gellerts  Fabeln  und  Erzahlungen.       [316] 
Leipzig  diss.,  1899 ;  81  pp. 

Addison  and  Goethe.  See  also  [227]. 

Cornish,  F.  F.  Goethe  and  Addison.  Transactions  of  the  Manchester        [317] 
Goethe  Society  1894;  175-176. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  421 

Addison  and  Gottsched.  See  also  [238]  f. 

Turkheim,  L.  Addisons  Cato  und  Gottscheds  Sterbender  Cato.  ASNS        [318] 
LXVI  (1881)  165-190. 

Cruger,  Johannes,  ed.  Gottscheds  Sterbender  Cato  in  DNL  XLII  30-       [319] 
122. 

Its  dependence  on  Addison  and  Deschamps,  pp.  30—41. 

Hegnauer,  A.  G.  Der  EinfluB  von  Addisons  Cato  auf  die  dramatische       [320] 
Literatur  Englands  und  des  Kontinents  in  der  ersten  Halfte  des  18. 
Jahrlmnderts.  Zurich  diss.,  1912;  157  pp. 

Miller,  E.  E.  Der  Zuschauer,  1739-1743.  MLN  XL VI  (1931)  35-38.  [321] 

Addison  and  Eabener 

Harttjng,   Wilhelm.   Die   deutschen  moralischen   Wochenschriften  als       [322] 
Vorbild  G.  W.  Eabeners.  Hermaea,  IX  (1911)  ;  viii  +  156  pp. 
"Teildruck,"  Halle  diss.,  1911;  70  pp. 
L.  Parisee.  JbL  XXII  (1911)  775  f. 
G.  Belouin.  RG  IX  (1913)  107  f. 

Alcenside 

Ten  Hoor,  G.  J.  Akenside's  The  Pleasures  of  Imagination  in  Germany.        [323] 
JEGPh  XXXVIII  (1939)  96-106. 

Alcenside  and  Herder 

Price,  Lawrence  Marsden.  Herder  and  Gerstenberg  or  Akenside.  MLN       [324] 
LXIV  (1950)  175-178. 

Be  the  source  of  the  opening  lines  of  Herder's  Shakespeare. 

Banks 

Baerwolf,  Walther.  Der  Graf  von  Essex  im  deutschen  Drama.  Tubingen       [325] 
diss.,  Stuttgart,  1920 ;  82  pp. 

Beaumont  and  Schiller 

Anon.  Schillers  Braut  von  Messina  and  Beaumont  and  Fletchers  Eollo,       [326] 
Herzog  von  Normandie.  Zeitung  fur  die  elegante  Welt,  1843 ;  365  ff. 

Boswell 

Hegemann,  Daniel  van  Brunt.  Boswell  and  the  Abt  Jerusalem;  a  note       [327] 
on  the  background  of  Werther.  JEGPh  XLIV  (1945)  367-369. 

Hegemann,  Daniel  van  Brunt.  BoswelPs  interviews  with  Gottsched  and       [328] 
Gellert.  JEGPh  XLVI  (1947)  260-263. 

Brydone  and  Schiller 

Kettner,  Gustav.  Eine  Quelle  zu  Schillers  Braut  von  Messina.  ZDPh  XX       [329] 
(1888)  49-54. 

Brydone's  Travels  in  Sicily  and  Malta,  1770. 

Bunyan 

Sann,  Auguste.  Bunyan  in  Deutschland.  Studien  zur  literarischen  Wech-       [330] 
selbeziehung  zwischen  England  und  dem  deutschen  Pietismus.  Giessner 
Beitrage  zur  deutschen  Philologie  XCVI  (1951)  ;  142  pp. 


422      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Burnaby  and  Lessing 

Kies,  Paul  P.  Lessing  and  Burnaby.  MLN  L  (1935)  225-230.  [331] 

Butler 

Thayer,  Harvey  W.  Eudibras  in  Germany.  PMLA  XXIV  (1909)  647-       [332] 
584. 

Bodmer,  Gottsched,  Lessing. 

Butler  and  Waser.  See  also  [289]. 

Hirzel,  Ludwig.  J.  H.  Waser.  VJSL  V  (1892)  301-312.  [333] 

Bueler,  Sigisbert.  J.  H.  Waser,  1713-1777,  Diacon  in  Winterthur  als        [334] 
Ubersetzer  des  Eudibras.  Freiburg  i.d.Schweiz,  diss.,  1939 ;  73  pp. 

Carey  and  Goethe 

Goebel,  Julius.  The  probable  source  of  Goethe's  "Goldschmiedsgesell."        [335] 
MLN  II  (1887)  206-211. 

Henry  Carey's  "Sally  in  our  alley." 

Chaucer  and  Wieland.  See  [294]. 

Clarke  and  Ealler.  See  also  [246]  f. 

Teeter,  Lura  May.  Albreeht  von  Haller  and  Samuel  Clarke.  JEGPh       [336] 
XXVII  (1928)  520-523. 
Congreve.  See  also  [256]  and  [261]. 

Bosler,  Margarete.  Congreves  Double  Dealer  in  deutscher  tibersetzung.        [337] 
DNS  XXXIII  (1925)  449-451. 

Crisp  and  Lessing 

Boethe,  Gustav.  Zu  Lessings  dramatischen  Fragmenten.  1.  Virginia  und       [338] 
Emilia  Galotti.  VJSL  II  (1889)  516-529. 

Crisp's  Virginius,  1754,  trsl.  Lessing,  and  Emilia,  Galotti. 

Defoe.  See  also  [187]. 

Hettner,  Hermann.  Bobinson  und  Bobinsonaden.  Berlin,  1854.  [339] 

Wagner,  H.  F.  Bobinson  in  Oesterreich  . .  .  Salzburg,  1886 ;  27  pp.  [340] 

Kippenberg,  August.  Bobinson  in  Deutschland  bis  zur  Insel  Felsenburg.       [341] 
(1731-1743)  .  .  .  Hannover,  1892;  122  pp. 
Bibliography,  xix  pp. 
H.  Ullrich.  ZVL  VI  (1893)  259-266  and  VII  (1894)  230  f. 

Kleeman,    Salmar.    Zur    Geschichte    der   Bobinsonaden.    Euphorion    I       [342] 
(1894)  603-604. 

Botteken,  Hubert.  Weltflucht  und  Idylle  in  Deutschland  von  1720  bis       [343] 
zur  Insel  Felsenburg  . . .  ZVL  IX  (1896)  1-32. 

Ullrich,   Hermann.   Eobinson  und   Bobinsonaden.   Bibliographie,   Ge-        [344] 
schichte,  Kritik  . . .  Teil  I.,  Bibliographie.  LF  VII  (1898)  ;  xix  +  247  pp. 
L.  PR.  LZ  XL VIII  (1898)  1950-1952. 
F.  VON  Zobeltitz.  ZB  II  2  (1898)  386-388. 
J.  Hippe.  ES  XXVI  (1899)  405-411. 
P.  Bobertag.  ZVL  XIII  (1899)   102-104. 
P.  Strauch.  ADA  XXVII  (1901)  246-248. 
Cf.  H.  Ullrich  in  ZB  XXIV  (1920)  Beiblatt  61-63. 

Ullrich,  Hermann.  Unbekannte  tibersetzungen  von  Schriften  Daniel       [345] 
Defoes  .  . .  ZB  IV  (1900)  32-35. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  423 

Wagner,  H.  F.  Eobinson  und  die  Kobinsonaden  in  unserer  Jugendlitera-       [346] 
tur.  Prog.  Wien,  1903. 

Ullrich, Hermann.  Die  Berechtigung  einer  neuen Eobinson-tiberstezung.       [347] 
ES  XXXVI  (1906)  394-403. 

Mildebrath,  Berthold.  Die  deutschen  "Avanturiers"  des  18.  Jahrhun-        [348] 
derts.  Wiirzburg  diss.,  Graf enhainichen,  1907 ;  147  pp. 
H.  ULLRICH.  Euphorion,  Ergiinzungsheft  IX  (1911)  21-23. 

Ullrich,  Hermann.  Nachtrage  und  Erganzungen  zu  meiner  Eobinson-        [349] 
Bibliographie.  ZB  XI  2  (1908)  444-456,  489-498. 
Cf.  [344]. 

Hatfield,  Theodore  M.  Moll  Flanders  in  Germany.  JEGPh  XXXII       [350] 
(1933)  51-69. 

Deneke,  O.  Eobinson  Crusoe  in  Deutschland.  Die  Friihdrucke,  1720-1780.        [351] 
Gottingen,  1934;  38  pp.  (=  Gottingische  Nebenstunden  XI). 
E.  S[CHRODER].  ADA  LIV  (1935)  77. 
W.  Baumgart.  JbL  1935,  p.  38. 

Konrad,  Karl.  Der  schlesische  Eobinson  und  sein  Verf  asser.  Sonderdruck        [352] 
aus    Mitteilungen    der    Schlesischen    Gesellschaft    fiir    Volkskunde 
XXXVII  (1938). 

Defoe  and  Schnabel 

Halm,  Hans.  Beitrage  zur  Kenntnis  Joh.  Gottfried  Schnabels.  Euphorion       [353] 
VIII,  Ergiinzungsheft  (1909)  27-49. 

Becker,  Franz  Karl.  Die  Eomane  Johann  Gottfried  Schnabels.  Bonn       [354] 
diss.,  1911;  116  pp. 
H.  Ullrich.  LblGRPh  XXXVI  (1915)  6-8. 

Bruggemann,  Fritz.  Utopie  und  Eobinsonade.  Untersuchungen  zu  Schna-        [355] 
bels  Insel  Felsenburg.  FNL  XLVI  (1914)  ;  200  pp. 
C.  Enders.  LE  XVII  (1915)  888  f. 
H.  Ullrich.  LblGRPh  XXXVI  (1915)  7-11. 

Schroder,  Karl.  J.  G.  Schnabels  Insel  Felsenburg.  Marburg  diss.,  1912;        [356] 
107  pp. 
H.  Ullrich.  LblGRPh  XXXVI  (1915)  6-8. 

Defoe  and  Vischer 

Biltz,  Karl.  Magister  Ludwig  Friedrich  Vischer,  der  erste  deutsche        [357] 
Eobinson-tibersetzer.  ASNS  XC  (1893)  13-26. 

Schott,  E.  Der  erste  deutsche  Ubersetzer   des  Eobinson.   Blatter   des       [358] 
Wiirttemberger  Schwarzwaldes  IX  (1902). 

Ullrich,  Hermann.  Neudruck  der  ersten  Eobinsoniibersetzung  [Ham-       [359] 
burg  1731].  Mit  einem  Nachwort  von  H.  Ullrich,  "Geschichte  des  Eobin- 
sonmotivs."  Leipzig,  1909. 

See  JbL  XX  (1909)  226  for  complete  title. 
C.  A.  Von  Bloedau.  JbL  XXI  (1910)  436  f. 

Dryden 

Baumgartner,  Milton  D.  On  Dryden's  relation  to  Germany  in  the  18th        [360] 
century.  University  of  Nebraska  Studies  XIV,  4  (1914)  289-375. 
Also  University  of  Chicago  diss.,  1914;  88  pp. 
H.  Mutschmann.  AB  XXVI  (1915)  374. 


424      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Dryden  and  Ayrenhoff 

Horner,  Emil.  Das  Aufkornmen  des  englischen  Geschmackes  in  Wien  und       [361] 
Ayrenhoffs  Trauerspiel,  Kleopatra  und  Antonius,  1783.  Euphorion  II 
(1895)  556-571  and  782-797. 

Dryden  and  Bodmer 

Ibershoff,  C.  H.  Dryden's  Tempest  as  a  source  of  Bodmer's  Noah.  MPh        [362] 
XV  (1917)  247-253. 

Numerous  parallel  passages. 

Dryden  and  Lessing 

Kies,  Paul.  P.  A  possible  source  of  Lessing's  EorosTcop.  ESSCW  VI        [363] 
(1939)  126-128. 

Dryden's  Aurung-Zebe. 

Dryden  and  Wernicke 

Eichler,  Albert.  Christian  Wernickes  Hans  Sachs  und  sein  Dryden'sches        [364] 
Vorbild  Mac  Fleclcnoe  .  . .  ZVL  XVII  (1907-1909)  208-224. 

Cf.  Babington,  MLR  XIII  (1918)  25-34,  Thorn-Drury,  MLR  XIII  (1918) 
276-281,  and  Belden,  MLN  XXXIII  (1918)  449-456. 

Farquhar  and  Lessing.  See  also  [256]  and  [261]  f. 

ROBERTSON,  J.  G.  Lessing  and  Farquhar.  MLR  II  (1906)  56-59.  [365] 

Fielding.  See  also  [187]  ff. 

Wood,  Augustus.   Der  EinfluB  Fieldings  auf  die   deutsche  Literatur.        [366] 
Heidelberg  diss.,  Yokohama,  1895  ;  53  pp. 

Translations;  attitude  of  Lichtenberg,  Lessing,  Goethe;  imitations  of  Musaus, 
Wieland,  Hermes. 
Bobertag,  F.  ES  XXV  (1898)  445-447. 

Waldschmidt,  Carl.  Die  Dramatisierungen  von  Fieldings  Tom  Jones.       [367] 
Rostock  diss.,  Wetzlar,  1906;  103  pp. 

Kurrelmeyer,  W.  A  German  version  of  Joseph  Andrews.  MLN  XXXIII        [368] 
(1918)  468-471. 

Price,  Lawrence  M.  The  works  of  Fielding  on  the  German  stage  1762-       [369] 
1801.  JEGPhXLI  (1942)  257-278. 

Fielding  and  Bode.  See  also  [188]. 

Krieg,  Hans.  J.  J.  Chr.  Bode  als  tibersetzer  des  Tom  Jones  von  H.       [370] 
Fielding.  Greif swald  diss.,  1909 ;  87  pp. 

Fielding  and  Goethe.  See  also  [187]  and  [219]  ff. 

Minor,  Jacob.  Die  Anfange  des  Wilhelm  Meister.  GJ  IX  (1888)  163-187.       [371] 

Fielding  and  Lessing 

Clarke,  C.  H.  EinfluB  Fieldingscher  Romane  auf  Lessings  Minna  von        [372] 
Barnhelm  und  Miss  Sara  Sampson.  Anhang  B  and  C  in  Clarke  [375] 
97-100. 

Fielding  and  Musaus 

Geschke,  Emil.  Untersuchungen  iiber  die  beiden  Fassungen  von  Musaus        [373] 
Grandisonroman.  Konigsberg  diss.,  1910 ;  92  pp. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  425 

Fielding  and  Schiller 

Clarke,   C.   H.  EinfluB   Fieldingscher   Eomane  auf   Schillers  Rauber.       [374] 
Anhang  A  in  Clarke  [375]. 

Fielding  and  "Sturm  und  Drang." 

Clarke,  C.  H.  Fielding  und  der  deutsche  Sturm  und  Drang.  Freiburg        [375] 
diss.,  1897;  100  pp. 

F.  BOBERTAG.  ES  XXV  (1898)  447-448. 

Fielding  and  Wieland 

Blankenburg,  Christian  Friedrich.  Versuch  iiber  den  Eoman.  Leipzig       [376] 
and  Liegnitz,  1774;  528  pp. 

Fletcher  and  Schiller.  See  [326]. 
Franklin 

Victory,   Beatrice   M.    Benjamin   Franklin   and   Germany.    AG   XXI        [377] 
(1915);  180  pp. 

Franklin's  visit  in  Germany.  Reputation  in  Germany.  Franklin  in  German 
poetry  and  as  known  to  Goethe,  Schiller,  Moser,  Herder. 

Franklin  and  Herder 

Suphan,  Bernhard.  Benjamin  Franklin's  "Bules  for  a  club  established       [378] 
in  Philadelphia."  tibertragen  und  ausgelegt  als  Statut  fur  eine  Gesell- 
schaft  von  Freunden  der  Humanitat  von  J.  G.  Herder  1792  .  .  .  Berlin, 
1883;  36  pp. 

Cf.  Briefe  zur  Beforderung  der  Humanitat  in  Herder,   Werke,  XVII  and 
XVIII. 
D.  Jacoby.  AL  XIII  (1885)  273-277. 

Glover  and  Klopstock 
Briggs,  Fletcher.  Notes  on  Glover's  influence  on  Klopstock.  PQ  I  (1922)        [379] 
290-300. 

Goldsmith 

Ziegert,  M.  Goldsmiths  Landprediger  in  Deutschland.  BFDH  X  (1894)        [380] 
509-525. 

Sollas,  Hertha.  Goldsmiths  EinfluB  in  Deutschland  im  18.  Jahrhundert.        [381] 
Heidelberg  diss.,  1903  ;  44  pp. 

Price,  Lawrence  M.  The  works  of  Oliver  Goldsmith  on  the  German  stage.       [382] 
MLQ  V  (1944)  481-486. 

Goldsmith  and  Goethe.  See  also  [226]-[236]. 

Wilmans,  Wilhelm.  liber  Goethes  Erwin  und  Elmire.  GJ  II   (1881)        [383] 
146-167. 

Levy,  Siegmund.  Goethe  und  Oliver  Goldsmith.  GJ  VI  (1885)  281-298.       [384] 
Branb-l,  Alois.  Goethe  und  Goldsmith.  CWGV  XII  (1898)  9-15.  [385] 

"Edwin  and  Angeline,"  and  Erwin  und  Elmire. 

Soffe,  Emil.  Die  erlebten  und  literarischen  Grundlagen  von  Goethes       [386] 
Erwin    und    Elmire.    Prog.    Briinn,    1890-1891,    and    in    Vermischte 
Schriften;  Briinn,  1909;  154-188. 

Ferguson,  Egbert.  Goldsmith  and  the  notions,  "Grille"  und  "Wandrer"       [387] 
in  Werthers  Leiden.  MLN  XVII  (1902)  346-356  and  411-418. 
J.  A.  Walz.  MLN  XVIII  (1903)  31  f. 


426      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Borcherdt,  Hans  Heinrich.  Die  Entstehungsgeschichte  von  Erwin  und       [388] 
Elmire.  GJ  XXXII  (1911)  73-82. 

Vietor,  Karl.  Goethe,  Goldsmith  und  Merck.  JFDH  (1916-1925)  78-94.       [389] 

Price,  Lawrence  Marsden.  Goldsmith,  Sesenheim,  and  Goethe.  GR  IV       [390] 
(1929)  237-247. 

Hammer,  Carl.  Goethe's  estimate  of  Oliver  Goldsmith.  JEGPh  XLIV       [391] 
(1945)  131-138. 

Goldsmith  and  Holty 

Sprenger,  R.  Zu  Holtys  "Das  Feuer  im  Walde."  ZDU  IV  (1890)  379-       [392] 
380. 

Its  relation  to  "The  deserted  village." 

Gray.  See  also  [192]. 

Uebel,  Otto.  Grays  EinfluB  auf  die  deutsche  Lyrik  im  18.  Jahrhundert.        [393] 
Heidelberg  diss.,  1914;  43  pp. 

Northup,  Clark  Sutherland.  A  bibliography  of  Thomas  Gray.  In  "Cor-       [394] 
nell  Studies  in  English."  New  Haven,  1917;  296  pp. 
Pp.  106-109:  List  of  German  translations. 
P.  Toynbeb.  MLR  XIII  (1918)  343-345. 

Gray  and  Mattheson 

Heckedom  (Baron).  Un  plagiaire  allemand.  Alsace  franchise,  16  May,        [395] 
1925. 

"L'Elegie  de  Gray  inspirant  Mattheson."  RLC  V  (1925)  519. 

Griffith  and  Goethe.  See  [582]. 

Harris.  See  [183]. 

HawTcesworth  and  Lessing 

Kies,  Paul  P.  Lessing  and  Hawkesworth.  RSSCW  VIII  (1940)  143-144,        [396] 

Eervey.  See  [192]. 

Hogarth.  See  [174]  and  [185]. 

Johnson  and  Sturz 

Richards,  Alfred  E.  Dr.  Johnson  and  H.  P.  Sturz.  MLN  XXVI  (1911)        [397] 
176-177. 

Jonson 

Ten  Hoor,  G.  J.  Ben  Jonson's  reception  in  Germany.  PQ  XIV  (1936)        [398] 
327-343. 

Kirlcpatrick  and  Wieland 

Ibershoff,  C.  H.  A  new  English  source  of  Wieland.  JEGPh  XIV  (1915)        [399] 
56-59. 

"The  sea  piece" ;  Brief e  von  Verstorbenen. 

Lee  (Nathaniel)  and  Lessing 

Kies,  Paul  P.  Lessing  and  Lee.  JEGPh  XXVIII  (1929)  402-409.  [400] 

Lucius  Junius  Brutus;  Das  befreite  Rom. 

Lee  (Sophie)  and  Stein 

Petersen,  Julius.  Die  zwey  Emilien,  ein  Drama  von  Frau  von  Stein  .  .  .       [401] 
Jahrbuch  der  Sammlung  Kippenberg  III  (1923)  127-232. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  427 

Lillo.  See  also  [163]  and  [1466]  ff. 

Von  Weilen,  A.  Der  Kaufmann  von  London  auf  deutschen  und  franzo-       [402] 
sischen  Biihnen.  Pp.  220-234  in  "Beitrage  zur  neueren  Philologie," 
Wien,  1902. 

Kunze,  Albert.  Lillos  EinfluB  auf  die  englische  und  deutsche  Literatur.        [403] 
Prog.  Magdeburg,  1911 ;  18  pp. 
0.  Glode.  ES  XLV  (1912)  114  f. 

Price,  Lawrence  M.  George  Barnwell  on  the  German  stage.  MDU  XXXV       [404] 
(1943)  205-214. 

Price,  Lawrence  M.  The  Bassewitz  translation  of  The  London  Merchant,       [405] 
1752.  JEGPh  XLIII  (1944)  354-357. 

Price,    Lawrence   Marsden.    George    Barnwell    abroad.    Comparative       [406] 
Literature  II  (1950)  126-156. 

Lillo  and  Goethe.  See  also  [227]. 

Walz,  John  A.  Goethe's  Gotz  von  Berlichingen  and  Lillo's  History  of       [407] 
George  Barnwell.  MPh  XXX  (1906)  493-504. 

Locke 

GtJNTHER,  F.  Padagogische  Beriihrungspunkte  zwischen  J.  Locke  und       [408] 
A.  H.  Francke.  Leipzig  diss.,  n.d.,  35  pp. 

Beeler,  Madison  S.  Morhof  and  Locke  and  the  oral  method  in  the  teach-       [409] 
ing  of  modern  languages.  MLF  XXXIII  (1948)  95-104. 

Brown,  Andrew.  John  Locke  and  the  religious  "Aufklarung."  Review  of       [410] 
Religions,  January  1949 ;  126-154. 

Brown,  F.  Andrew.  Locke's  Essay  and  Bodmer  and  Breitinger.  MLQ  X        [411] 
(1949)  16-32. 

Brown,  Andrew.  Locke's  "tabula  rasa"  and  Gottsched.  GE  XXIV  (1949)        [412] 
1-7. 

Brown,  F.  Andrew.  German  interest  in  John  Locke's  Essay.  JEGPh  L       [413] 
(1951)  466-482. 

Brown,  F.  Andrew.  On  education:  John  Locke,  Christian  Wolff,  and       [414] 
the  "moral  weeklies."  UCPMPh  XXXVI  (1952)  149-172. 

Mallet  and  Goethe 

Krogmann,  Willi.  Der  Name  "Margarethe"  in  Goethes  Faust.  ZDPh  LV       [415] 
(1930)  361-379. 

Marlowe  and  Goethe 

Heller,  Otto.  Faust  and  Faustus,  a  study  of  Goethe's  relation  to  Mar-       [416] 
lowe.  St.  Louis,  Washington  University,  1931;  176  pp. 
B.  Petsch.  DLZ  LII  (1931)  2224-2233. 
F.  R.  Scheodee.  GRM  XX  (1932)  173  f. 
P.  Van  Tieghem.  RSH  LII  (1932)  315  f. 
L.  M.  PEICE.  RLC  XII  (1932)  235-268. 
J.  A.  Walz.  JEGPh  XXXI  (1932)  258-278. 
M.  Peaz.  English  Studies  XIV  (1932)  85-88. 
J.  G.  RfOBEETSON].  MLR  XXVII  (1932)  499  f. 
M.  B.  Evans.  JEGPh  XXXII  (1933)  81  f. 
M.  Sohutt.  LblGRPh  LV  (1934)  102  f. 


428      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Marloive  and  Schiller.  See  [882]. 

Milton 

Brandl,    Alois.    Zur    ersten    Verdeutschung    von    Miltons    Verlorenem       [417] 
Paradies.  Anglia  I  (1878)  460-464. 
Th.  Haake,  1678. 

Bolte,  Johannes.  Die  beiden  altesten  Verdeutschungen  von  Miltons       [418] 
Verlorenem  Paradies.  ZVL  I  (1887)  426-438. 
Haake,  1678,  and  Berge,  1682. 

Jenny,  Gustav  K.  Miltons  Verlorenes  Paradies  in  der  deutschen  Litera-        [419] 
tur  des  18.  Jahrhunderts.  Leipzig  diss.,  St.  Gallen,  1890;  99  pp. 
J.  Koch.  ZVL  IV  (1891)  120-122. 
A.  Kosteb.  ADA  XVII  (1891)  259  f. 

Bobertson,  J.  G.  Milton's  fame  on  the  continent.  Broceedings  of  the        [420] 
British  Academy  1907-1908;  pp.  319-340. 

Bizzo,  Enrico.  Miltons  Verlorenes  Paradies  iin  deutschen  Urteile  des       [421] 
18.  Jahrhunderts.  LF  LIV  (1914)  ;  144  pp. 

Opinions  of  Bodmer,  Brookes,  Denis,  Gerstenberg,  Goethe,  Gottsched,  Hage- 
dorn,  Haller,  Herder,  Holty,  Jacobi,  Kleist,  Klinger,  Klopstock,  Lessing, 
Lichtenberg,  Nicolai,  Novalis,  Pyra,  Schiller,  Schlegel,  Tieck,  Wieland,  Voss, 
Zacharia,  and  others. 

Arnold,  Bobert  F.  Miltons  Lycidas  deutsch.  ZfFEU  XXI  (1921)  241-       [422] 
258  and  in  Arnold,  Beden  und  Studien,  Wien,  1932;  pp.  20-32. 

Arnold,  Bobert  F.  Miltons  II  Penseroso  deutsch.  ZfFEU  XXII  (1923)        [423] 
253-264  and  in  Arnold's  Beden  und  Studien,  Wien,  1932 ;  pp.  33-44. 

Arnold,  Bobert  F.  Miltons  V Allegro  deutsch.  DNS  XXXII  (1924)  165-       [424] 
171  and  in  Arnold's  Beden  und  Studien,  Wien,  1932  ;  pp.  45-53. 

Schulze,    Hans    Georg.    Miltons    Verlorenes    Paradies    im    deutschen       [425] 
Gewande.  Bonn  diss.,  1928;  103  pp. 

Ullrich,    Hermann.    Deutsche   Milton-tibersetzungen   vom    18.    Jahr-       [426] 
hundert  bis  zur  Gegenwart.  Euphorion  XXIX  (1928)  479-483. 

Burkhard,  Arthur.  The  beginnings  of  a  new  poetic  language  in  Ger-        [427] 
many.  BQ  X  (1931)  139-150. 

Walz,    John    A.    Miltonic    words    in    the    German    poetic    vocabulary:      [428] 
"Empyreum,"   "hyazinthene   Locken."   MDU  XXXVIII    (April-May 
1945)  192-200. 

Milton  and  Bodmer.  See  also  [214]  ff. 

Bodmer,  Hans.  Die  Anfange  des  ziircherischen  Miltons.  Fp.  179-199  in       [429] 
"Studien  .  .  .  Michael  Bernays  gewidmet  .  .  ."  Hamburg  and  Leipzig, 
1893. 

Viles,    George    B.    Comparison   of    Bodmer's   translation   of    Milton's       [430] 
Paradise  Lost  with  the  original.  Cornell  diss.,  Leipzig,  1903;  127  pp. 

Schmitter,  Jacob.  J.  J.  Bodmers  tibersetzungen  von  Miltons  Verlorenem       [431] 
Paradies,  1732,  1742,  1754,  1759,  1769,  sprachlich  verglichen.  Zurich 
diss.,  1913;  283  pp. 

Ibershoff,  C.H.  Bodmer  and  Milton.  JEGBh  XVII   (1918)    589-601.       [432] 

Ibershoft,  C.H.  Bodmer  as  a  literary  borrower.  BQ  I  (1922)  110-116.       [433] 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  429 

Ibershofp,  C.H.  Bodmer  and  Milton  once  more.  PMLA  XLIII  (1928)        [434] 
1055-1061. 

Milton  and  Goethe 

Sprenger,  E.  Anklange  an  Milton  in  Goethes  Faust.  ES  XVIII  (1893)        [435] 
304-306. 

Morris,  Max.  Mephistopheles.  GJ  XXII  (1901)  150-191.  [436] 

Milton  and  Herder 

Both,  Georges.  Sur  un  exemplaire  de  Milton  ayant  appartenu  a  J.  G.       [437] 
Herder.  ELC  I  (1921)  155. 

Milton  and  Klopstoelc 

Benkowitz,  K.  F.  Klopstocks  Messias  asthetisch  beurtheilt  und  verglichen       [438] 
mit  der  Iliade,  der  Aeneide  und  dem  Verlohrnen  Paradiese.  Breslau, 
1797. 

Muncker,  Franz.  Friedrich  Gottlieb  Klopstock  .  .  .  Stuttgart,  1893;        [439] 
556  pp.  2.  Auflage,  Berlin,  1900 ;  ix  +  566  pp. 
Pp.  117-128:  Milton  and  Klopstock. 

Hubler,  Franz.  Milton  and  Klopstock  I,  II,  III.  Prog.  Eeichenberg,       [440] 
1893-1895;  78,  54,  21pp. 
E.  Nader.  Z6G  XL VI  (1895)  665-667. 
M.  Koch.  ES  XXVI  (1900)  142-144. 

Ibershofp,  C.H.  A  neglected  Klopstock-Milton  parallel.  MLN  XXVI       [441] 
(1911)  264. 

Cf.  Ibershoff  in  MLN  XXXII  (1917)  186. 

Ibershofp,  C.H.  Bodmer  and  Klopstock.  JEGPh  XXVI  (1927)  112-123.       [442] 
Milton  and  Lange  and  Pyra 

Sauer,  August,  ed.  Freundschaftliche  Lieder  von  J.  J.  Pyra,  S.  G.  Lange.       [443] 
DLD  XXII  (1885)  ;  xlviii  +  167  pp 
Pp.  xxxiii-xxxv,  Milton. 

Milton  and  Zacharid.  See  [301]  ff". 
Moore.  See  also  [163],  [256]  and  [257]. 

Fritz,  Gottlieb.  "Der  Spieler"  im  deutschen  Drama  des  18.  Jahrhun-       [444] 
derts.  Berlin  diss.,  1896  ;  43  pp. 
Maler  Miiller,  Iffland,  Kotzebue 
R.  Rosbnbaum.  Euphorion  IV  (1897)  607. 

Moore  and  Schiller 

Wihan,  Josef.   Zu  Schillers  Baubern.  Beziehungen  zum  biirgerlichen       [445] 
Drama.  PDS  IX  (1908)  91-103. 

Moore's  Gamester ;  Schiller's  Die  Rauber. 

Newton  and  Bodmer 

Ibershofp,  C.  H.  Bodmer  and  Newton.  MLE  XXI  (1926)  192-195.  [446] 

Ossian 

Waag,  E.  Ossian  und  die  Fingal-Sage.  Prog.  Mannheim,  1863.  [447] 

Anhang,  pp.  61—70 :  Denis,  Goethe,  Herder,  Sehlegel,  Ahlwardt.  "Ausgaben 
und  Ubersetzungen." 


430      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Ehrmann,  Eugen.  Die  bardische  Lyrik  im  18.  Jahrhundert.  Heidelberg       [448] 
diss.,  Halle,  1892 ;  108  pp. 

B.  Seuffert.  GGA,  1895,  69-80. 

M.  K[OCH].  LZ  XLIV  (1893)  796  f. 

A.  Leitzmann.  LblGRPh  XVI  (1895)  223  f. 

Tombo,    Eudolf.    Ossian   in   Germany.    Bibliography.    General    survey.       [449] 
Ossian's  influence  upon  Klopstoek  and  the  bards.  CUGS  I  2  (1901)  ; 
157  pp. 

Klopstoek,  Gerstenberg,  Denis,  Kretschmann ;  Bibliography. 
W.  Golther.  ZDPh  XXXV  (1903)  285  f. 

Leo,  .   Ossian  in  Deutschland.  Versuch  einer  Erklarung  seiner       [450] 

tief  en  Wirkung.  Prog.  Jena,  1909. 

Van  Tieghem,  Paul.  Ossian  et  l'ossianisnie  dans  la  litterature  europeenne       [451] 
au  XVIIP  siecle.  Groningen,  Den  Haag,  1920.  No.  4  in  Neophilologiese 
Bibliotheek  and  pp.  199-287  in  Le  Preromantisme.  Paris,  Bieder,  1924. 
W.  Fischer.  DNS  XXVIII  (1921)  474  f. 
O.  L.  Jiriozek.  AB  XXXII  (1921)  125-130. 
H.  Jantzen.  ZfFEU  XX  (1921)  220  f. 

Horstheyer,  Budolf.  Die  deutschen  Ossianiibersetzungen  des  XVIII       [452] 

Jahrhunderts.  Greifswald  diss.,  1926;  127  pp. 
Buscher,  Elisabeth.  Ossian  in  der  Sprache  des  18.  Jhts.  Konigsberg       [453] 

diss.,  1937;  117  pp. 

Ossian  and  Denis 

Hofmann  Von  Wellenhof,  Paul.  Michael  Denis  .  .  .  Innsbruck,  1881;        [454] 
viii  +  379pp. 

Ossian  and  Gerstenberg 
Pfau,  Werner.  Das  Altnordische  bei  Gerstenberg.  VJSL  II  (1889)  161-       [455] 
194. 

Ossian  and  Goethe.  See  also  [227]  ff. 

Ulrich,  O.  Eine  bisher  unbekannte  Eadierung  Goethes.  ZB  XI  (1906)        [456] 
283-286. 

"Zum  Ossian"  (1773-1777). 
Heuer,  O.  Eine  unbekannte  Ossianiibersetzung  Goethes.  JFDH   (1908)        [457] 
261-273. 

Eichter,  Helena.  Was  hat  Goethe  an  Ossian  gefesselt?  CWGV  XXV       [458] 
(1911-1912)  18-22. 

Schoffler,    Herbert.   Die   Leiden   des   jungen   Werther;   ihr   geistes-        [459] 
geschichtlicher  Hintergrund.  Frankfurt,  1938 ;  35  pp. 
A.  Leitzmann.  ZDPh  LXV  (1940)  207  f. 
H.  Blumenthal,.  VGG  V  (1940)  314-320. 

Hennig,   John.   Goethe's   translations   of   Ossian's   "Songs   of   Selma."       [460] 
JEGPhXLV  (1946)  77-87. 

Hennig,  John.  Goethe's  translation  from  Macpherson's  Berrathon.  MLB       [461] 
XLII  (1947)  127-130. 

Ossian  and  Herder 

Gillies,  Alexander.  Herder  and  Ossian.  NF  XIX  (1933) ;  186  pp.  [462] 

E.  Vietta.  Die  Literatur  XXXVI  (1933)  52. 
A.  Brandl.  ASNS  CLXIV  (1933)  126. 
H.  T.  Betteridge.  MLR  XXIX  (1934)  336-337. 
W.  Linden.  ZfD  XLVIII  (1934)  349. 
ANON.  RLC  XIII  (1933)  793. 
J.  Prinzen.  English  Studies  XVI  (1934)  75-76. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  431 

Betteridge,  H.  F.  The  Ossianic  poems  in  Herder's  VolTcslieder.  MLE       [463] 
XXX  (1935)  334-338. 

Ossian  and  Kretschmann 

Knothe,  H.  Karl  Friedrich  Kretschmann.  Prog.  Zittau,  1858.  [464] 

Ossian  and  Schiller 

Fielitz,  Wilhelm.  "Hectors  Abschied"  und  Ossian.  AL  VIII   (1879)        [465] 
534-543. 

Ossian  and  Tieclc 

Hemmer,  Heinrich.  Die  Anfange  Ludwig  Tieeks  und  seiner  damonisch-       [466] 
schauerlichen  Dichtung.  Acta  Germanica  VI,  3.  Berlin,  1910 ;  452  pp. 

Otway.  See  also  [222]. 

Falke,  Johannes.  Die  deutschen  Bearbeitungen  des  Geretteten  Venedig       [467] 
von  Otway.  Bostock  diss.,  Westerland-Sylt,  1906 ;  62  pp. 

Otway  and  Schiller 

Loewenberg,  Jacob.  tJber  Otways  und  Schillers  Don  Carlos.  Heidelberg       [468] 
diss.,  Lippstadt,  1886;  126  pp. 

Mueller,  E.  Otways,  Schillers  und  St.  Beals  Don  Carlos.  Markgroningen,       [469] 
1898. 

Sulger-Gebing,  Emil.  Schiller  und  Das  gerettete  Venedig.  SVL  V  (1905)        [470] 
Erganzungsheft  358-363. 

Pp.    358    ff . :    "Deutsche   Ubersetzungen   und    Bearbeitungen   von   Otways 
Venice  Preserved." 

Otway  and  Weisse 

Wilkie,  Eichard  F.  "Weisse's  Die  Flucht  and  Otway's  The  Orphan.  Prog.       [471] 
PAPC,  Eugene,  Oregon,  1950. 
Also  in  Wilkie  [293]. 

Percy 

Schmidt,  F.  W.  Valentin.  Balladen  und  Bomanzen  der  deutschen  Dichter       [472] 
Burger,  Stolberg  und  Schiller.  Berlin,  1827. 

Wagener,  Haacke  Friedrich.  Das  Eindringen  von  Percys  Beliques  in       [473] 
Deutschland.  Heidelberg  diss.,  1897 ;  61  pp. 

Lohre,  Heinrich.  Von  Percy  zum  Wunderhorn.  Beitrag  zur  Geschichte       [474] 
der   Volksliedforschung    in    Deutschland.    Palaestra    XXII    (1902)  ; 
136  pp. 

Kircher,  E.  Volkslied  und  Volkspoesie  in  der  Sturm-  und  Drangzeit;  ein       [475] 
begriff  sgeschichtlicher  Versuch.  Zeitschrif t  f iir  deutsche  Wortf  orschung 
IV  (1903)  1-57. 

Boyd,  E.  I.  M.  The  influence  of  Percy's  Beliques  of  Ancient  English       [476] 
Poetry  on  German  literature.  MLQ  VII  (1904)  80-99. 

Burger,  Herder,  Goethe,  Uhland,  romanticists,  Fontane,  Dahn. 

Nessler,  Karl.  Geschichte  der  Ballade  "Chevy  Chase."  Palaestra  CXII       [477] 
(1911);  x  +  190pp. 

Pp.  177-187:  Klopstock,  Gessner,  Gleim. 


432      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Jenney,  Florence  Gertrude.  Die  ideelle  und  formale  Bedeutung  des       [478] 
Volkslieds  fiir  die  englische  und  deutsche  Dichtung.  Freiburg  diss., 
1912;  57  pp. 

Percy  and  Burger.  See  also  [218]. 

Grater,  D.  F.  Tiber  Burgers  Quellen  und  ihre  Beniitzung.  Neuer  Teutscher       [479] 
Merkur,  1797,  III,  143. 

"Suffolk  miracle"  and  Biirger's  "Lenore"  ;  but  see  Lohre  [474]  and  Schmidt 
[483]. 

Schlegel,  August  Wilhelm.  Burger  (1800).  In  Schlegel's  Sammtliche       [480] 
WerTce,  Leipzig,  1846;  VIII  64-139. 

Goetzinger,  M.  W.  "Uber  die  Quellen  der  Biirger'schen  Gedichte.  Zurich,       [481] 
1831. 

Holzhausen,  P.  Die  Ballade  und  Bomanze  von  ihrem  ersten  Auftreten     [482] 
in  der  deutsehen  Kunstdichtung  bis  zu  ihrer  Ausbildung  durcli  Burger. 
ZDPh  XV  (1883)  128-193,  297-344. 

Schmidt,  Erich.  Burgers  "Lenore."  In  CharaMeristiken  I,  Berlin,  1886;        [483] 
199-249. 

Bonet-Maury,  Gustav.  Burger  et  les  origines  anglaises  de  la  ballade       [484] 
litteraire  en  Allernagne.  Paris,  1889. 

Van  der  Velde,  A.  Die  englisclie  Quelle  von  Burgers  "Kaiser  und  Abt."       [485] 
Magazin  fiir  die  Literatur  des  In-  und  Auslands,  1889;  p.  165  f. 

Von  Wlislocki,   Heinrich.  Zu  Burgers  "Kaiser  und  Abt."  ZVL  IV       [486] 
(1891)  106-112. 

Beyer,  Valentin.  Die  Begriindung  der  ernsten  Ballade  durch  G.  A.        [487] 
Burger.  QF  XCVII  (1905)  ;  114  pp. 
See  p.  142,  above. 
E.  Ebstein.  Euphorion  XV  (1908)  410-412. 

Sprenger,  R.  Zu  Burgers  "Lenore."  ZDU  XIX  (1905)  59-60.  [488] 

Sternitzke,  Erwin.  Der  stilisierte  Biinkelgesang.  Marburg  diss.,  Wiirz-        [489] 
burg,  1933  ;  viii  +  79  pp. 

Opposes  idea  that  this  genre  was  derived  from  England. 
R.  Pbtsch.  ADA  LII  (1933)  188-191. 

Percy  and  Goethe 

Waetzoldt,  Stephan.  Goethes  "Ballade  vom  vertriebenen  und  zuriick-       [490] 
kehrenden  Grafen"  und  ihre  Quelle.  ZDU  III  (1889)  502-515. 

Percy  and  Herder 

Waag,  Albert,  tiber  Herders  tibertragung  englischer  Gedichte.  Habili-        [491] 
tationsschrift.  Heidelberg,  1892;  51  pp. 

Percy,  Thomson,  Burns,  Ramsay,  Swift,  Pope,  Prior,  Shakespeare,  Ossian. 

Clark,  Robert  T.,  Jr.  Herder,  Percy  and  the  Song  of  Songs.  PMLA  LXI       [492] 
(1946)  1087-1100. 

Pope.  See  also  [198]. 

Petzet,  Erich.  Die  deutsehen  Nachahmungen  des  Popeschen  Loctcen-       [493] 
raubes.  ZVL  IV  (1891)  409-433. 

Maack,  R.  tiber  Popes  EinfluB  auf  die  Idylle  und  das  Lehrgedicht  in       [494] 
Deutschland  .  .  .  Prog.  Hamburg,  1895 ;  16  pp. 

Brockes,  Kleist,  Dusch,  Hagedorn,  Zernitz,  Uz,  Lessing,  Wieland,  Schiller. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  433 

Graner,  Karl.  Die  tibersetzungen  von  Popes  Essay  on  Criticism  und  ihr       [495] 
Verhaltnis  zum  Original.  Aschaffenburg,  1910. 

Heinzelmann,  J.  H.  A  biblography  of  German  translations  of  Pope  in       [496] 
the  18th  century.  Bulletin  of  the  Bibliographical  Society  of  America 
IV.  Chicago,  1912,  3-11. 

Heinzelmann,  J.  H.  Pope  in  Germany  in  the  eighteenth  century.  MPh  X       [497] 
(1913)  317-364. 

The  text  to  [496]  above.  Estimate  of  Pope's  popularity.  The  translations  of 
Bodmer,  Brockes,  Burger,  Eschenburg,  Prau  Gottsched,  Hagedorn,  Lenz, 
Mylius  et  al. 

Schweinsteiger,  Heinrich.  Das  Echo  von  Popes  Essay  on  Man  im       [498] 
Ausland.  Miinchen  diss.,  Leipzig,  1913 ;  140  pp. 

Pope  and  Goethe 

Levy,  Siegmitnd.  Einige  Parallelen  zu  Goethe  aus  Pope.  GJ  V  (1884)        [499] 
344-346. 

Pope  and  Hagedorn.  See  also  [243]  f. 

Frick,  Alfons.  tiber  Popes  EinfluB  auf  Hagedorn.  Prog.,  Wien.  1900;        [500] 
12  pp. 

Be  Hagedorn's  "Gliickseligkeit." 

Pope  and  Haller.  See  [245]  f . 
Pope  and  Schiller 

Krumpelmann,   John   T.   Schiller's  "Hoffnung"   and   Pope's   Essay   on     [501] 
Man.  GR  III  (1928)  128-133. 

Pope  and  Wieland.  See  [294]  f. 

Pope  and  Zacharia.  See  [301]  ff. 

Prior 

Wukadinoviq,    Spiridion.    Prior    in    Deutschland.    Grazer    Studien    zur     [502] 
deutschen  Philologie  IV  (1895)  ;  71  pp. 
L.  Wyplbl.  Euphorion  IV  (1897)  338-342. 
O.  Walzed.  Z6G  XL VIII  (1897)  895  f. 
G.  Saerazin.  ZDPh  XXX  (1898)  262  f. 

Prior  and  Hagedorn.  See  [243]  f. 

Prior  and  Wieland 

Minor,  J.  Quellenstudien  zur  Litteraturgeschichte  des  18.  Jahrhunderts.      [503] 
ZDPh  XIX  (1887)  210-240. 
Nadine  and  Musarion. 

Asmtts,  J.  E.  Die  Quellen  von  Wielands  Musarion.  Euphorion  V  (1898)      [504] 
267-290. 

Chiefly  Prior  (pp.  267-277)  and  Lucian. 

Eichardson.  See  also  [186]  ff. 

Schmid,  Christian  Heinrich.  Tiber  die  versehiedenen  Verdeutschungen       [505] 
von  Richardsons  Clarissa.  Journal  von  und  fur  Deutschland  IX  (1792) 
16-35. 

Ten  Brink,  Bernhard.  Die  Roman  in  Brieven  1740-1840.  Amsterdam,     [506] 
1889. 


434      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Bobertson,  J.  G.  The  beginning  of  the  German  novel.  Westminster  review       [507] 
CXLII  (1894)  183-195. 

Richardson,  Gellert,  Musaus,  Wieland. 

Meinecke,    H.    Das   biirgerliche   Drama   in    Deutschland   und   Samuel       [508] 
Eichardsons  Familienromane  .  .  .  Heidelberg  diss.,  1922 ;  typescript. 

Price,  Lawrence  Marsden.  Eichardson  in  the  moral  weeklies  of  Ger-       [509] 
many,  pp.   169—183  in  "Studies  in  German  Literature  in  Honor  of 
A.  E.  Hohlfeld  . . ."  University  of  Wisconsin  Studies  in  Language  and 
Literature  XXII,  Madison,  Wis.,  1925. 

Price,  Lawrence  Marsden.  On  the  reception  of  Eichardson  in  Germany.        [510] 
JEGPhXXV  (1926)  7-33. 

Purdie,  E.  Some  adventures  of  Pamela  on  the  continental  stage  in  "Ger-        [511] 
man  Studies  presented  to  .  .  .  H.  G.  Fiedler."  Oxford,  1938 ;  352-385. 

Eichardson  and  Gellert 

Kretschmer,   Elizabeth.   Gellert   als   Eomanschriftsteller.   Heidelberg       [512] 
diss.,  Breslau,  1902  ;  53  pp. 

His  relation  to  the  English,  French,  and  German  novelists. 

Eichardson  and  Goethe.  See  also  [186]  ff.  and  [219]  ff. 

Schmidt,  Erich.  Eichardson,  Eousseau  and  Goethe  ...  Jena,  1875;  331       [513] 
pp.;  ed.  2,  Jena,  1924. 

J.  Schmidt.  PrJ  XXXV  (1875)  483-508. 

T.  S.  Perry.  Atlantic  monthly  XXXIX  (1877)  248  f. 

Price,  Lawrence  Marsden.  Eichardson,  Wetzlar,  and  Goethe.  Vol.  II,       [514] 
p.  174-187  in  "Melanges  .  .  .  Fernand  Baldensperger";  Paris,  1930. 

Liljegren,  S.  B.  The  English  sources  of  Goethe's  Gretchen  tragedy;  a       [515] 
study  of  the  life  and  fate  of  literary  motives.  Skrif ter  utgivna  av  kungl. 
humanistika  Vetenskapssamfundet  i  Lund  XXIV  (1937)  ;  278  pp. 

D.  SAURAT.  AB  XLIX  (1938)   164  f. 

L.  M.  Price.  MPh  XXXV  (1938)  464-467. 
H.  G.  Atkins.  MLR  XXXIII  (1938)  457  f. 
P.  Van  Tieghem.  RLC  XVIII  (1938)  573-576. 

E.  C[ASTLE].  CWGV  XLIII  (1938)  41  f. 
P.  Schubel.  Helicon  I,  3  (1938)  273-277. 
— —  Wesle.  ZDPh  LXIV  (1940)  314-317. 

Guelich,  Ernestine  D.  The  relationship  between  Goethe's  Werther  and       [516] 
Samuel  Bichardson's  novels.  Fordham  University  Dissertations  XV 
(1948)  49-54. 

Eichardson  and  Hermes.  See  also  [515]. 

Prutz,  Eobert.  Sophiens  Eeise  von  Memel  nach  Sachsen.  Prutz'  Literar-        [517] 
hist.  Taschenbuch  VI  (1848)  353-439. 

Buchholz,  Johannes.  Johann  Timotheus  Hermes  Beziehungen  zur  eng-       [518] 
lischen  Literatur.  Marburg  diss.,  Gottingen,  1911 ;  viii  +  59  pp. 
Richardson  chiefly;  also  Young,  Fielding,  Sterne. 

Muskalla,  Konstantin.  Die  Eomane  von  Joh.  Timotheus  Hermes.  BBL       [519] 
XXV  (1912)  87  pp. 

Eichardson  and  Hippel 

Schneider,  Ferdinand  Josef.  Studien  zu  Th.  G.  von  Hippels  Lebens-       [520] 
laufen:    (1)    Die  Lebensldufe  und  Sophiens  Eeise  von  Memel  nach 
Sachsen.  Euphorion  XXII  (1915)  471-482. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  435 

Richardson  and  La  Roche 

Eidderhoff,  Kuno.  Sophie  von  La  Eoche,  die  Schiilerin  Eichardsons  und       [521] 
Eousseaus.  Gottingen  diss.,  Einbeck,  1895  ;  109  pp. 
R.  Hassbncamp.  Euphorion  IV  (1897)  577-579. 

Cf.  Geschichte  des  Frauleins  von  Sternheim,  ed.  Ridderhoff  DLD  CXXXVIII 
(1907),  especially  pp.  xxxiii  ff. 

Richardson  and  Lessing.  See  also  [257]. 

Kettner,  Gustav.  Lessings  Emilia  Galotti  und  Richardsons  Clarissa.       [522] 
ZDUXI  (1897)  442-461. 

Richardson  and  Wieland.  See  also  [297]  f. 

Ettlinger,  Josef.  Wielands  Clementina  von  Porretta  und  ihr  Vorbild.       [523] 
ZVL  IV  (1891)  434-439. 

Low,  Constance  Bruce.  Wieland  and  Eichardson.  MLQ  VII  (1904)  142-       [524] 
148. 

Rowe  (Elizabeth).  See  also  [617]. 

Wolf,  Louise.  Elisabeth  Eowe  in  Deutschland.  Heidelberg  diss.,  1910;        [525] 
88  pp. 

Rowe  >  Klopstock,  Herder,  Wieland. 
J.  F.  Sievebs.  JEGPh  XI  (1912)  451-464. 

Rowe  (Nicholas)  and  Wieland.  See  also  [297]  f. 

Lessing,  Gotthold  Ephraim.  Brief e  die  neueste  Litteratur  betreffend       [526] 
IV,  63  and  64.  Berlin,  October  18,  1759. 
Cf.  Lessing,  Schriften,  VIII  166-178. 

Shadwell  and  Weisse 

Eichards,  Alfred  E.  A  literary  link  between  Thomas  Shadwell  and  Chris-        [527] 
tian  Felix  Weisse.  PMLA  XXI  (1906)  808-830. 

Eichards,  Alfred  E.  Der  Teufel  ist  los  by  Christian  Felix  Weisse.  MLN       [528] 
XXI  (1906)  244-245. 

Shaftesbury.  See  also  [193]  ff. 

Pomezny,  Franz.  Grazie  und  Grazien  in  der  deutschen  Literatur  des       [529] 
18.  Jahrhunderts.  Beitrage  zur  Aesthetik  VII  Hamburg  und  Leipzig, 
1900;  247  pp. 

Walzel,  Oskar  F.  Shaftesbury  und  das  deutsche  Geistesleben  des  18.       [530] 
Jahrhunderts.  GEM  I  (1909)  416-437. 

Walzel,  Oskar  F.  Das  Prometheussymbol  von  Shaftesbury  zu  Goethe.        [531] 
NJKA  XXV   (1910)   40-71  and  133-165.  Also  Leipzig  and  Berlin, 
1910;  70  pp. 
Cf.  [536]. 

Weiser,    Christian   F.    Shaftesbury    und    das    deutsche    Geistesleben.       [532] 
Leipzig,  Berlin;  564  pp. 

Pp.  554—564:  Comprehensive  bibliography. 
O.  F.  Walzel.  DLZ  XXXVII  (1916)  2067-2071. 

Spranger,  E.  Shaftesbury  und  wir.  IMWKT  XI  (1917)  1478-1503.  [533] 


436      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Schultz,  Franz.  Die  GSttin  Freude.  Zur  Geistes-  und  Stilgeschichte  des       [534] 
18.  Jahrhunderts.  JFDH  (1926)  3-38. 

Hagedorn,  Dz,  Kleist,  Klopstock,  Herder,  Schiller,  F.  Schlegel. 

Pennekamp,    Hugo.    Die    Idee   des   Wahren,    Schonen,    Guten    in    der        [535] 
padagogischen  Zielbildung  dargestellt  a.  d.  Entwicklung  von  Shaftes- 
bury bis  Wilhelm  v.  Humboldt.  Koln  diss.,  Langeburg,  1929. 

WALKED,  Oskar  F.  Das  Prometheus-Symbol  von  Shaftesbury  zu  Goethe.        [536] 
Wortkunst,  Neue  Folge  VII  (1932)  ;  110  pp. 
Not  identical  with  [531]  above. 

Schwinger,  Eeinhold.  Innere  Form.   Ein  Beitrag  zur  Definition  des        [537] 
Begriffs  auf  Grund  seiner  Geschichte  von  Shaftesbury  bis  W.  Hum- 
boldt. Leipzig,  diss.,  Miinchen,  1934;  89  pp. 

Portmann,  Paul  Ferdinand.  Die  deutschen  tibersetzungen  von  Shaftes-       [538] 
burys  "Soliloquy."  Freiburg  in  d.  Schweiz  diss.,  1942 ;  104  pp. 
W.  Kalthoff.  AB  LIV  (1943)  111  f. 

Morland,  M.  A.  Anthony  Cooper,  Earl  of  Shaftesbury  and  the  German       [539] 
classic  writers  of  the  XVIII  century.  University  of  London  diss.,  1946; 
typescript. 

Shaftesbury  and  Brookes 

Manikowsky,  Fritz.  Die  Welt-  und  Lebensanschauung  in  dem  Irdischen       [540] 
Vergniigen  in  Gott  von  Barthold  Heinrich  Brockes.  Greifswald  diss., 
1914;  92  pp. 

Shaftesbury  and  Gellert 

Dorn,  Max.  Der  Tugendbegriff  Chr.  F.  Gellerts  auf  der  Grundlage  des       [541] 
Tugendbegriffs  der  Zeit.  Ein  Beitrag  zur  Wortgeschichte.  Greifswald 
diss.,  1919 ;  typescript. 

"Gellerts  Tugendbegriff  im  Vergleich  mit  dem  bei  Christian  Wolff;  Shaftes- 
bury, Hutcheson,  Fordyce,  Riidiger,  Crusius  und  Mosheim."  JbL  for  1921, 
p.  20. 

Shaftesbury  and  Goethe 

Dilthey,  Wilhelm.  Aus  der  Zeit  der  Spinoza-Studien  Goethes.  Archiv       [542] 
fur  Geschichte  der  Philosophie  VII  (1894)  317-341. 
Goethe  and  Herder. 

Walzel,  Oskar  F.,  ed.  Goethes  WerTce,  Jubilaumsausgabe  (1902-1907)        [543] 
Bd.  XXXVI. 

Einleitung,  pp.  xxiv— lxxv:  Shaftesbury's  influence  on  Goethe. 

Boucke,  Ewald  A.  Goethes  Weltanschauung  auf  historischer  Grundlage.        [544] 
Stuttgart,  1907 ;  xxi  +  459  pp. 

Bruno,  Shaftesbury,  Goethe,  Herder. 

Schneider,  Hermann.  Goethes  Prosahymnus  "Die  Natur."  ASNS  CXX       [545] 
(1908)  257-281. 

Or  rather  Tobler's;  see  [548]  below. 

Wagschal,  Friedrich.  Goethe  und  Byrons  Prometheusdichtungen.  GEM        [546] 
IV  (1912)  17-29. 

Goethe  owed  to  Shaftesbury  only  the  first  suggestion. 

Koch,  Franz.  Goethe  und  Plotin.  Leipzig,  1925;  263  pp.  [547] 

M.  Wundt.  Literarische  "Wochenschrift  1926,  804-806. 

F.  Heinemann.  DLZ  XLVIII  (1927)  507-513. 

G.  Witkowski.  Die  Literatur  XXIX  (1927)  210. 
F.  Koch.  GRM  XV  (1927)  155. 

F.  SCHOLZ.  ZfA  XX  (1928)  232-236. 
Von  Astor.  LblGRPh  L  (1929)  175-180. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  437 

Schultz,  Franz.  Der  pseudogoethische  "Hymnus  an  die  Natur."  Pp.  79-       [548] 
100  in  "Internationale  Forschungen  .  .  .  Julius  Petersen  .  .  .  darge- 
bracht."  Leipzig,  1938. 
See  also  [545]  above. 

Shaftesbury  and  Haller 

Bondi,  Geoeg.  Das  Verhaltnis  von  Hallers  philosophischen  Gedichten  zur       [549] 
Philosophic  seiner  Zeit.  Leipzig  diss.,  Dresden,  1891 ;  40  pp. 

"Gedanken  iiber  Vernunft,  Aberglauben  und  Unglauben,"   "Die  Falschheit 
menschlicher  Tugenden,"  "Uber  den  Ursprung  des  Ubels." 

Jenny,  Heinrich  Ernst.  Haller  als  Philosoph.  Bern  diss.,  Basel,  1902;       [550] 
107  pp. 

Shaftesbury   and   Leibniz.   A  better   safeguarded   discussion   than    Bondi's 
[549]. 

Stahlmann,  Hans.  A.  von  Hallers  Welt-  und  Lebensanschauung  nach       [551] 
seinen  Gedichten.  Erlangen  diss.,  Kallmunz,  1928 ;  70  pp. 

Shaftesbury  and  Herder.  See  also  [182]. 

Hatch,  Irvtn  Clifton.  Der  EinnuB  Shaftesburys  auf  Herder.  SVL  I       [552] 
(1901)  68-119. 
O.  F.  Walzel.  GRM  I  (1909)  432. 

Suphan,   Bernhard.   Aus   Herders   Ideen-Werkstatt.   DR  CXXXVIII       [553] 
(1909)  357-379. 

Cf.  comments  on  Ideen  zur  Philosophie  der  Geschichte  der  Menschheit  in 
Herder,  Werke,  XIII  and  XIV. 

Shaftesbury  and  W.  von  Humboldt 

Spranger,  Eduard.  Wilhelm  von  Humboldt  und  die  Humanitatsidee.       [554] 
Berlin,  1909;  x  +  506  pp. 

Shaftesbury  and  Klinger 

Kolb,  Luise.  Klingers  Simsone  Grisaldo.  BGNDL  XXVI  (1929)  ;  ix  +       [555] 
115  pp. 
E.  H.  Zeyded.  MDU  XXII  (1930)  235  f. 
L.  Kolb.  GRM  XVIII  (1930)  317. 
H.  Lechner.  ASNS  CLVIII  (1930)  279  f. 
L,  B[eun]  RGXXI  (1930)  269  f. 
J.  Blankenagel.  JEGPh  XXXI  (1932)  438  f. 
H.  Feiedbich.  LblGRPh  LIII  (1932)  298. 

Shaftesbury  and  Lessing 

Rehorn,  F.  Tiber   das  Verhaltnis  Shaftesburys  zu  Lessings  Laohoon.       [556] 
BFDH  III,  2  (1886)  145-148. 

Brewer,  Edward  V.  Lessing  and  the  corrective  virtue  in  comedy.  JEGPh       [5571 
XXVI  (1927)  1-24. 

Shaftesbury  and  Mendelssohn.  See  [176]. 

Shaftesbury  and  Moritz 

Dessoir,  Max.  Karl  Philipp  Moritz  als  Aesthetiker.  Berlin  diss.,  Naum-       [558] 
burg,  1889;  57  pp. 

Shaftesbury  and  Schiller 

Walzel,    Oskar.    Einleitung    in   "Schillers   philosophische    Schriften."       [559] 
Schillers  Samtliche  Werke,  ed.  von  der  Hellen,  Stuttgart,  Cotta,  1904 ; 
XI  pp.  v-lxxxiv. 


438      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Cassieree,   Ernst.   Schiller  und  Shaftesbury.  PEGS,  new  series,  XI       [560] 
(1935)  37-59. 

Shaftesbury  and  Toiler.  See  [545]  and  [548]. 
Shaftesbury  and  Wieland 

Ermatinger,  Emil.  Die  Weltanschauung  des  jungen  Wieland.  Frauenfeld,        [561] 
1907;  viii  +  175pp. 

Chapter  V,  pp.  101—102,  Sokrates  und  Shaftesbury. 

Elson,  Charles.  Wieland  and  Shaftesbury.  CUGS  1913;  xii  + 144  pp.        [562] 
J.  G.  Robertson.  MLR  IX  (1914)  424-426. 
F.  Schoenemann.  MLN  XXX  (1915)  261-263. 
C.  Von  Klenze.  JEGPh  XIII  (1914)  603-606. 
W.  Stammler.  LZ  LXV  (1914)  266-267. 

Grudzinski,  Herbert.  Shaftesburys  EinfluB  auf  Chr.  M.  Wieland  mit       [563] 
einer   Einleitung   iiber   den   EinfluB   Shaftesburys   auf   die   deutsche 
Literatur  bis  1760.  BBL  XXXIV  (1913)  ;  104  pp. 
Reviewed  with  Elson  [562]  above. 

Bock,  Werner.  Die  asthetischen  Anschauungen  Wielands.  Berlin,  1921;        [564] 
123  pp. 

Stettner,  Leo.  Das  philosophische  System  Shaftesburys  und  Wielands       [565] 
Agathon.  BGNDL  XXVIII  (1929)  ;  xx  +  189  pp. 
V.  Michel.  RG  XXII  (1931)  74  f. 

Gross,  Erich.  C.  M.  Wielands  GescMchte  des  Agathon.  Entstehungs-       [566] 
geschichte.  GS  LXXXVI  (1930)  ;  193  pp. 
Also  Berlin  diss.,  1930. 
V.  Michel.  RG  XXII  (1931)  73  f. 
B.  Seuffert.  DLZ  LII  (1931)  1847-1850. 

Shalcespeare.  See  [637]-[1159]. 
Sheridan 

Vincke,  Gisbert.  Sheridans  Ldsterschule  seit  hundert  Jahren.  Neue  Zeit        [567] 
1879,  no.  25  and  ThE  VI  (1893)  141-147. 
History  of  the  play  in  Germany. 

Steuber,  Fritz.  Sheridans  Bivals,  Entstehungsgeschichte  und  Beitrage        [568] 
zu   einer    deutschen    Theatergeschichte    des   Stiickes.    Marburg    diss., 
Leipzig,  1913;  97  pp. 

Sheridan  and  Schiller 

Holl,  Karl.  Sheridan's  "Verses  to  the  memory  of  Garrick"  and  Schiller's        [569] 
"Prolog  zum  Wallenstein."  MLR  IX  (1914)  246. 

Smollett  and  Bichter 

Holthausen,  F.  Smollett  and  Jean  Paul.  ASNS  CXXXV  (1916)  402-       [570] 
408. 

Smollett  and  Stephanie  der  Jungere 

Price,  Lawrence  Marsden.  Smollett,  Jiinger  and  Stephanie  der  Jungere.       [571] 
MDUXXX  (1938)  157-163. 

Spenser  and  Wieland.  See  [295]  and  [300]. 
Steele 
Schmid,  Christian  Heinrich.  tiber  die  Dichter,  welche  die  Geschichte       [572] 
von  Inkle  und  Yariko  bearbeitet  haben.  Deutsche  Monatsschrift  1799, 
pp.  145-161. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  439 

Price,  Lawrence  Marsden.  Inkle  and  Yarico  album.  Berkeley,  1937;        [573] 
171  pp. 

C.  L.  Hornadat.  GR  XIII  (1938)  152  f. 
R.  F.  Arnold.  CWGS  XLIII  (1938)  40  f. 

H.  M.  Flasdieck.  AB  XLIX  (1938)  157-161. 

D.  F.  Bond.  MPh  XXXVI  (1938)  81-83. 

E.  Feise.  MDU  XXX  (1938)  336  f. 

W.  Husbands.  MLR  XXXIV  (1939)  129. 
H.  Tronchon.  RG  XXX  (1939)  60  f. 
G.  CHINARD.  MLN  L-IV  (1939)  470-472. 
H.  N.  Fairchild.  Am.  Lit.  XI  (1939)  230  f. 
H.  Ruhl.  DLZ  LX  (1939)  991  f. 
G.  Neophilologus  XXIV  (1939)  303. 

E.  Kast.  LblGRPh  LX  (1939)  437. 

F.  Delatte.  Rev.  Beige  de  Philologie  .  .  .  XVIII  (1939)  145-147. 
M.  Meterfeld.  ASNS  CLXXVI  (1940)  93  f. 

Bexjtler,  Ernst.  Inkle  und  Yariko.  In  Essays  um  Goethe,  Wiesbaden,       [574] 
1946;  1453-461. 

Steele  and  Gessner 

Usteri,  P.  Inkle  und  Jariko.  ASNS  CXXII  (1909)  353-368.  [575] 

Sterne.  See  also  [1527]  ff. 

Baker,  Thomas  Stockham.  The  influence  of  Laurence  Sterne  upon  Ger-       [576] 
man  literature.  AG  II,  4  (1899)  41-56. 

Thayer,  Harvey  Waterman.  Laurence  Sterne  in  Germany.  CUGS  II       [577] 
1  (1905);  198  pp. 
F.  Baldensperger.  RC  LXI  (1906)  36. 
F.  Baldensperger.  RG  II  (1906)  690. 
K.  Breul.  MLR  II  (1907)  186  f. 
T.  S.  Baker.  MLN  XXII  (1907)  89-94. 
R.  M.  Meter.  ZDPh  XXXIX  (1907)  142. 

Hallamore,  Gertrude  Joyce.  Das  Bild  Laurence  Sternes  in  Deutschland       [578] 
von  der  Aufklarung  zur  Eomantik.  GS  CLXXII  (1936)  ;  80  pp. 
W.  Kellermann.  GRM  XXIV  (1936)  309. 
L.  M.  Price.  MDU  XXX  (1938)  31  f. 
W.  Baumgarten.  ZDPh  XLIV  (1939)  119. 

Meyer,  H.  Der  Typus  des  Sonderlings  in  der  deutschen  Literatur.  Amster-       [579] 
dam,  1943;  237  pp. 
H.  Meter.  Neophilologus  XXV  (1940)  252-264. 

Sterne  and  Brentano.  See  [1527]. 

Sterne  and  Goethe.  See  also  [226]  ff. 

Hedouin,  Alfred.  Goethe  plagiaire  de  Sterne.  Le  monde  maQonnique,       [580] 
July  1863,  and  in  his  "Goethe,  sa  vie  et  ses  oeuvres,"  Paris,  1866; 
291-298. 

H.  Marggrae.  B1U,  1863;  p.  666. 

A.  Buchner.  Morgenblatt  ftir  gebildete  Leser  (1863)  922  f. 

R.  Springer.  Deutsehes  Museum  (1867)  no.  690. 

R.  Springer.  B1U,  1869 ;  158  f. 

F.  Von  Loeper.  Ibid.,  (1869)  222  f. 

Springer,  Eobert.  1st  Goethe  ein  Plagiarius  Lorenz  Sternes?  Essays  zur       [581] 
KritiJc  und  zur  Goethe-Liter atur.  Minden  i.W.,  1885  ;  330-336. 

Czerny,  Johann.  Goethe  und  Sterne.  Euphorion  XVI  (1909)  512.  [582] 

Faust  I,  72  and  a  passage  in  Sterne's  (rather  Griffith's)  Koran. 


440      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Wundt,  Max.  Goethes  Wilhelm  Meister  .  .  .  Berlin  and  Leipzig,  1913;        [583] 
ix  +  509  pp. ;  ed.  2,  Berlin  and  Leipzig,  1932. 

Anhang,  pp.  493-508  :  "Gehoren  die  'Betrachtungen  im  Sinne  der  Wanderer' 
und  'Aus  Makariens  Archiv'  zu  den  Wander jahren?" 
M.  Wundt.  Addenda  to  above.  GRM  VII  (1915)  177-184. 
J.  Collin.  LblGRPh  LV  (1934)  218  f. 

Pinger,    William    Robert    Bichard.    Laurence    Sterne    and    Goethe.       [584] 
UCPMPh  X,  1  (1920)  ;  66  pp. 
Anon.  RLC  I  (1921)  325. 
T.  P.  CROSS.  MPh  XVIII  (1921)  679. 

F.  Piquet.  RG  XII  (1921)  303. 

Klingemann,  Gisbert.  Goethes  Verhaltnis  zu  Laurence  Sterne.  Marburg       [585] 
diss.,  1929;  73  pp. 

Sterne  and  Hippel.  See  also  [590]. 
Schneider,  Ferdinand  Josee.  Studien  zu  Th.  G.  von  Hippels  Lebens-       [586] 
laufen.  Chapter  2 :  Tiber  den  Humor  L.  Sternes  und  Th.  G.  von  Hippels. 
Euphorion  XXII  (1915)  678-702. 

Sterne  and  Jacobi 

Longo,  Joseph.  Laurence  Sterne  und  Johann  Georg  Jacobi.  Prog.  Krems,        [587] 
Wien,  1898. 

Ransohoff,  Georg.  Joh.  Jacobis  Jugendwerke.  Berlin  diss.,  1892;  52  pp.        [588] 

Sterne  and  Lessing 

Jannecke,  Ulrich.  Lessing  and  Laurence  Sterne.  Frankfurt  diss.,  1948;        [589] 
typescript. 

Sterne  and  Jean  Paul  (Bichter) 

Czerny,  Johann.  Sterne,  Hippel  und  Jean  Paul . . .  FNL  XXVII  (1904)  ;        [590] 
vii  +  86  pp. 

R.  M.  Werner.  DLZ  XXV  (1904)  2868  f. 

R.  Furst.  Jbl  XV,  "nachgeliefert"  in  XVI  (1905)  467. 

P.  Landau.  SVL  VI  (1906)  283. 

J.  Firmery.  RG  IV  (1908)  58  f. 

Kupper,  Helmut.  Jean  Pauls  Wus  . . .  Hermaea  XXII  (1928);  86  pp.       [591] 

H.  Ahrbeck.  ZDPh  XLIX  (1930)  196  f. 
L.  Mis.  RG  XXI  (1930)  59  f. 

Schmitz,  Werner.  Die  Empfindsamkeit  Jean  Pauls.  Beitrage  zur  neueren        [592] 
Literaturgeschichte  XV  (1930)  ;  vi  +  160  pp. 
E.  Berend.  DLZ  LII  (1931)  1070-1072. 

G.  Bianquis.  RG  XXII  (1931)  331. 

Hayes,  J.  C.  Laurence  Sterne  and  Jean  Paul,  an  abridgement  of  a  dis-        [593] 
sertation.  New  York  University  Press,  1942. 

Sterne  and  Schummel 

Kawerait,  Waldemar.  Johann  Gottlieb  Schummel  in  "Culturbilder  aus       [594] 
dem  Zeitalter  der  Aufklarung,"  Bd.  I  (Aus  Magdeburgs  Vergangen- 
heit)  Halle,  1886;  141-177. 

Pp.  148—163:  Sterne  in  Germany. 

Sterne  and  TMimmel 

Kyrieleis,  Richard.  Moritz  August  von  Thiimmels  Roman  Beise  in  die       [595] 
mittaglichen  Provinzen  von  Frankreieh.  BDL  IX  (1908)  75  pp. 
W.  Nicked.  ASNS  CXXIII  (1909)  467. 
R.  M.  Meter.  ZDPh  XLIII  (1911)  257. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  441 

Thayer,  Harvey  Waterman.  Thiimmel's  Eeise  and  Laurence  Sterne.       [596] 
MLN  XXIV  (1909)  6-8. 

Sterne  and  TiecTc 

Lussky,  Alfred  Edwin.  Tieck's  romantic  irony  with  special  emphasis       [597] 
upon  the  influence  of  Cervantes,  Sterne  and  Goldsmith.  Chapel  Hill, 
North  Carolina,  1932 ;  viii  +  274  pp. 

A.  Ludwig.  ASNS  CLXIV  (1933)  287. 

A.  N.  Porterfield.  GR  IX  (1934)  274-276. 

H.  Rehder.  JEGPh  XXXIV  (1935)  606-608. 

Sterne  and  Wieland 
Bauer,  Friedrich.  tiber  den  EinfluS  Laurence  Sternes  auf  Chr.  M.       [598] 
Wieland.  Prog.  Karlsbad,  1898-1899;  32  pp. 

Behmer,  Carl,  August.  Laurence  Sterne  and  C.  M.  Wieland.  FNL  IX       [599] 
(1899)  59  pp. 
F.  Bobertag.  ZVL  XIV  (1901)  387  f. 

Mager,  A.  Wielands  NachlaB  des  Diogenes  von  Sinope  und  das  englische       [600] 
Vorbild.  Prog.,  Marburg,  1890 ;  15  pp. 
Tristram  Shandy. 

Swift 

Philippoviq,  Vera.  Swift  in  Deutschland.  Zurich  diss.,  Agram,  1903;        [601] 
76  +  pp. 

Lauchert,  Friedrich.  Die  pseudo-swiftische  Eeise  nach  KaMogallinien       [602] 
und  in  den  Mond  in  der  deutschen  Literatur.  Euphorion  XVIII  (1911) 
94-98  and  478. 

Swift  and  Goethe 

Metz,  Adolf.  Goethes  Stella.  PrJ  CXXVI  (1906)  52-71.  [603] 

Swift  and  Lessing 

Caro,  Jakob.  Lessing  und  Swift.  Studie  iiber  Nathan  den  Weisen.  Jena,       [604] 
1869;  105  pp. 

Cf.    Kuno    Fischer,    "Kritische    Streifziige    wider    die    Unkritik"    in   Kleine 
Schriften,  I  4,  Heidelberg,  1896,  291-304. 

Swift  and  Eaoener 
Aigner,  K.  G.  W.  Eabeners  Verhaltnis  zu  Swift.  Prog.  Pola,  1905 ;  20  pp.        [605] 

Stvift  and  Eichter 
Walden,  H.  Jean  Paul  and  Swift.  New  York  University  diss.,  1940.  [606] 

Swift  and  Wieland.  See  also  [295]. 

Steinberg,  Julius.  Ein  unbekannter  Beitrag  Wielands  zu  den  Frey-       [607] 
muthigen  Nachriehten  von  neuen  Buehern,   1756.   Euphorion   XXII 
(1922)  671-678. 

Thomson 

Gjerset,  Knut.  Der  EinfluB  von  James  Thomsons  Jahreszeiten  auf  die       [608] 
deutsche   Literatur  des  achtzehnten  Jahrhunderts.   Heidelberg   diss., 
1898;  76  pp. 

Ibershoff,  C.  H.  A  German  translation  of  passages  in  Thomson's  Seasons.       [609] 
MLN  XXVI  (1911)  107-109. 


442      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Thomson  and  Bodmer 

Ibershoff,  C.  H.  Bodmer  and  Thomson's  Seasons.  MLN  XLI   (1926)        [610] 
29-32. 

Thomson  and  BrocTces 

Stewart,  Morton  Collins.  Barthold  Heinrich  Brockes'  rendering  of       [611] 
Thomson's  Seasons  and  the  later  German  translations.  JEGPh  X  (1911) 
20-41,  197-213,  378-414. 

Thomson  and  Gessner 

Bitter,  Otto.  GeBner  mid  Thomson.  ASNS  CXI  (1903)  170.  [612] 

Thomson  and  Goethe 

Williams,  Charles  A.  James  Thomson's  Seasons  and  three  of  Goethe's        [613] 
poems.  JEGPh  XLVII  (1948)  1-13. 

Thomson  and  Hagedorn.  See  [243]  f. 
Thomson  and  Ew.  Chr.  von  Kleist 

Salter,  August,  ed.  Kleists  "Werke,"  I-III  Berlin  [1881]  f.  [614] 

Bd.  I  151-157,  Thomson  and  Kleist. 

Thomson  and  Klopstock 

Stewart,  Morton  Collins.  Traces  of  Thomson's  Seasons  in  Klopstock's       [615] 
earlier  works.  JEGPh  VI  (1907)  395-411. 

Similarity  of  themes:   God,  patriotism,    religion,   friendship,   love.   Parallel 
passages. 

Thomson  and  Schiller 

Walz,  John  A.  Schiller's  "Spaziergang"  and  Thomson's  Seasons.  MLN        [616] 
XXI  (1906)  117-120. 

Thomson  and  Wieland 

Fresenius,  August.  Die  Verserzahlung  des  18.  Jahrhunderts.  Euphorion       [617] 
XXVIII  (1927)  519-540. 

Thomson's  influence  on  Wieland's  Moralische  Erzahlungen.  More  incidentally 
the  influence  of  Addison  and  Rowe. 

Thomson  and  Zacharid.  See  [301]  ff. 

Wesley  and  German  hymns 

Schulz,   W.    Die   Bedeutung    der   vom   angelsachsischen    Methodismus       [618] 
beeinfluBten   Liederdichtung   fur   unsere   deutschen   Kirchengesange. 
Greif  swald  diss.,  1934 ;  160  pp. 

Nielsen,  J.  L.  John  Wesley  und  das  deutsche  Kirchenlied.  Bremen,  1938  ;        [619] 
222  pp. 

Whiston  and  Bodmer 

Ibershoff,  C.  H.  Whiston  as  a  source  of  Bodmer's  Noah.  Studies  in       [620] 
Philology  XXII  (1925)  522-528. 

Whiston  succeeded  Newton  at  Cambridge. 

Wolcot 

Bitter,  Otto.  Dr.  Wolcot  (Peter  Pindar)  in  Deutschland.  ASNS  CVII       [621] 
(1901)  398-399. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  443 

Wycherley  and  Weisse 

Hartmann,  H.  Zum  EinfluB  der  englischen  Literatur  auf  die  deutsche.        [622] 
William  Wycherley  und  Christian  Felix  WeiBe.  Verhandlungen  VDPh, 
Wien,  1894,  406-420. 

Young.  See  also  [192]  and  [214]. 

Ebert,  Johann  A.  Dr.  Eduard  Youngs  Klagen  oder  Nachtgedanlcen  uber       [623] 
Leben,  Tod  und  Unsterblichlceit  I-V,  Braunschweig,  1760-1771. 
With  parallel  passages  from  German  poets. 

Barnstorff,  Johann.  Youngs  Nachtgedanlcen  und  ihr  EinfluB  auf  die       [624] 
deutsche  Literatur.  Bamberg,  1895;  87  pp. 
S.  Wukadinovic.  Euphorion  V  (1898)  137-144. 

Kind,  John  Louis.   Edward  Young  in  Germany.  Historical   surveys,       [625] 
influence  upon  German  literature,  bibliography.  CUGS  II  3   (1906)  ; 
186  pp. 

E.  RtJHL.  DLZ  XXVIII  (1907)  1250-1252. 
P.  Baldenspeegee.  RG  III  (1907)  616  f. 

F.  Keatz.  ES  XXXIX  (1908)  122-124. 

J.  R.  Ceosland.  MLR  II  (1907)  369-372. 
J.  Wihan.  Euphorion  XV  (1908)  342-344. 
R.  M.  Meyee.  ZVL  XVII  (1909)  483  f. 
M.  K[OCH].  LZ  LVIII  (1907)  514. 
A.  VON  Ende.  LE  IX  (1907)  965. 

See  also  Hulme  in  MLN  XXXII  (1917)  96-109. 

Steinke,  Martin  William.  Edward  Young's  Conjectures  on  Original       [626] 
Composition  in  England  and  Germany  .  . .  N.Y.,  1917;  127  pp. 
Also  University  of  Illinois  diss.,  1917. 
J.  P.  Kaufman.  JEGPh  XVII  (1918)  298-304. 
J.  W.  B  [eight].  MLN  XXXIII  (1918)  444-447. 

Diener,  Gottfried.  Die  Nacht  in  der  deutschen  Dichtung  von  Herder  bis       [627] 
zur  Bomantik.  Wiirzburg  diss.,  1931;  58  pp. 

Young  and  Bodmer 
Ibershoff,  C.  H.   Bodmer  and  Young.  JEGPh  XXIV  (1925)  211-218.       [628] 

Young  and  Brawe.  See  also  [217]. 

Minor,  Jacob,  ed.  Joachim  Wilhelm  von  Brawe.  DNL  LXXII  203-273.       [629] 
"Einleitung,"  pp.  203—209:  Young- and  Brawe. 

Young  and  Creus 

Hartmann,  Carl.  Friedrich  Carl  Casimir,  Freiherr  von  Creuz,  und  seine        [630] 
Dichtungen.  Leipzig  diss.,  Heidelberg,  1890 ;  88  pp. 

Bion,  Ude.  Beitrage  zur  Kenntnis  des  Lebens  und  der  Schriften  des        [631] 
Dichters  Fr.  Carl  Casimir  von  Creuz.  Miinehen  diss.,  Meiningen,  1894 ; 
48  pp. 

Pp.  14—21 :  Young  and  Creuz. 
R.  Schlossee.  Euphorion  III  (1896)  514-518. 

Young  and  Ebert 

Dorn,  Eichard.  Johann  Arnold  Eberts  literarische  Wirksamkeit:  Eigene       [632] 
Dichtung.  Heidelberg  diss.,  1921;  typescript. 

Young  and  Goethe.  See  also  [227]  f. 
Werner,  Eichard  Maria.  Ein  apokryphes  Gedicht  Goethes.  AL  XIV       [633] 
(1886)  185-188. 

Influence  of  Young  on  "Das  Alter." 


444      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Young  and  Hamann 

Unger,   Budolf.   Hamann   und   die   Empfindsamkeit.   Euphorion  XXX       [634] 
(1929)  154-175;  and  in  Aufsatze  zur  Literatur-  und  Geistesgeschichte 
N.  F.  II  (1929)  17-40. 

Young  and  Hardenberg 

Busse,  Carl.  Novalis  Lyrik.  Oppeln,  1898 ;  viii  +  156  pp.  [635] 

Young  and  Tscharner 
Tobler,  Gustav.  Vincenz  Bernhard  Tscharner.  Neujahrsblatt  der  litera-        [636] 
rischen  Gesellschaf  t.  Bern,  1896. 

Pp.  3,  26-28,  31 :  Young  and  Tscharner. 

Young  and  Wieland.  See  [525]  and  [617]. 

Young  and  Zacliarid.  See  [301]  ff. 


Part  Three 
SHAKESPEARE  IN  GERMANY 

GENERAL  WORKS 
(i.e.,  works  covering'  more  than  one  century) 

Bibliographical  works 

Die    Deutsche    Shakespeare-Gesellschaft.    Shakespeare-Bibliogra-       [637] 
phien.  ShJ  I-LXIV  (1865-1950). 

Successively  by  Albert  Cohn,  Richard  Schroeder,  Gustav  Becker,  Hans  Daffis, 
Eduard  Hartl,  and  Anton  Preis. 

Unflad,  L.  Die  Shakespeare-Literatur  in  Deutschland  .  .  .  1762-1897.       [638] 
Miinchen,  1880. 

"Ein  recht  verungliickter  Versuch."  ShJ  XVI  (1881)  394. 

Ebisch,  Walther  and  Schucking,  Levin  L.  A  Shakespeare  bibliography.       [639] 
Oxford,  1931 ;  xviii  +  294  pp. 

Part  XII.  Shakespeare's  influence  through  the  centuries. 
W.  Fischer.  AB  XLII  (1931)  97-99. 

F.  Brie.  DLZ  LII  (1931)  1022-1024. 

A.  E.  H.  Swaen.  Neophilologus  XVI  (1931)  296  f. 
R.  Pruvost.  RC  XCVIII  (1931)  327. 

G.  B.  Harrison.  RES  VII  (1931)  497  f. 
Anon.  RLC  XI  (1931)  542. 

H.  M.  Flasdieck.  ES  LXVII  (1932)  121-123. 

L.  M.  Price.  JEGPh  XXXI  (1932)  150-152. 

R.  Spindler.  LblGRPh  LIII  (1932)  238-241. 

M.  J.  Wolff.  DNS  XL  (1932)  312  f. 

H.  Spencer.  MLN  XL VII  (1932)  486. 

H.  B.  Charlton.  MLR  XXVII  (1932)  114. 

Ebisch,  Walther  and  Schucking,  Levin.  Supplement  for  the  years       [640] 
1930-1935  to  a  Shakespeare  bibliography.  Oxford  1937;  viii  +  104  pp. 
W.  Keller.  ShJ  LXXIII  (1937)  171. 
P.  Alexander.  MLR  XXXIII  (1938)  581  f. 
H.  S[pencer]  MLN  LIII  (1938)  77. 

Historical  ivories.  See  also  [750]  ff.  [959]  ff.  and  [1113]  ff. 
Grabbe,  Christian  Dietrich,  ttber  die  Shakespearomanie   (1827).  In       [641] 
Samtliche  Werhe,  ed.  Grisebach,  Berlin,  1902;  I  437-468. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  445 

Heine,    Heinrich.    Shakespeares    Madchen   und   Frauen    [Einleitung]        [642] 
Berlin,  1839 ;  in  Heine,  Werke,  VIII,  170-180. 

Eumelin,   Gustav.    Shakespeare-Studien.    Stuttgart,    1862,    2.    Auflage       [643] 
Stuttgart,  1874 ;  xiv  +  315  pp. 

Pp.  225—315:  Der  deutsche  Shakespeare-Kultus. 
H.  Blaze  De  Bury.  EDM  LXXIV  (1868)  404-447. 

Lemcke,  Lubwig  G.  Shakespeare  in  seinem  Verhaltnis  zu  Deutschland.       [644] 
Leipzig,  1864;  26  pp. 

Humbert,  Claas  Hugo.  Moliere,  Shakespeare  und  die  deutsche  Kritik.       [645] 
Leipzig,  1869 ;  510  pp. 

Condemns  the  German  preference  for  the  comedies  of  Shakespeare. 

Gen^e,  Eubolf.  Geschichte  der  Shakespeareschen  Dramen  in  Deutsch-       [646] 
land.  Leipzig,  1870 ;  504  pp. 

With  "Ubersetzungen  und  Ubertragungen"  up  to  1867. 
For  1865-1935  see  [1042]  f. 
A.  Sterne.  GGA,  1872,  650-666. 
A.  Ludwig.  ShJ  LI  (1915)  209-211. 

Hense,  C.  C.  Deutsche  Dichter  in  ihrem  Verhaltnis  zu  Shakespeare.  ShJ       [647] 
V  (1870)  107-147  and  VI  (1871)  83-128. 

Included  also  in  C.  0.  Hense,  Shakespeare,  Halle,  1884;  747  pp. 
Lenz,  Klinger,  Schiller,  Lessing,  Goethe,  Kleist,  Wieland,  Tieck,  Eichendorff. 
Cf.  M.  Koch  in  ES  IX  (1886)  78-84. 

Benedix,   Koderich.    Die   Shakespearomanie.    Zur   Abwehr.    Stuttgart,       [648] 
1873;  iv  + 446  pp. 

Vincke,  Gisbert.  Zur  Geschichte  der  deutschen  Shakespeare-tibersetzung.       [649] 
ShJ  XVI    (1881)    254-273,  ShJ  XVII   (1882)   88-99,  and  ThF  VI 
(1893)  64-105. 

Wieland,   Eschenburg,    Schlegel,   Tieck,   Voss,    Iffland,   Dingelstedt,   Oechel- 
hauser,  Devrient,  Wehl,  "Die  Meininger." 

Hauffen,  Abolph.  Shakespeare  in  Deutschland.  Prag,  1893;  26  pp.  [650] 

M.  P[roescholdt].  ShJXXIX-XXX  (1894)  309  f. 

Wolff,  Eugen.  Von  Shakespeare  zu  Zola.  Zur  Entwicklungsgeschichte       [651] 
des  Kunststils  in  der  deutschen  Dichtung.  Berlin,  1902 ;  vii  +  196  pp. 

Shakespeare,  the  classic  dramatists,  Kleist. 

Gunbolf,  Friebrich.  Shakespeare  und  der  deutsche  Geist.  Berlin,  1911;        [652] 
viii  +  360  pp. 

H.  Bieber.  JbL  XXII  (1911)  790-792. 

E.  Stadler.  LE  XIV  (1911)  88-90. 
Anon.  ASNS  CXXVIII  (1912)  453  f. 

O.  Walzel.  ShJXLVIII  (1912)  259-274. 

F.  Baldensperger.  RG  VIII  (1912)  565  f. 

G.  Witkowski.  ZB  XIV  (1911)  Beiblatt  187  f. 
P.  Van  Tieghem.  RSH  XXVI  (1912)  1-8. 

H.  Herrmann.  ZfA  VIII  (1913)  466-489. 

L.  M.  Kueffner.  JEGPh  XIII  (1914)  330-334. 

H.  Jantzen.  ZfFEU  XII  (1913)  373-374. 

A.  Eichler.  DLZ  XXXVII  (1916)  508-511. 

L.  MIS.  RG  XV  (1924)  343-350. 

Branbl,  Alois.  Shakespeare  and  Germany.  Third  annual  Shakespeare       [653] 
lecture  of  the  British  Academy.  Oxford  University  Press,  N.  Y.  and 
London, 1913;  15  pp. 

Same  in  A.  Brandl.  Forschungen  und  Charakteristiken,  Berlin,  1936;  177— 
182. 
M.  F6RSTER.  Summary  of  above  in  ShJ  L  (1914)  209  f. 


446      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Wolff,  M.  J.  Shakespeare  in  England  und  in  Deutschland.  IMWKT  X       [654] 
(1915)  364-375. 
C.  Gbabau.  ShJ  LIII  (1917)  222. 

Hauptmann,  Gerhart.  Deutschland  und  Shakespeare.  ShJ  LI  (1915)        [655] 
vii-xii. 

Franz,  W.  Shakespeare  als  Kulturkraft  in  Deutschland  und  England.       [656] 
Tubingen,  1916 ;  43  pp. 

Chamberlain,  Houston  Stewart.  Shakespeare  in  Deutschland.  Tagliche       [657] 
Eundschau,  Unterhaltungsbeilage,  April  22,  1916. 
C.  Geabau.  ShJ  LIII  (1917)  222. 

Herford,  C.  H.  The  German  contribution  to  Shakespeare  criticism.  Pp.       [658] 
231-235  in  The  Boole  of  Homage  to  Shakespeare,  ed.  I  Gollancz,  Oxford 
University  Press,  1916. 
A.  Scheoee.  ShJ  LV  (1919)  81. 

Nussberger,    Max.    Shakespeare   und    das    deutsche   Drama.    In   Zwei       [659] 
Aufsatse  zur  deutschen  Literaturgeschichte.  Zurich,  1917;  56  pp. 

Forster,  Max.  Shakespeare  und  Deutschland.  ShJ  LVII  (1921)  7-27.  [660] 

Herford,  Charles  H.  A  sketch  of  the  history  of  Shakespeare's  influence        [661] 
on  the  continent.  Publications  of  the  John  Eylands  Library  IX,  1, 
pp.  115-167,  Manchester  University  Press,  1925,  and  in  The  Post-war 
Mind  in  Germany  .  .  . ,  Oxford,  1927;  115-167. 

Stompfe,  Karoline.  Shakespeare  in  Deutschland  von  Otto  Ludwig  an.       [662] 
Prag  diss.,  1926. 

"Auszug"  :  Jahrbticher  der  deutschen  Universitat  zu  Prag,  1926-1927. 

Eoth,  Wilhelm.  Shakespeare  and  Germany.  University  of  Tokyo  Studies        [663] 
in  English  Literature  X  (1930)  522-534. 

Wurtenberg,  Gustav.  Shakespeare  in  Deutschland.  Bielefeld  and  Leipzig,       [664] 
1931;  145  pp. 

W.  Fischee.  AB  LII  (1939)  65. 

Kindermann,  Heinz.  Shakespeare  und  das  deutsche  Volkstheater.  ShJ       [665] 
LXII  (1936)  8-41. 

Pascal,  E.  Shakespeare  in  Germany  1740-1815.  Cambridge,  1937 ;  190  pp.       [666] 
J.  Kunstmann.  MPh  XXXVI  (1938)  84  f. 
L.  M.  Peice.  GR  XIII  (1938)  220-223. 
W.  Kalthoff.  AB  XLIX  (1938)  117  f. 
H.  W.  Hewitt-Thatee.  AGR  IV  4  (1938)  49. 
J.  W.  Eaton.  MDU  XXX  (1938)  337  f. 
W.  Kelleb.  ShJ  LXXIV  (1938)  188  f. 
A.  Eichlee.  ES  LXXII  (1938)  410  f. 
G.  Kitchin.  MLR  XXXIV  (1939)  29  f. 
W.  HAGGE.  MLF  XXII  (1939)  250  f. 
J.  B.  Leishmann.  RES  XVI  (1940)  242  f. 
P.  P.  Kies.  MLN  LVI  (1941)  385. 
W.  Fischee.  DLZ  LXII  (1941)  929-931. 

Eothe,  Hans.  Shakespeare  in  Germany.  GLL  I  (1937)  255-269.  [667] 

Anon.  NQ  CLXXIII  (1937)  163. 

EiTTER,  E.  Die  Dramaturgie  der  Zyklenauffiihrungen  von  Shakespeares       [668] 
Konigsdramen  in  Deutschland.  Diss.,  Miinchen  Einstetten,  1937;  52  pp. 
and  in  Die  Schaubiihne  X  (1938)  522  f. 

Uhde-Bernays,   H.   Einige  Fehler   in   alter   Shakespeare-tibersetzung;        [669] 
pp.  145-147  in  "Werke  und  Tage,  Festschrift  fur  Alex.  Schroder," 
Berlin,  1938. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  447 

Stahl,  Ernst  Leopold.  Shakespeare  und  das  deutsche  Theater.  Stuttgart,       [670] 
1947;  768 +  48  pp. 
E.  Gueestee.  AGR  XV  5  (1949)  36  f. 
E.  Maetin.  ShJ  LXXXIV-LXXXVI  (1950)  237-240. 

Shakespeare  and  Hungary 

B6zsa,   Desider.   Unveroffentlichte   deutsche   Bearbeitungen  englischer       [671] 
Stiicke  auf  den  alten  deutschen  Biihnen  in  Ungarn.  AB  XXX  (1919) 
111-118  and  134-148. 

Shakespeare  and  Switzerland 

Vetter,  Theodor.  Shakespeare  und  die  deutsche  Schweiz.  ShJ  XL VIII       [672] 
(1912)  21-36. 

Bodmer,  Haller,  Braker,  Keller,  Meyer,  q.v. 

Busser,  Max.  Die  Bomerdramen  in  der  Theatergeschichte  der  deutschen       [673] 
Schweiz    (1500-1800).    Freiburg   i.d.    Schweiz    diss.,    Luzern,    1939; 
x  +  167pp. 

Shakespeare's  poems  in  Germany 

Sachs,  [Karl].  Shakespeares  Gedichte.  ShJ  XXV  (1890)  132-184.  [674] 

Lists  also  the  translations. 

Kahn,  Ludwig  W.  Shakespeare  Sonnette  in  Deutschland.  Bern,  1935;        [675] 
122  pp. 

J.  Deceoos.  English  Studies  XVII  (1935)  185  f. 
W.  Kellee.  ShJ  LXXI  (1935)  122  f. 

A.  Brands.  ASNS  CLXVIII  (1935)  291. 
H.  Bulow.  ZB  XXXIX  (1935)  116  f. 

P.  Van  Tieghem.  RSH  LV  (1936)  242  f. 
J.  H.  Eilenbeeg.  GR  XI  (1936)  58  f. 
J.  Shawcross.  MLR  XXXI  (1936)  253  f. 

B.  Von  Wiese.  GRM  XXIV  (1936)  156. 
E.  Kast.  ZfA  XXX  (1936)  341-343. 
W.  Kaysee.  ADA  LV  (1936)  54-56. 

H.  TKONCHON.  RG  XXVIII  (1937)  306  f. 
R.  A.  Law.  MLN  LII  (1937)  528  f. 

Lucas,  W.  J.  Die  epischen  Dichtungen  Shakespeares  in  Deutschland.       [676] 
Heidelberg  diss.,  Philippsburg,  1934;  113  pp. 

Schoen-Bene,  Otto  E.  Shakespeare's  sonnets  in  Germany,  1787-1939.       [677] 
Harvard  University  .  .  .  Summaries  of  Theses  .  .  .  1942 ;  pp.  284-287. 

Shakespearean  quotations  in  Germany 

Leo,  F.  A.  Gefliigelte  Worte  und  volksthiimlich  gewordene  Ausspriiche  aus       [678] 
Shakespeares  dramatischen  Werken.  ShJ  XXVII   (1892)   4-107  and 
311-314. 

Not  all  "gefliigelt"  and  not  all  "volksthiimlich." 

Hirschberg,  Julius.  Wirkliche  oder  scheinbare  Entlehnungen  aus  Shake-        [679] 
speares  Dramen.  ASNS  CXLIII  (1922)  209-222. 
Wagner,  Goethe,  Schiller,  Kleist. 

Shakespeare  and  German  music.  See  also  [842],  [1112],  and  [1239]. 

Schaefer,  Albert.  Historisches  und  systematisches  Verzeichnis  samt-       [680] 
licher   Tonwerke   aus   den  Dramen   Schillers,   Goethes,   Shakespeares, 
Kleists,  Korners,  usw.  Leipzig,  1886;  192  pp. 
M.  Koch.  ZVL  I  (1887)  109-111. 

Friedlaender,  Max.  Shakespeares  Werke  in  der  Musik.  Versuch  einer       [681] 
Zusammenstellung.  ShJ  XXXVII  (1901)  85-122. 


448      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Hirschberg,  Leopold.  Shakespeares  Lyrik  in.  der  deutschen  Musik.  Wes-        [682] 
termanns  Monatshefte  LX  (1916)  262-268. 

Bach 

Alk,    Sanford    Clark.    Johann    Sebastian    Baeh    and    Shakespeare.       [683] 
Zeitschrift  fur  Musik  CII  (1935)  132-134. 

Cf.  J.  Miiller  in  Zeitschrift  fur  Musik  CII  (1935)  318. 

Einsiedel.  See  [842]. 

Handel 

Gervinus,  Georg  Gottfried.  Handel  und  Shakespeare.  Zur  Aesthetik  der       [684] 
Tonkunst.  Leipzig,  1868;  xv  +  498  pp. 

Haydn 

Daffner,  Hugo.  Haydn  und  Shakespeare.  ShJ  L  (1914)  51-59.  [685] 

Mozart 

Einstein,  Alfred.  Mozart  und  Shakespeares  Tempest.  MDU  XXXVI       [686] 
(1944)  43-48. 

Nicolai 

Kruse,  George  Richard.   Shakespeare  und  Otto  Nicolai.  ShJ  XLVI       [687] 
(1910)  84-91. 

Die  lustigen  Weiber  von  Windsor  (1849). 

Wagner.  See  [1112]. 

THE  PLAYS 

(Here  are  listed  discussions  covering  more  than  one  century.  Individual 
plays  by  centuries  are  listed  [717]  ff.  and  [949]  ff.) 

Anthony  and  Cleopatra 

Vrancken,  Sigrid.  Das  Antonius-Cleopatramotiv  in  der  deutschen  Litera-        [688] 
tur.  Bonn  diss.,  1930;  38  pp. 

Comedy  of  Errors 

Labinski,  Marianne.  Shakespeares  Komodie  der  Irrungen.  Das  Werk       [689] 
und  seine  Gestaltung  auf  der  Biihne.  Breslau  diss.,  1934;  99  pp. 

Coriolanus 

Schulz,  Walther.  Shakespeares  Coriolan  in  der  deutschen  Shakespeare-        [690] 
Literatur  des  19.  und  20.  Jahrhunderts.  ZfD  XLV  (1931)  120-219. 

Interpretation    of    Schiller,    Goethe,    Gervinus,    Fr.    Th.    Vischer,    Rumelin, 
Volkelt,  Wohlrab,  Brandl,  Wolff,  Gundolf. 

Cymbeline 

Mendheim,  M.  Shakespeares  Cymbelin  auf  der  deutschen  Biihne.  Biihne       [691] 
und  Welt  XV  (1912-1913)  45-53. 

Hamlet :  Stage  history 

Frenzel,  Karl.  Die  Darsteller  des  Hamlet.  ShJ  XVI  (1881)  324-348.  [692] 

Bolte,   Johannes.   Hamlet   als   deutsches  Puppenspiel.   ShJ   XXVIII       [693] 
(1893)  157-176  and  362. 

A  version  of  1855  that  has  its  origin  in  the  Wieland  translation. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  449 

Von  Weilen,  Alexander.  Hamlet  auf  der  deutschen  Biihne  bis  zur       [694] 
Gegenwart.  SdSG,  III  (1908)  ;  ix  +  200  pp. 
E.  Kilian.  ShJ  XLV  (1909)  347-350. 
L.  Franked.  LE  XI  (1909)  785  f. 
H.  Richter.  ES  XL  (1909)  420-422. 
K.  Meier.  ASNS  CXXIII  (1909)  167-173. 
R.  Meter.  DLZ  XXX  (1909)  1636  f. 
M.  KOCH.  LZ  LXI  (1910)  561  f. 
R.  Brotanek.  AB  XXII  (1911)  111-119. 

Winds,  Adolf.  Hamlet  auf  der  deutschen  Biihne  bis  zur  Gegenwart.       [695] 
Schriften  der  Gesellschaft  fur  Theatergeschichte  XII,  Berlin,  1909; 
234  pp. 

E.  Kilian.  ShJXLVI  (1910)  292-295. 
L.  Frankel.  LE  XII  (1909)  413. 

Daffis,  Hans.  Hamlet  auf  der  deutschen  Biihne  bis  zur  Gegenwart.  LF       [696] 
L  (1912);  x  +  154pp. 

A.  Brandl.  ASNS  CXXVII  (1912)  454. 

F.  Baldensperger.  RG  VIII  (1912)  566. 

Widmann,  Wilhelm.  Hamlets  Biihnenlaufbahn   (1691-1877).  SdSG  I       [697] 
(1931);  276  pp. 
W.  Keller.  ShJ  LXVII  (1931)  93  f. 
A.  Ludwig.  Die  Literatur  XXXIV  (1931)  646. 
A.  Eichler.  ES  LXVI  (1932)  423  f. 
H.  Jantzen.  AB  XLVII  (1932)  53-55. 
H.  Richter.  LblGRPh  LIV  (1933)  107  f. 
H.  De  Groot.  English  Studies  XV  (1933)  193-197. 
H.  N.  Hillebeand.  MLN  XLVIII  (1933)  112. 
O.  WeidenmDller.  DNS  XLIII  (1935)  359. 

Hamlet :  German  criticism 

Hermes,  K.  H.  tiber  Shakespeares  Hamlet  und  seine  Beurtheiler,  Goethe,       [698] 
A.  W.  Schlegel  und  Tieck.  Stuttgart  and  Munchen,  1827 ;  88  pp. 

Loening,  Eichard.  Die  Hamlet-Tragodie  Shakespeares.  Stuttgart,  1893;        [699] 
x  +  418  pp.  Teil  I.  Die  deutsche  Hainlet-Kritik. 
L,  PR.  LZ  XLIV  (1893)  892  f. 
R.  Wulker.  AB  IV  (1893)  11  f. 
M.  KOCH.  ESXIX  (1894)  125-131. 

Luthi,  Hans  Jurg.  Das  deutsche  Hamletbild  seit  Goethe.  Sprache  und       [700] 
Dichtung  LXXIV,  Bern,  1951;  193  pp. 

H.  HEUER.  ShJ  LXXXVII-LXXXVIII  (1951-1952)  260-261. 

King  Lear 

Drews,  Wolfgang.  Konig  Lear  auf  der  deutschen  Biihne  bis  zur  Gegen-        [701] 
wart.  Berlin,  1932;  320  pp.  and  in  GS  CXIV  (1932)  ;  288  pp. 
W.  Klara.  ADA  LI  (1932)  127-129. 
P.  Van  Tieghem.  RSH  LI  1 1  (1933)  310. 
K.  Brunner.  AB  XLIV  (1933)  112  f. 
K.  Arns.  LblGRPh  LVI  (1935)  104  f. 
W.  Keller.  ShJ  LXII  (1936)  161  f. 
H.  H.  Borcherdt.  ZDPh  LXI  (1936)  451  f. 

Macbeth 

Schuhmacher,  E.  Shakespeares  Macbeth  auf  der  deutschen  Biihne.  Koln,       [702] 
1938. 

Measure  for  Measure 

Kilian,  E.  MaB  fur  Matt  auf  der  deutschen  Biihne.  ShJ  LVI  (1920)        [703] 
58-72. 

1776,  Schroder;  1783,  Bromel;  1903,  Kilian. 


450      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Borneo  and  Juliet 

Sauer,  Arthur.  Shakespeares  Borneo  und  Julia  in  den  Bearbeitungen       [704] 
und  tfbersetzungen  der  deutschen  Literatur.  Greifswald  diss.,  1915; 
122  pp. 

Timon  of  Athens 

Fresentus,  August.  Shakespeares  Timon  von  Athen  auf  der  Biihne.  ShJ       [705] 
XXXI  (1895)  83-125. 

List  of  German  translations,  1763—1867. 

THE  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY  AND  EARLIER 

Ayrer.  See  also  [91],  [119]  ff.,  and  [741]. 

Heinrich,  Gustav.  Ayrer  and  Shakespeare,  in  "Magyar  Shakespeare-       [706] 
Tar,"  VIII  (1916). 
A.  Weber.  ShJ  LIV  (1918)  157  f. 

Fouquet,  Karl.  Jakob  Ayrers  Sidea,  Shakespeares   Tempest  und  das       [707] 
Marchen.  BDL  XXXII  (1929)  ;  112  pp. 
The  "Marchen"  the  common  source. 
R.  P.  Arnold.  Die  Literatur  XXXII  (1929)  55. 
W.  Keller.  ShJ  LXV  (1929)  194  f. 
H.  Jantzen.  ZfFEU  XXXIV  (1929)  629  f. 
H.  Richter.  AB  XLI  (1930)  26  f. 
A.  Goetze.  LblGRPh  LI  (1930)  187  f. 
Anon.  ASNS  CLVII  (1930)  142. 
W.  Fischer.  DLZ  (1930)  1508-1510. 

Gryphius.  See  also  [44]  and  [739]. 

Schlegel,  J.  E.  Vergleichung  Shakepears  und  Andreas  Gryphs  bey  [708] 
Gelegenheit  des  Versuchs  einer  gebundenen  tibersetzung  von  dem  Tode 
des  Julius  Casar,  aus  den  Englischen  Werken  des  Shakespear.  In 
Beytrage  zur  critischen  Historie,  28.  Stuck,  VII  (1741)  540-572,  in 
Schlegels  Gesammelte  Werhe,  Kopenhagen,  1761-1770 ;  III  27-64,  and 
in  DLD  XXVI  (1887)  71-95. 

Kollewijn",  Koeland  Anthonie.  liber  die  Quelle  des  Peter  Squens.  AL       [709] 
IX  (1880)  445-452. 

M.  Gramsbergen's  Kluchtighe  Tragodie  of  den  Hartoog  van  Pierlepon  and  its 
influence  on  Gryphius's  version. 

Burg,  Fritz.  Tiber  die  Entwicklung  des  Peter  Squenz  Stoffes  bis  Gryphius.       [710] 
ZDA  XXV  (1881)  130-170. 

Palm,  H.,  ed.  Absurda  Comica  oder  Herr  Peter  Squenz  Schimpff-Spiel.       [711] 
DNLXXIX  (1883)  193-236. 

Introduction,  pp.  193  ff.,  discusses  the  sources. 

Wysocki,  Louis  G.  Andreas  Gryphius  et  la  tragedie  allemande  au  XVII6     [  712] 
siecle.  Paris,  1893  ;  451  pp. 

Chapitre  III,  258-293:  "Gryphius  et  Shakespeare." 
W.  C[reizenaoh].  LZ  XLIII  (1893)  1396. 

Keppler,    Ernst.    Gryphius   und   Shakespeare.    Tubingen   diss.,    1921;        [713] 
123  pp. 

Flemming,  Willi.  Der  Prolog  zum  Hamlet  der  Wanderbiihne  und  Andreas       [714] 
Gryphius.  Euphorion  XXXIV  (1922)  659-662. 

Heinrich  Julius  von  Braunschweig.  See  [122]  ff. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  451 

Kongehl 

Hagen,  August.  Shakespeare  und  Konigsberg.  ShJ  XV  (1880)  325-338.       [715] 
Michael    Kongehl     (1646—1710),    author    of    Der   unschuldig    beschuldigte 
Innocentia  Unschuld,  and  Die  vom  Tode  erwachte  Phbnicia,  connected  with 
Cyrnbeline  and  Much  Ado  about  Nothing. 

Weise 

Fulda,  Lubwig,  ed.  Christian  Weise.  DNL  XXXIX  [n.d.]  ;  lxxx  +  272  pp.       [716] 
Pp.   lxx— lxxiv:    The   Taming   of   the   Shrew   and   Kombdie   von  der   bosen 
Katharina. 

THE  PLAYS 

Hamlet  and  "Der  bestrafte  Brudermord" 

Creizenach,  W.  Die  Tragodie,  Der  bestrafte  Brudermord  oder  Prinz       [717] 
Samlet  aus  DdnemarTc,  und  ihre  Bedeutung  fur  die  Kritik  des  Shake- 
spearschen  Hamlet.   Bericht   der   philol.-hist.   Klasse   der  kgl.   saehs. 
Gesellschaft  der  Wissenschaft,  Leipzig,  1887 ;  1-43. 

Lr.  Proescholdt.  ZVL  I  (1887)  107  f. 

L.  Proescholdt.  ES  XI  (1888)  141-143. 

G.  Sarrazin.  AngliaXIII  (1891)  117-124. 

Creizenach,  W.  [The  above,  essentially],  in  DNL  XXIII  (1889)  127-       [718] 
145. 

Tanger,   Gustav.   Der   bestrafte  Brudermord  oder  Prinz  Hamlet  axis       [719] 
DdnemarTc  und  sein  Verhaltnis  zu  Shakespeares  Hamlet.  ShJ  XXIII 
(1888)  224-245. 

Creizenach  [717]  is  Tanger's  starting  point. 

Litzmann,  Berthold.  Die  Entstehungsgeschichte  des  ersten  deutschen       [720] 
Hamlet.  ZVL  I  (1887)  6-14. 

"Sicher  nicht  vor  1650,  wahrscheinlich  erst  um  1670,"  p.  13. 

Voisr  Liliencron,  E.  Das  deutsche  Drama  im  sechzehnten  Jahrhundert       [721] 
und  Prinz  Hamlet  aus  DdnemarTc.  DE  LXV  (1890)  242-264. 
A  popular  summary  of  research  up  to  its  date. 

Pinloche,  A.  De  Shakespearii  Hamleto  et  germanica  tragoedia  quae  in-       [723] 
scribitur  Der  bestrafte  Brudermord  oder  Prinz  Hamlet  aus  DdnemarTc 
quantopere  inter  se  distent,  etc.  Poitiers  diss.,  Paris,  1890 ;  xvii  +  279  pp. 

Litzmann,  Berthold.  Hamlet  in  Hamburg,  1625.  DE  LXX  (1892)  427-       [724] 
434  and  LXXI  (1892)  316. 

Corbin,  John.  The  German  Hamlet  and  the  earlier  English  versions.       [725] 
Harvard  Studies  in  Philology  V  (1896)  245-260. 

Evans,  Marshall  Blakemore.  Der  bestrafte  Brudermord,  sein  Ver-       [726] 
haltnis  zu  Shakespeares  Hamlet.  Bonn  diss.,  1902  ;  x  +  49  pp."Teildruck" 
and  ThF  XIX  (1910)  ;  145  pp. 

R.  Ackermann.  AB  XIV  (1903)  109-112. 
W.  Dibelius.  LblGRPh  XXV  (1904)  274  f. 
H.  Gerschmann.  ES  XXXVI  (1906)  290-300. 
A.  Von  Weilen.  DLZ  XXXI  (1910)  2979  f. 

Creizenach,  Wilhelm.  Der  bestrafte  Brudermord  and  its  relation  to       [727] 
Shakespeare's  Hamlet.  MPh  II  (1904)  249-260. 

Evans,  M.  Blakemore.  Der  bestrafte  Brudermord  and  Shakespeare's       [728] 
Hamlet.  MPh  II  (1904)  433-449. 

Creizenach,  W.  Hamletfragen.  ShJ  XLII  (1906)  76-85.  [729] 


452      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Deckner,   Elise.   Die   beiden   ersten   Hamlet -Quartos.    Normannia   IV       [730] 
(1909) ;  48  pp. 
M.  Foester.  ShJ  XLVI  (1910)  305  f. 

Von  Gersdorff,  Wolfgang.  Vom  Ursprung  des  deutschen  Hamlet.  ShJ       [731] 
XL VIII  (1912)  148-149. 

History  of  the  Hamlet  MS.  previous  to  the  year  1675. 

Bamello,  Giovanni.  Studi  sugli  apocrifi  Shakespeariani — The  tragicall       [732] 
historie  of  Hamlet  Prince  of  DenmarTce,  1603,  con  un'  appendice  sul 
testo   anonimo,   Der   bestrafte   Brudermord  oder  Prinz   Hamlet   aus 
DannemarTc.  Torno,  1930 ;  292  pp. 

Bowers,  Fredson  Thayer.  Alphonsus  Emperor  of  Germany  and  the  TJr-       [733] 
Hamlet.  MLN  XL VIII  (1933)  101-108. 

Knight,  A.  H.  J.  Der  bestrafte  Brudermord  and  Hamlet,  Act  V.  MLR       [734] 
XXXI  (1936)  385-391. 

King  Lear 

Trautmann,  Karl.  Eine  Augsburger  Lear- Auffiihrung  (1605).  AL  XIV       [735] 
(1886)  321-324. 

Cohn,  Albert.  Konig  Lear,  1692,  und  Titus  Andronicus,  1689,  in  Breslau        [736] 
aufgefiihrt.  ShJ  XXIII  (1888)  265-269. 

Merchant  of  Venice 

Bolte,  Johannes.  Jakob  Rosenfeldts  Moschus,  eine  Parallele  zum  Eauf-       [737] 
mann  von  Venedig.  ShJ  XXI  (1886)  187-210  and  XXII  (1887)  265  f. 

Bolte,  Johannes.  Der  Jude  von  Venetien,  die  alteste  deutsche  Bear-       [738] 
beitung  des  Merchant  of  Venice.  ShJ  XXII  (1887)  189-201. 

Midsummer  Night's  Dream 

Fein,  N.  Die  deutschen  Nachahmer  des  Riipelspiels  aus  Shakespeares       [739] 
Sommernachtstraum.  Prog.,  Briinn,  1914;  16  pp. 

Much  Ado  about  Nothing 

Bolte,  Johannes.  Deutsche  Verwandte  von  Shakespeares  Viel  Ldrmen       [740] 
urn  Nichts.  ShJ  XXI  (1886)  310-312  and  XXII  (1887)  272-273. 
Bandello  as  a  common  source. 

Kaulfuss-Diesch,  Carl.  Bandellos  Novelle  Timbreo  und  Fenecia  im       [741] 
deutschen  Drama  des  17.  Jahrhunderts.  Pp.  58-82  in  "Studien  . . .  Albert 
Koster  uberreicht,"  Leipzig,  1912. 
See  also  [706]  f. 
M.  FbRSTEB.  ShJ  XLIX  (1913)  234  f. 

Romeo  and  Juliet 

Trautmann,  Karl.  Die  alteste  Nachricht  iiber  eine  Auffiihrung  von       [742] 
Shakespeares  Romeo  und  Julie  in  Deutschland  (1604).  AL  XI  (1882) 
625-626. 

Nordlingen  Jan.  20,  1604.  Cf.  Genee  [646]  and  Wolff  [744]. 

Vogeler,    [Adolf].   Cardenio  und  Celinde  des   Andreas  Gryphius   und       [743] 
Shakespeares  Romeo  und  Julia.  ASNS  LXXIX  (1887)  391-402. 
Common  origin  in  a  popular  tale. 

Wolff,  Max  J.  Die  Tragodie  von  Romio  und  Julietta.  ShJ  XLVII  (1911)        [744] 
92-105. 

Cf.   Cohn    [71]    p.   310   ff.  and  Trautmann    [742]   vs.  MeiBner    [76].  Wolff 
maintains  that  this  was  not  Shakespeare's  work  but  the  "Ur-Romeo." 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  453 

Taming  of  the  Shrew.  See  also  [716]. 

Kohler,   Beinhold,   ed.   Kunst   aller  Kiinste,   ein   ids   Weib   gut   zu       [745] 
machen  .  .  .  1672.  Berlin,  1864;  xliii  +  286  pp. 

Bolte,  Johannes.  Der  Widerspenstigen  Zdhmung  als  Gorlitzer  Schul-        [746] 
komodie.  ShJ  XXVII  (1892)  124-129. 
By  Christian  Funcke,  1678. 

Winds,  Adolf.  Shakespeares  Bezahmte  Widerspdnstige  und  ihre  deutschen       [747] 
Bearbeitungen.  Biihne  und  Welt  V  (1903)  755-764. 

Tempest.  See  also  [707]. 

Becker,  Gustav.  Zur  Quell enf rage  von  Shakespeares  Sturm.  ShJ  XLIII        [748] 
(1907)  155-168. 

Titus  Andronicus 

Schroer,  M.  A.  "fiber  Titus  Andronicus.  Marburg,  1891;  140  pp.  [749] 

L.  PEOESCHOLDT.  ES  XVII  (1892)  134-136. 

THE  EIGHTEENTH  CENTURY 

The  18th  century  in  general 

Eschenburg,   Johann   Joachim,   iiber   Wilhelm   Shakespeare.   Zurich,        [750] 
1787;  vi  +  683pp. 

The  history  of  Shakespeare  in  Germany  up  to  1787.  A  supplement  to  the 
Wieland-Esehenburg  translations. 

Stahr,  Adolf.  Shakespeare  in  Deutschland.  Prutz's  Literarhistorisches       [751] 
TaschenouchI  (1843)  1-89. 

Vischer,   Friedrich   Theodor.   Shakespeare  in  seinem  Verhaltnis  zur       [752] 
deutschen  Poesie,  insbesondere  zurn  politischen.  Prutz's  Literarhisto- 
risches Taschenbuch  II  (1844)  73-131;  also  in  Kritische  Gauge,  neue 
Folge,  I  2,  pp.  3-61,  Stuttgart,  1860  ff,  and  II  50-91  in  same,  Munchen, 
1920  ff. 

Koberstein,    August.    Shakespeares    allmahliehes    Bekanntwerden    in       [753] 
Deutschland  und  Urtheile  iiber  ihn  bis  zum  Jahre  1779.  Vermischte 
Aufsdtze  zur  Literaturgeschichte  und  Aesthetik.  Leipzig,  1858 ;  162- 
225. 

Koberstein,  August.  Shakespeare  in  Deutschland.  ShJ  I  (1865)  1-17.       [754] 

Chiefly  Lessing  and  Wieland. 

Eiedel, .  tiber  Shakespeares  Wiirdigung  in  England,  Frankreich       [755] 

und  Deutschland.  ASNS  XLVIII  (1871)  1-40. 
Earliest  18th  century  to  time  of  Goethe. 

Biedermann,  Karl.  Ein  Beitrag  zu  der  Frage  von  der  Einbiirgerung       [756] 
Shakespeares     in     Deutschland.     Zeitschrift    fur     deutsche     Kultur- 
geschichte,  neue  Folge,  II  (1873)  410-424. 

Schmidt,  Julian.   Fragmente   iiber   Shakespeare.   In  Bilder  aus  dem       [757] 
geistigen  Leoen  unserer  Zeit,  Leipzig  1873 ;  III  1-77. 
Lessing,  Goethe,  Schiller,  romantic  school. 

Henkel,  H.  Der  Blankvers  Shakespeares  im  Drama  Lessings,  Goethes       [758] 
und  Schillers.  ZVL  I  (1888)  alte  Folge,  321  ff. 
H.  Henkel.  "Nachtrag."  SVL.  VII  (1907)  118-120. 


454      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Suphan,  Bernhard.  Shakespeare  im  Anbruch  der  klassisclien  Zeit  unserer       [759] 
Literatur.  DR  LX  (1889)  401-417.  ShJ  XXV  (1890)  1-20. 
Lessing,  Wieland,  Goethe. 

Hallaii,  George.  Contributions  to  a  history  of  Shakespearian  criticism.        [760] 
Shakespeariana  IX  (1892)  30-40  and  79-98. 
Leasing,  Goethe,  Schlegel. 

Fischer,  Kuno.  Die  deutsche  Shakespeare-Kritik.  In  Kleine  Schriften,       [761] 
I.  Reihe  (1895)  no.  XI  275-282. 
Lessing,  Goethe,  and  Schiller. 

Robertson,  J.  G.  The  knowledge  of  Shakespeare  on  the  continent  at  the       [762] 
beginning  of  the  eighteenth  century.  MLR  I  (1906)  312-321. 
Thomas  Fuller's  History  of  the  Worthies  in  England  a  chief  source. 

Joachimi-Dege,  Marie.  Deutsche  Shakespeare-Probleme  im  XVIII  Jahr-       [763] 
hundert  und  im  Zeitalter  der  Romantik.  UNSL  XII  (1907)  ;  296  pp. 

E.  Kilian.  LE  X  (1908)  634  f. 

A.  Beandl.  ASNS  CXX  (1908)  440. 

F.  Baldenspergee.  RG  IV  (1908)  606  f. 

E.  Dowden.  ShJ  XLIV  (1908)  329  f. 

K.  Richtee.  SVL  VIII  (1908)  388-391. 
H.  Jantzen.  ZfFEU  VII  (1908)  181. 
H.  Conead.  LZ  LX  (1909)  950  f. 
R.  Petsch.  ZDPh  XLII  (1910)  501-503. 
A.  KOSTEE.  ADA  XXIV  (1910)  73-83. 

Fresenius,  August.  Shakespeare  auf  der  deutschen  Biihne  des  18.  Jahr-       [764] 
hunderts.  ShJ  XLIV  (1908)  148-150. 

Three  quotations  from  Iffland's  Meine  theatralische  Laufbahn,  Leipzig,  1798, 
pp.  84-85,  131-134,  187-188. 

Richter,  Kurt.  Beitrage  zum  Bekanntwerden  Shakespeares  in  Deutsch-        [765] 
land  in  den  Jahren  1739-1770.  I  and  II,  Breslau,   1909-1910.  Ill, 
Oppeln,  1912;  48,  35,  31  pp. 

O.    Glode.    LblGRPh   XXX    (1909)    320-323;    XXXIII    (1912)    17    f.,    and 

XXXIV  (1913)  67-69. 
M.  J.  Wolff.  ES  XL VI  (1913)  293  f. 
M.  Foestee.  ShJ  XLIX  (1913)  248. 
P.  Aeonstein.  AB  XXIV  (1913)  307  f. 

Kuhn,  Walter.  Shakespeares  Tragodien  auf  dem  deutschen  Theater  im       [766] 
XVIII  Jahrhundert:    Theaterbearbeitungen  und  Kritiken.  Miinchen 
diss.,  Hirschberg,  1910 ;  45  pp. 

Bruggemann,  F.,  ed.  Die  Aufnahme  Shakespeares  auf  der  Biihne  der       [767] 
Aufkliirung  in  den  sechziger  und  siebziger  Jahren.  DLE,  Reihe  14, 
XI  (1937)  ;  306  pp. 

Schweinshaupt,  Georg.  Shakespears  Dramatik  in  ihrer  gehaltlichen  und       [768] 
formalen  Umwandlung  auf  dem  oesterreichischen  Theater  des  IS.  Jahr- 
hunderts.  Konigsberg  diss.,  1938;  120  pp. 

Jones,  Oscar  F.  The  treatment  of  Shakespearean  obscenity  by  eighteenth       [769] 
century  German  translators.  Stanford  University  Abstracts  of  Diss.  XV 
(1940)  77-81. 

Van  Tieghem,  Paul.  Le  Preromantisme  ...  La  Decouverte  de  Shake-       [770] 
speare  sur  le  continent.  Paris,  1947 ;  412  pp. 

F.  Baldenspeegee.  RLC  XXIII  (1949)  137-144. 

L.  Cazamian.  The  Romantic  Review  XL  (1949)  215-217. 
L.  M.  Peice.  Comparative  Literature  I  (1949)  88-90. 

Dodson,  D.  B.  German  Shakespeare  critics  in  the  eighteenth  century.       [771] 
Columbia  University  diss.,  1947. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  455 

Bockmann,  Paul.  Der  dramatische  Perspektivismus  in  der  Shakespear-       [772] 
deutung  des  18.  Jahrhunderts.  Pp.  65-120  in  "Vom  Geist  der  deutschen 
Dichtung,  Gedachtnisschrift  fiir  Bobert  Petsch,"  Hamburg,  1949. 

Schreinert,  Kurt.  Der  Spectateur  und  sein  Shakespeare-Bild.  Pp.  127-       [773] 
160  in  "Shakespeare-Studien,  Festschrift  fiir  Heinrich  Mutschmann," 
Marburg,  1951. 

GERMAN  AUTHORS 

Ayrerihoff.  See  [361]. 

Bock.  See  [955]. 

Blankenburg 

Schioler,  Margarethe  C.  Blankenburg's  advocacy  of  Shakespeare.  MDU        [774] 
XLII  (1950)  161-165. 

Bodmer.  See  also  [762]  and [765]. 

Elze,  Karl.  Bodmers  "Sasper."  ShJ  I  (1865)  337-340.  [775] 

ToBLER,   Gustav.   Bodmers  politische   Schauspiele.  In  "Bodmer  Denk-        [776] 
schrif  t,"  Zurich,  1900 ;  117-162. 

Becker,  Gustav.  Johann  Jakob  Bodmers  "Sasper."  ShJ  LXXIII  (1937)        [777] 
139-141. 

BorcJce.  See  also  [708]  and  [765]. 

Paetoav,  Walter.  Die  erste  metrische  deutsche  Shakespeare-tibersetzung       [778] 
in  ihrer  Stellung  zu  ihrer  literarischen  Epoche.  Bern  diss.,  Bostock, 
1892;  81pp. 

Borcke's  Julius  Casar  in  Alexandrines.  Berlin,  1741. 

Wolff,  M.  J.,  ed.  Versuch  einer  gebundenen  tibersetzung  des  Trauerspiels       [779] 
vom  dem  Tode  des  Julius  Casar  a.  d.  englischen  Werke  des  Shakespeare, 
iibersetzt  von  Caspar  Wilhelm  von  Borcke  [1741].  Berlin,  n.d.  [1929] ; 
120  pp. 

W.  Keller.  ShJ  LXVI  (1930)  211. 

L.  M.  PRICE.  JEGPh  XXX  (1931)  417-420. 

A.  Brandl.  ASNS  CXI  (1932)  229. 

Broker.  See  also  [672]. 

Gotzinger,  Ernst.  Das  Shakespeare-Biichlein  des  armen  Mannes  in  Tog-        [780] 
genburg  vom  Jahre  1780 ;  nach  der  Original-Handschrift  mitgetheilt. 
ShJ  XII  (1877)  100-168. 

Conrad,  Hermann.  Ein  Mann  aus  dem  Volk  iiber  Shakespeare.  PrJ       [781] 
CXLVI  (1911)  444-465. 

Burger 

Bernays,  M.  Ein  kleiner  Naehtrag  zu  Burgers  "Werken.  AL  I   (1870)        [782] 
110-115. 

A  fragment  of  Burger's  translation  of  Midsummer  Night's  Dream. 

Minor,  J.  Zu  Biirgers  Mac&eta-tibersetzung.  ShJ  XXXVI  (1900)  122-       [783] 
127. 

Ebstein,  Erich.  Die  Hexenszenen  aus  Burgers  Macb e^-XJbersetzung  im       [784] 
ersten  Entwurf .  ZB  III  (1911-12)  398-402. 


456      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Kauenhowen,  Kurt.  Gottfried  August  Burgers  Mac&ef  7i-Bearbeitung.        [785] 
Konigsberg  diss.,  Werda  in  Thiiringen,  1915 ;  89  pp. 
A.  Beandl.  ASNS  CXXXIV  (1916)  456. 

Dalberg 

Kilian,  E.  Die  Dalbergsche  Btihnenbearbeitung  des  Timon  von  Athen.       [786] 
ShJXXV  (1890)  24-77. 

Kilian,  E.  Dalbergs  Biihnenbearbeitungen  des  Kaufmanns  von  Venedig       [787] 
und  Coriolanus.  ShJ  XXVI  (1891)  4-26. 

Alafberg,  Fritz.  Wolfgang  Heribert  von  Dalberg  als  Biihnenleiter  und       [788] 
als  Dramatiker.  BBGRPh  XIX  (1907)  ;  156  pp. 
Pp.  74—91:  "Dalbergs  Shakespeare-Bearbeitungen." 

Eschenburg 

See  also  Wieland. 
Uhde-Bernays,  Hermann.  Der  Mannheimer  Shakespeare  ...  LF  XXV       [789] 
(1902)  ;  x  +  90pp. 
A.  Leitzmann.  ShJ  XL  (1904)  284  f. 
L.  Pr[oescholdt].  LZ  LIV  (1903)  498  ff. 
M.  Obfteeing.  ASNS  CXI  (1903)  195-197. 

Schrader,  Hans.  Eschenburg  and  Shakespeare.  Marburg  diss.,  Altona,       [790] 
1911;  81pp. 

Frederick  the  Great 

Volz,  Gtjstav  Bert-hold.  Shakespeare  am  Hofe  Friedrichs  des  Grossen.        [791] 
DRCXCIII  (1922)  78-82. 

Gerstenberg.  See  also  [641]  ff. 

Von  Weilen,  Alexander,  ed.  Gerstenbergs  Brief e  uber  die  MerTciviirdig-       [792] 
Tceiten  der  Litteratur.  DLD  XXIX  and  XXX  (1890)  ;  cxliii  +  367  pp. 
M.  Koch.  ZVL  IV  (1901)  124  f. 

Hamel,  R,,  ed.  H.  W.  von  Gerstenberg,  Ugolino.  DNL  XLVIII  (1883)        [793] 
193-216. 

Jacobs,   Montague.   Gerstenbergs   Ugolino,    ein   Vorlaufer   des   Genie-        [794] 
dramas  .  .  .  BBGRPh  VII  (1898)  145  pp. 
See  pp.  53-64. 

Schneider,   Karl.   Heinrich   Wilhelm  von  Gerstenberg   als  Verkiinder        [795] 
Shakespeares.  ShJ  LVIII  (1922)  39-45. 

Grappin,  Pierre.   Gerstenberg,   critique   d'Homere   et   de   Shakespeare.        [796] 
Etudes  germaniques  VI  (1951)  81-92. 

Goethe.  See  also  [641]  f. 

Schlegel,  August  W.   Etwas  uber  W.   Shakespeare  bei  Gelegenheit       [797] 
W.  Meisters.  Die  Horen  VI  (1795-1797)  57-112. 

Ulrici,    Hermann,    tiber    Shakespeares    dramatische    Kunst    und    sein        [798] 
Verhaltnis  zu  Calderon  und  Goethe.  Halle,  1839. 
Trsl.  A.  M.  W.  Morrison,  London,  1846. 

Ulrici,  Hermann.  Goethe  und  Schiller  in  ihrem  Verhaltnis  zu  Shake-        [799] 
speare  .  .  .  Leipzig,  1876. 

Minor,  Jacob  and  August  Sauer.  Gots  und  Shakespeare,  pp.  237-299  in       [800] 
"Studien  zur  Goethe-Philologie,"  Wien,  1880. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  457 

Leo,  Friedrich  August.  Shakespeare  und  Goethe.  ShJ  XXIV   (1889)        [801] 

9-23. 
Wagener,  Carl  Bruno.  Shakespeares  EinfluB  auf  Goethe  in  Leben  und       [802] 
Dichtung.  I.  Halle  diss.,  1890 ;  54  pp. 
M.  Koch.  ES  XVII  (1892)  239-242. 
Koch  condemns  the  work  in  its  entirety. 

Alford,  R.  G.  Shakespeare  in  two  versions  of  Gotz  von  Berlichingen.       [803] 

PEGS  V  (1890)  98-109. 
Duntzer,  Heinrich.  Shakespeare  und  der  junge  Goethe,  in  Zur  Goethe-       [804] 

forschung  ;  Neue  Beitrdge.  Stuttgart,  1891;  380-436. 
Burkhardt,  C.  A.  H.  Das  Repertoire  des  Weimarischen  Theaters  unter       [805] 
Goethes  Leitung,  1791-1817.  ThF  I  (1891) ;  xl  +  152  pp. 
H.  Duntzer.  Grenzboten  1891,  II,  175-185. 
A.  Koster.  ADA  XVII  (1891)  235-237. 

Huther,  August.  Goethes  Gotz  von  Berlichingen  und  Shakespeares  his-        [806] 
torische  Dramen.  Prog.  Cottbus,  1893;  22  pp. 
M.  Koch.  ES  XVIII  (1893)  466. 
L.  Holscher.  ASNS  XCI  (1893)  471  f. 

Harnack,  Otto,  tiber  Goethes  Verhaltnis  zu  Shakespeare.  Ein  Vortrag       [807] 
(1896).  Pp.  211-225  in  "Essais  und  Studien  zur  Literaturgeschichte," 
Braunschweig,  1899. 

E.  Fischer.  AB  XV  (1904)  300  f. 

Chuquet,  A.  Etudes  de  litterature  allemande.  le  serie:   Gotz  et  Shake-        [808] 

speare.  Paris,  1900. 
Brandl,  Alois.  Zwei  Falstaff-Fragmente  von  Goethe.  GJ  XXI  (1900)        [809] 

85-91. 
Green,  Ben  E.  Shakespeare  and  Goethe.  Chattanooga,  MacGowan  Cook,       [810] 

1901;  78  pp. 
Heinemann, .  Goethes  Shakespearfeier  am  14.  Okt.  1771.  NJKA  IX       [811] 

(1902)  154-156. 
Chubb,  Edwin  Watts.  Shakespeare's  influence  on  Goethe.  Poet  Lore  XVI       [812] 

(1905)  65-76. 
Bohtlingk,  Arthur.  Shakespeare  und  unsere  Klassiker.  Bd.  II:  Goethe       [813] 

und  Shakespeare.  Leipzig,  1909;  x  +  320  pp. 
A.  Drews.  PrJ  CXXXIX  (1910)  543-546. 
K.  Jahn.  ShJ  XL VI  (1910)  279-281. 
H.  Jantzen.  ES  XL VI  (1913)  296-298. 

Von  Westenholz,  Freiherr  Friedrich.  Goethe  iiber  Shakespeare  als       [814] 

Buhnendichter.  Pp.   119-125  in  "Beitrage  . . .  Ludwig  Geiger  darge- 

bracht."  Berlin,  1918. 
EcKERT,  Heinrich.  Goethes  Urteile  iiber  Shakespeare  aus  seiner  Person-        [815] 

lichkeit  erklart.  Gottingen  diss.,  1918;  85  pp. 
Leitzmann,  Albert.  Dodd's  Beauties  of  Shakespeare  als  Quelle  fur       [816] 

Goethe  und  Herder.  ShJ  LV  (1919)  59-74. 
Meyer-Benpey,    Heinrich.   Goethes    Gotz   von   Berlichingen.   Weimar,       [817] 

1929;  182  pp. 

"Verhaltnis  zn  Shakespeare,"  pp.  122-127. 

F.  Saran.  ZDPh  LVI  (1931)  349-363. 

J.  Collin.  LblGRPh  LII  (1931)  415-418. 

L.  Mis.  RG  XXII  (1931)  439-441. 

W.  Linden.  ZfD  XLV  (1931)  261. 

K.  MAT.  ADA  L  (1931)  135-138. 

L.  M.  Price.  MDU  XXIII  (1931)  57. 

M.  CORSSEN.  ZfA  XXV  (1931)  370  f. 

A.  LUDWIG.  ASNS  CLXII  (1932)  291. 


458      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Deetjen,  Werner.  Shakespeare  Auffiihrungen  unter  Goethes  Leitung.        [818] 
ShJLXVIII  (1932)  20-35. 

Wahr,  Fred  B.  Goethes  Shakespeare.  PQ  XI  (1933)  344-358.  [819] 

Beutler,  E.,  ed.  Goethes  Rede  zum  Schakespears  Tag:  Wiedergabe  der       [820] 
Handschrift  mit  einem  Geleitwort.  SGG  L  (1936)  ;  viii  +  19  pp. 
A.  R.  Hohlpeld.  MDTJ  XXXI  (1939)  385-393. 
L.  M.  Price.  GR  XV  (1940)  64  f. 
C.  Siebeck.  LblGRPh  LXII  (1941)  307. 
E.  F[eisb].  MLN  LVII  (1941)  80. 

Schoffler,  H.  Shakespeare  und  der  junge  Goethe.  ShJ  LXXXVI  (1940)        [821] 
11-33. 

Price,  Lawrence  Marsden.  Shakespeare  as  pictured  by  Voltaire,  Goethe,       [822] 
and  Oeser.  GR  XXV  (1950)  83-84. 

Oppel,  Horst.  Das  Shakespeare-Bild  Goethes.  Mainz,  1949;  364  pp.  [823] 

H.  Heuer.  ShJ  LXXXVII-LXXXVIII  (1951-1952)  257-259. 

Abend,  Murray.  A  Shakespearean  image  in  Faust  II.  NQ  CXVI  (1951)        [824] 
249  f . 

Tempest  IV,  1,  v.  178-180  and  Faust  II  v.  4660-1. 

Schroder,  Rudolf  Alexander.  Goethe  und  Shakespeare.  ShJ  LXXXIV-       [825] 
LXXXVI  (1950)  17-39. 

Antony  and  Cleopatra.  See  [688]. 
Hamlet.  See  also  [692]  ff. 

Tomlinson,  Charles.  On  Goethe's  proposed  alterations  in  Shakespeare's        [826] 
Hamlet.  PEGS  V  (1890)  67-82. 

Daffis,   Hans.    Goethe   und   Hamlet.    Sonntagsbeilage   zur   Vossischen       [827] 
Zeitung  (1907)  327  f. 

Presumable  form  of  Hamlet  on  the  Weimar  stage  under  Goethe's  management. 
Cf.  K.  Grabau.  ShJ  XLIV  (1908)  306  f. 

De  Riquer,  Emilio.  Ideas  esteticas  de  Goethe  a  proposita  de  Hamlet.       [828] 
Barcelona,  1916;  163  pp. 

Mortensen,  Johann.  Hamlet.  Edda  VI  (1916)  58-74.  [829] 

Hamlet  and  Werther. 
H.  Jantzen.  ShJ  LIV  (1918)  150. 

Wolff,  Eugen.   Wilhelm  Meisters  Plan  einer  Biilmenbearbeitung  des       [830] 
Hamlet,  pp.  133-151  in  "Beitrjige  .  .  .  Ludwig  Geiger  .  .  .  dargebracht," 
Berlin,  1918. 

Diamond,  William.  Wilhelm  Meister's  interpretation  of  Hamlet.  MPh        [831] 
XXIII  (1925)  89-101. 

Friese,  Hans.  Zu  Goethes  Hamleterklarung.  ZfNU  XXXVII   (1938)        [832] 
173-179. 

Julius  Caesar 

Jacoby,  Daniel.  Egmont  and  Shakespeares  Julius  Caesar.  GJ  XII  (1891)        [833] 
247-252. 

King  Lear 

Kane,  Robert  J.  Tolstoy,  Goethe  and  King  Lear.  The  Shakespeare  Asso-        [834] 
ciation  Bulletin  XXI  (1946)  158  f. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  459 

Macbeth.  See  [785]  f. 

Midsummer  Night's  Dream 

Hollander,  Lee  M.  "Erlkonig"  und  Sommernachtstraum.  MDU  XXXVI       [835] 
(1944)  145  f. 

Othello 

Kullmer,  Charles  Julius.  A  Shakespeare  reminiscence  in  Goethe's       [836] 
Iphigenia.  MLN  XXIII  (1908)  95. 

Iphigenie  II,  620  and  Othello  I  3,  128-166. 

Borneo  and  Juliet 

Minor,  Jacob.  Die  Lesarten  zu  Goethes  Bearbeitung  von  Romeo  und  Julia.       [837] 
Pp.  3-15  in  Festschrift  zum  VIII.  allgemeinen  deutschen  Neuphilo- 
logentag  in  Wien,  1898. 

W.  K[ellee].  ShJ  XXXV  (1900)  299  f. 

Wolff,  M.  J.  Borneo  und  Julia  bei  Shakespeare,  Goethe  und  Lope  de       [838] 
Vega.  In  William  Shakespeare,  Leipzig,  1903. 

Hauschild,  G.  R.  Das  Verhaltnis  von  Goethes  Borneo  und  Julia  zu  Shake-       [839] 
speares  gleichnamiger  Tragodie.  Prog.,  Frankfurt,  1907;  57  pp. 
F.  Brie.  ShJ  XLV  (1909)  279  f. 
A.  Von  Weilen.  DLZ  XXIX  (1908)  2532. 
F.  Baldenspeegee.  RG  IV  (1908)  607. 

Wendling,  E.  Goethes  Biihnenbearbeitung  von  Borneo  and  Juliet.  Prog.,       [840] 
Zabern,  1907;  22  pp. 

M.  Moeeis.  JbL  XVIII  (1907)  871. 

Twelfth  Night 

Castle,  Eduard.  Zur  Entstehungsgeschichte  des  Faust.  CWGV  XXXV       [841] 
(1928)  19-26. 

Twelfth  Night,  II  3  and  "Auerbachs  Keller." 

Gotter 

Deetjen,  Werner.  Der  Sturm  als  Operntext  bearbeitet  von  Einsiedel  und       [842] 
Gotter.  ShJ  LXIV  (1928)  77-89. 

Gottsched 

Frtedrichs,  Ernst.  Gottsched-Shakespeare-Tolstoi.  Zu  Gottscheds  150.       [843] 
Todestage,  12.  Dezember  1766.  DNS  XXIV  (1917)  513-420. 

Grynaus  and  Borneo  and  Juliet 

Miller,  Anna  Elizabeth.  Die  erste  deutsche  tibersetzung  von  Shake-       [844] 
speares  Borneo  and  Juliet.  JEGPh  XI  (1912)  30-60. 
C.  Geabatj.  ShJ  XLVIII  (1912)  257. 

Brunner,  Karl.  Die  erste  deutsche  .Komeo-ijbersetzung.  ASNS  CLIII       [845] 
(1928)  188-201. 

Mensel,  Ernst  Heinrich,  ed.  Die  erste  deutsche  .Komeo-tJbersetzung.       [846] 
Smith  College  Studies  in  Modern  Languages  XIV  (1933) ;  sxvi  +  88  pp. 
H.  Hecht.  ShJ  LXX  (1934)  148  f. 
E.  Decknee.  AB  XLV  (1934)  109-112. 
W.  Keller.  ZDU  XXXIV  (1935)  415-417. 
M.  I.  [W.].  ASNS  CLXVII  (1935)  298. 


460      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Kury,  H.   Simon  Grynaus  von  Basel    (1725-1799)    der  erste  deutsche        [847] 
tibersetzer  von  Shakespeares  Borneo  und  Julia.  Baseler  Beitrage  II. 
Zurich,  1935 ;  83  pp. 

A.  Brandl.  ASNS  CLXIX  (1936)  286. 

H.  Lutzi.  LblGRPh  LIX  (1938)  12. 

W.  Milch.  Die  Literatur  XXXVIII  (1935)  50. 

G.  Scherer.  DLZ  LIX  (1938)  707  f. 

Hardenberg 

Rehder,  Helmut.  Novalis  and  Shakespeare.  PMLA  LXIII  (1948)  604-       [848] 
624. 

Herder.  See  also  [763]  and  [792], 

Sxtphan,  Bernhard.  Herder  an  Gerstenberg  iiber  Shakespeare.  VJSL  II        [849] 
(1889)  446-465. 

Lambel,   Hans,   ed.   Von   deutseher   Art  und   Kunst,   einige   fliegende       [850] 
Blatter  (1773).  DLD  XL  and  XLI  (1892)  ;  lv  +  123  pp. 

Arramczyk,  Roland.   Herders  Anteil  an  Schlegels   Shakespeare-liber-       [851] 
setzung.  Sonntagsbeilage  zur  Vossisehen  Zeitung,  April  24,  1910,  135  f. 
C.  Grabau.  ShJ  XLVII  (1911)  286. 

Koschmieder,  Artur.  Herders  theoretisehe  Stellung  zum  Drama.  BBL       [852] 
XXXV  (1913)  172  pp. 

R.  Petsch.  ASNS  CXXXI  (1913)  448-457. 
A.  Geiger.  LE  XVI  (1913)  314-319. 

Weber,  Gottfried.  Herder  und  das  Drama  . . .  FNL  LVI  (1922)  ;  xvi  +       [853] 
357  pp. 

Hempel.  JBL  II  (1923)  65. 

R.  Unger.  DVLG  VI  (1928)  153-155. 

Isaacsen,   Hertha.   Der   junge   Herder   und   Shakespeare.   GS   XCIII       [854] 
(1930)  ;  103  pp.  Also  Hamburg  diss.,  1930. 
W.  Keller.  ShJ  XLVII  (1931)  94. 
L.  Mis.  RG  XXII  (1931)  203-205. 
H.  Jantzen.  AB  XLII  (1931)  122  f. 
W.  Kohlschmidt.  ADA  L  (1931)  189-191. 
H.  Isaacsen.  GRM  XIX  (1932)  474. 
E.  P.  MLR  XXXI  (1936)  129. 

Gillies,   A.   Herder's   essay   on   Shakespeare:    "Das   Herz   der   Unter-       [855] 
suchung."  MLR  XXXII  (1937)  262-280. 

Thost,    H.    NachlaB-Studien    zu    Herder     I. Herder    als    Shakespear-        [856] 
Dolmetsch.  Leipzig,  1940  ;  174  pp. 
W.  Keller.  ShJ  LXXVI  (1940)  217  f. 

Blattner,  Felix.  Das  Shakespeare-Bild  Herders.  Pp.  49-64  in  "Vom  Geist       [857] 
der  Dichtung,  Gedachtnisschrift  fur  Robert  Petsch,"  Hamburg,  1949. 

Iffland.  See  [764]. 
Klinger 

Jacobowski,  Ludwig.  Klinger  und  Shakespeare  .  . .  Leipzig  and  Dresden        [858] 
1891;  66  pp. 

L.  P[roescholdt].  ShJ  XXVIII  (1893)  333. 
L.  Proescholdt.  AB  III  (1893)  243. 
M.  KOCH.  ES  XVIII  (1893)  235  f. 

Lanz,  M.   Klinger  und  Shakespeare.  Ziirich  diss.,  1941;  95  pp.  [859] 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  461 

Lenz.  See  also  [253]. 

Schmidt,  Erich.  Lenz  und  Klinger  . .  .  Berlin,  1878;  115  pp.  [860] 

O.  Brahm.  AL  XI  (1882)  607-611. 

Bauch,  Herman.  Lenz  und  Shakespeare  . .  .  Freiburg  diss.,  Berlin,  1892;        [861] 
110  pp. 
M.  Koch.  ES  XVIII  (1893)  235  f. 
ANON.  AB  IV  (1894)  133-135. 

Stammler,  Wolfgang.  Der  Hofmeister  von  J.  M.  B.  Lenz.  Halle  diss.,       [862] 
1908;  134  pp. 

Friedrich,  Theodor.  Die  AnmerTcungen  libers  Theater  des  Dichters  Jakob        [863] 
Michael  Beinhold  Lenz.  Frobefahrten  XIII  (1909)  ;  145  pp. 
L.  W.  Nickel,  ASNS  CXXIII  (1909)  463. 

Kindermann,  Heinz.  J.  M.  B.  Lenz  und  die  deutsche  Bomantik.  Wien  und       [864] 
Leipzig,  1925  ;  xviii  4-  367  pp. 

V.  Michels.  ADA  XLIV  (1925)  134-142. 
R.  UNGER.  DVSL  VI  (1928)  155-157. 

Muller,  Johannes  H.  J.M.B.  Lenz'  Coriolan.  Jena  diss.,  1930;  78  pp.       [865] 

Lessing.  See  also  [254]  ff.  and  [666]. 

Sendel,  Karl.  Lessing-Aristoteles'  Verhaltnis  zu  Shakespeare.  AL  II       [866] 
(1872)  74-93. 

Jacoby,   Daniel.   Der   Hamlet-Monolog   III   1   und  Lessings   Freunde,        [867] 
Mendelssohn  und  Kleist.  ShJ  XXV  (1890)  113-123. 
Cf.  [869],  [917],  and  [952]. 

Witkowski,  Georg.  Aristoteles  und  Shakespeare  in  Lessings  Hamburgi-       [868] 
scher  Bramaturgie.  Euphorion  II  (1895)  517-529. 

Fresenius,  August.  Hamlet-Monologe  in  der  tibersetzung  von  Mendels-       [869] 
sohn  und  Lessing.  ShJ  XXXIX  (1903)  231-247. 
Cf.  [867]. 

Meisnest,  F.  W.  Lessing  and  Shakespeare.  PMLA  XIX  (1904)  234-249.       [870] 
K.  Grabau.  ShJ  XLI  (1905)  291  f. 

Kettner,  Gustav.  Lessing  und  Shakespeare.  NJKA  XIX  (1907)  267-292.       [871] 
K.  Grabau.  ShJ  XLIV  (1908)  306. 

Bothlingk,  Arthur.  Shakespeare  und  unsere  Klassiker.  Bd.  I.  Lessing       [872] 
und  Shakespeare.  Leipzig  1909;  xix  +  303  pp. 
K.  Richter.  SVLIX  (1909)  461-464. 
A.  Drews.  PrJ  CXXXIX  (1910)  537-543. 
K.  Jahn.  ShJ  XLVI  (1910)  279-281. 
H.  Jantzen.  ZfFBU  IX  (1910)  379-382. 
F.  Baldensperger.  RG  VI  (1910)  76  f. 
H.  Jantzen.  ES  XLVI  (1913)  294-296. 

Schacht,  Boland.  Die  Entwicklung  der  Tragodie  in  Theorie  und  Praxis       [873] 
von  Gottsehed  bis  Lessing.  Miinchen  diss.  1910;  84  pp. 

Walzel,  Oskar.  Der  Kritiker  Lessing  und  Shakespeare.  ShJ  LX V  (1929)        [874] 
23-48. 

Krumpelmann,  John  T.  Lessing's  Faust  Fragment  and  Borneo  and  Juliet.       [875] 
MLNLXIV  (1949)  425. 

Lichtenberg.  See  [273]  ff. 


462      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Mendelssohn.  See  also  [279]  and  [867]. 

Stern,  Alfred.  Moses  Mendelssohn  and  Shakespeare.  Neue  Schweizer       [876] 
Rundschau  XXII  (1929)  176-187. 

Schiller.  See  also  [284]  and  [757]  ff. 

Ltjdwig,  Otto.  Shakespeare  und  Schiller,  in  "Shakespeare-Studien"  in       [877] 
NachlaBschriften  Otto  Ludwigs,  ed.  Heydrich,  Leipzig,  1871,  and  in 
Otto  Ludwigs  Werlce,  ed.  Stern,  Leipzig,  1891,  V  253-284. 

Minor,  Jakob.  Schiller  und  Shakespeare.  ZDPh  XX  (1888)  71-75.  [878] 

Numerous  parallel  passages. 

Zernial,  U.  Zu  Schillers  Wallenstein  und  Shakespeare.  Neue  Jahrbiicher       [879] 
f  ur  Philologie  und  Padagogik  CLVI  (1897)  553-569. 

Engel,  Jakob.  Spuren  Shakespeares  in  Schillers  dramatischen  Werken.       [880] 
Prog.  Magdeburg  1901;  24  pp. 
O.  Glode.  ES  XXXIV  (1904)  380  f. 

Bormann,  Walter..  Schillers  Drarnentechnik  in  seinen  Jugendwerken  im       [881] 
Vergleich  mit  der  Drarnentechnik  Shakespeares.  SVL  V  (Erganzungs- 
heft,  1905)  71-161. 

Petsch,  Robert.  Zu  Marlowe,  Shakespeare  und  Schiller.  ES  XXVIII       [882] 
(1907)  132-134. 

Bohtlingk,  Arthur.  Shakespeare  und  unsere  Klassiker  III.  Schiller  und       [883] 
Shakespeare.  Leipzig  1910 ;  xiv  +  457  pp. 
K.  Jahn.  ShJ  XL VII  (1911)  300  f. 
F.  Baldensperger.  RG  VII  (1911)  603  f. 
H.  Jantzen.  ES  XLVI  (1913)  298-300. 

Nussberger,  Max.  Schiller  als  politischer  Dichter.  Shakespeare  und  das       [884] 
deutsche  Drama.   Zwei  Aufsatze   zur   deutschen   Literaturgeschichte. 
Zurich  1917;  56  pp. 

Brandl,  Alois.  Shakespeare  auf  der  englischen  Preismedaille  der  Carls-        [885] 
Schule  (1776).  ShJ  LV  (1919)  132. 

Ludwig,  Albert.  Zur  Aufnahme  Shakespeares  und  Vorbereitung  Schillers       [886] 
irn  deutschen  Biihnendrama.  Festschrift  zum  XIX.  Neuphilologentag  in 
Berlin  1924;  pp.  73-80. 
Sturz,  Brandes,  Schiller. 
H.  Jantzen.  ZfPEU  XXIV  (1925)  83  f. 

Stubenrauch,  August  K.  Vom  tragischen  Erleben  .  . .  Gottingen,  1928;        [887] 
viii  +  109  pp. 

Petersen,  Julius.  Schiller  und  Shakespeare.  Euphorion  XXXII  (1931)        [888] 
145-165,  and  in  his  Aus  der  Goetheseit,  Leipzig,  1932  ;  pp.  102-127. 

Deye,  Emil.  Shakespeare  und  Schiller.  Miinchen,  1931;  65  pp.  [889] 

"Mahnung  gegen  eine  Verblendung." 

Steck,  Paul.  Schiller  und  Shakespeare.  ShJ  LXXI   (1935)   32-77.  [890] 

Hamlet 

Berg,  L.  Die  Beziehungen  Hamlets  zu  Wallenstein.  Deutsche  Studenten-        [891] 
zeitung,  1886,  nos.  33  and  34. 

Luther,  Bernhard.  Don  Carlos  und  Hamlet.  Euphorion  XII  (1905)  561-       [892] 

572. 
Thomas,  Anneliese.  Don  Carlos  and  Hamlet.  Mnemosyne  XV  (1933)  ;        [893] 

120  pp. 

W.  L.[inden].  ZfD  XL  VIII  (1934)  349. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  463 

Julius  Caesar 

Schneeberger,  H.  Die  Wechselbeziehung  zwischen  Schillers  Tell  und       [894] 
Shakespeares  Julius  Caesar.  Prog.  Miinnerstadt,  1881-1882;  31  pp. 

Sturtevant,  Albert  Morey.  A  new  trace  of  Shakespeare's  influence  upon       [895] 
Schiller's  Wallenstein.  MLN  XXIV  (1909)  129-132. 
Piccolomini  II  6,  928  and  Julius  Caesar  TV  3,  218-224. 

Petsch,  Kobert.  Wilhelm  Tell  und  Julius  Cdsar,  pp.  152-158  in  "Beitrage       [896] 
. . .  Ludwig  Geiger  .  .  .  dargebracht,"  Berlin,  1918. 

King  John 

Heuwes, .  Nahe  Verwandtschaft  einer  Stelle  aus  Schillers  Tell  und       [897] 

Shakespeares  Konig  Johann.  ZDTJ  V  (1891)  55. 
Tell  III,  3,  223  ft.  and  King  John  IV,  1,  75  ft. 

Fries,  C.  Schillerianum.  ASNS  CLVI  (1929)  234-235.  [898] 

Macbeth 

Sandmann,  Bernhard.  Schillers  Macbeth  and  das  englische  Original.       [899] 
Prog.  Tarnowitz,  1888 ;  16  pp. 
M.  Koch.  ES  XVI  (1892)  94  f. 

Schatzmann,  Gebhaed.  Schillers  Macbeth  nach  dem  englischen  Original       [900] 
verglichen.  Prog.  Trautenau,  1889;  30  pp. 
M.  Koch.  ES  XVI  (1892)  94  f. 

Beckhaus,  Hubert.  Shakespeares  Macbeth  und  die  Schillerische  Bear-       [901] 
beitung.  Prog.  Ostrowo,  1889;  25  pp. 

Koster,  Albert.  Schiller  als  Dramaturg.  Berlin,  1891;  343  pp.  [902] 

Pp.  74—124:  His  .Sfac&et/i-Bearbeitung  and  Wallenstein. 

Sprenger,  R.  Shakespeare'sche  Beminiscenzen  in  Schillers  Wallenstein.       [903] 
ES  XIX  (1894)  468-469. 

Parallel  passages.  Of.  ES  XXII  (1896)  149. 

Fietkau,  Hermann.  Schillers  Macbeth  unter  Beriicksichtigung  des  Origi-        [904] 
nals  und  seiner  Quelle  erlautert.  Prog.  Konigsberg,  1897;  46  pp. 
M.  Koch.  ES  XXIV  (1898)  319. 

Duschinskt,  W.  Shakespearsche  Einfliisse  auf  Schillers  Tell.  ZoG  L       [905] 
(1899)  481-491. 

Sprenger,  R.  Zu  Schillers  Wallenstein  und  Macbeth.  ASNS  CXI  (1903)        [906] 
405-406. 

Wallensteins  Tod,  I,  2,  v.  40  and  Macbeth  II,  9,  v.  825. 

Von  Westenholz,  Friedrich.  Wallenstein  und  Macbeth.  In  Marbacher       [907] 
Schillerbuch.  Stuttgart,  1905;  132-142. 

Puls,  Alfred.  Macbeth  und  die  Lady  bei  Shakespeare  und  Schiller.  Prog.,       [908] 
Gotha,  1912 ;  27  pp. 

H.  Jantzen.  ZfFEU  XIII  (1914)  272  f. 

Othello 

Vincke,   Gisbert.   Schillers  Buhnenbearbeitung  des   Othello.   ShJ  XV       [909] 
(1880)  222-229. 

Two  Gentlemen  of  Verona 

WuKADiNOvig,  Spiridion.  Eine  Quelle  von  Schillers  Raubern.  Euphorion       [910] 
VIII  (1901)  676-681. 


464      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Selling 

Minor,  Jakob.  Zur  Hamburgischen  Preisausschreibung.  ZDPh  XX(1888)        [911] 
55-65. 

Schink's    Gianelli  Montaldi,   a   fusion   of   Emilia  Galotti  and   Clavigo   with 
Othello.  A  "Sturm  und  Drang"  drama. 

Bitterling,  Eichard.  Joh.  Fr.  Schink.  Ein  Schiiler  Diderots  und  Les-        [912] 
sings.  ThF  XXIII  (1911)  ;  x  +  210  pp. 

Pp.  130  ff . :  Schink  der  Dramaturg;  Makbeth;  Die  bezahmte  Widerbellerin ; 
E ortolan;  Schink's  view  of  Shakespeare. 

Schlegel,  J.  E. 

Von  Antoniewicz,  Johann,  ed.  J.  E.  Schlegels  aestketische  und  drama-        [913] 
turgische  Schriften.  DLD  XXVI  (1887)  ;  clxx  +  226  pp. 

Borden,  Charles  Ernest.  Johann  Elias  Schlegel  als  Vorlaufer  Gotthold       [914] 
Ephraim  Lessings.  University  of  California  diss.,  1937;  typescript. 

Schroder 

Vincke,  Gisbert.  Shakespeare  und  Schroder.  ShJ  XI  (1876)  1-29.  [915] 

Merschberger,  .  Die  Anfange  Shakespeares  auf  der  Hamburger       [916] 

Biihne.  ShJ  XXV  (1890)  205-272. 

Hamlet,  Sept.  20,  1776.  Schroder's  retirement  1798. 
L.  Holschee.  ASNS  LXXXVI  (1891)  473  f. 

Brauns,  C.  W.  E.  Die  Schrodersche  Bearbeitung  des  Hamlet  und  ein       [917] 
vermuthlich   in   ihr   enthaltenes   Fragment   Lessings.   Breslau,   1890 ; 
35  pp. 

I.e.  a  translation  of  the  monolog:  "To  be  or  not  to  be." 

Hauppen,  Adolf.  Schroders  Bearbeitung  des  Kaufmanns  von  Venedig.       [918] 
VJSL  V  (1892)  87-97. 

Vincke,  Gisbert.  Friedrich  Ludwig  Schroder,  der  deutsche  Shakespeare-        [919] 
Begriinder.  ThF  VI  (1893)  5-20. 

Litzmann,  Bernhard.  Friedrich  Ludwig  Schroder  .  .  .  I-II  Hamburg  and       [920] 
Leipzig,  1890-1894. 

Bd.  II,  178-288:  "Im  Zeichen  Shakespeares." 

Kauenhowen,  K.  Zu  F.  L.  Schroders  Macbeth-Bcarbeitung.  ZB  VIII       [921] 
(1916)  308. 

Drews,  Wolfgang.  Die  erste  deutsche  Auffiihrung  des  Konig  Lear.  ShJ       [922] 
LXVII  (1931)  21-25. 

Zucker,  A.  E.  Schroder  stages  Hamlet  in  Hamburg.  MLF  XXIII  (1938)        [923] 
51-65. 

Scliubart 

Krauss,   Eudolf.    Ludwig    Scliubart   als    Shakespeare-trbersetzer.    ShJ        [924] 
XXXIX  (1903)  69-73. 

"Sturm  und  Drang" 

See  also  Gerstenberg,  Goethe,  Herder,  Klinger,  Lenz,  Schiller,  and  Schubart. 

Sauer,  A.  Einleitung  zu  "Die  Sturm-  und  Drangperiode."  DNL  LXXIX       [925] 
(1883)  7-57. 

Shakespeare,  Young,  Swift,  Sterne,  and  Goldsmith. 

Wolff,  E.  Die  Sturm-  und  Drangkomodie  und  ihre  fremden  Vorbilder.       [926] 
ZVLI  (1887)  329-337. 

Pp.  334-354;  Shakespeare,  Young,  Hogarth,  et  al. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  465 

Walther,  E.  Der  EinfluB  Shakespeares  auf  die  Sturm-  und  Drangperiode       [927] 
unserer  Literatur  . .  .  Prog.,  Chemnitz,  1890 ;  28  pp. 
M.  Koch.  ZVL  IV  (1891)  120-127. 

Landsberg,  Hans.  Feindliche  Briider.  LE  VI  (1904)  818-825.  [928] 

Landau,  Marcus.  Die  feindlichen  Briider  auf  der  Biihne.  Biikne  und       [929] 
Welt  IX  (1907)  237  ff. 

Keckeis,  Gustav.  Dramaturgisclie  Probleme  im  Sturm  und  Drang.  UNSL       [930] 
XI  (1907)  135  pp. 

Pp.  109-115:  Shakespeare. 
R.  M.  Meyer.  ASNS  CXIX  (1907)  254  f. 
W.  Boemann.  SVL  VIII  (1908)  386. 

TiecTc.  See  [1102]  ff.  and  [1039]  ff. 

Weisse.  See  also  [293]. 

Lessing,  G.  E.  Hamburgische  Dramaturgic,  73-79,  January  1768.  [931] 

Cf.  Lessing,  Schriften,  X  93-123. 

Gruber,  Johanna.  Das  Verhaltnis  von  WeiBes  Romeo  und  Julia  zu  Shake-       [932] 
speare  und  den  Novellen.  SVL  V  (1905)  395-438. 

Meisnest,  Fr.  W.  Die  Quellen  zu  Christian  Felix  WeiBes  Richard  III.       [933] 
Euphorion  XVII   (1910)   538-556  and  in  University  of  Washington 
Studies,  Seattle,  Wash.,  IV  1910  ;  19  pp. 

Colley  Cibber's  stage  version  of  Richard  III,  1700. 
C.  Geabau.  ShJ  XLVIII  (1912)  257  f. 

Hutteman,  W.  Christian  Felix  WeiBe  und  seine  Zeit  in  ihrem  Verhaltnis       [934] 
zu  Shakespeare.  Bonn  diss.,  Duisburg,  1912 ;  92  pp. 

Wernich 

Kauenhowen,  Kurt.  J.  K.  G.  Wernichs  Macbeth  Bearbeitung.  Die  erste       [935] 
Auffiihrung  des  Macbeth  in  Berlin  1778.  ShJ  LIV  (1918)  50-72. 

Wieland.  See  also  [294]  ff.,  [647]  ff.,  and  [750]  ff. 

Hirzel,  Ludwig.  Ungedruckte  Briefe  von  Wieland.  AL  VII  (1878)  489-       [936] 
518. 

Business  letters  referring  to  the  Shakespeare  translation. 

Seuefert,  Bernhard.  Wielands,  Eschenburgs  und  Schlegels  Shakespeare-       [937] 
tibersetzungen.  AL  XIII  (1885)  229-232. 

Simpson,  Marcus.  Eine  Vergleichung  der  Wielandschen  Shakespeare-       [938] 
tibersetzung  mit  dem  Originale.  Muncken  diss.,  1898;  133  pp. 

Ischer,  Rudolf.  Ein  Beitrag  zur  Kenntnis  von  Wielands  tibersetzungen.       [939] 
Euphorion  XIV  (1907)  242-256. 

Schmidt,   Erich.   Mitteilung  von  einem  Wieland-Funde.   DLZ   XXIX       [940] 
(1908)  1200-1201. 
C.  Geabau.  ShJ  XLV  (1909)  313  f. 

Stabler,  Ernst.  Wielands  Shakespeare.  QF  CVII  (1910)  133  pp.  [941] 

A.  Beandl.  ASNS  CXXIV  (1910)  204  f. 
G.  Witkowski.  ShJ  XL VII  (1911)  301  f. 
R.  Ischee.  Euphorion,  Erganzungsheft  IX  (1911)  266  f. 

Groeper,   E.   Wieland  im   Licht   seines   Verhaltnisses   zu   Shakespeare.       [942] 
Padagogisches  Archiv  LV  (1913)  116-120. 
Inspired  by  Gundolf  [652]. 


466      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Meisnest,  F.  W.  Wieland's  translation  of  Shakespeare.  MLR  IX  (1914)        [943] 
12-40. 

Wieland's  aids  in  making  the  translation. 

Bruder,    E.    Erste    deutsche    Shakespeare   Auffiihrung   unter   Wieland       [944] 
(1761).  Volksspielkunst  (Dresden)  VI  (1932)  p.  93  and  in  Schwabischer 
Merkur  XVII I  32. 

Pongs,  H.  Wieland  und  Shakespeare.  Festschrift  .  .  .  Biberach,  1933.  [945] 

Wieland  and  Midsummer  Night's  Dream 

Sprenger,  R.  Englische  Anklange  in  Wielands  Oberon.  ES  XIX  (1894)        [946] 
469. 

Kollman,  August.  Wieland  und  Shakespeare  mit  besonderer  Beriick-        [947] 
sichtigung  der  ubersetzung  des  Sommernachtstraums.  Program,  Rem- 
scheid,  1896;  17  pp. 

M.  KOCH.  ES  XXIV  (1898)  317-319. 

Wurth,    Leopold.    Zu    Wielands,    Eschenburgs    und    A.    W.    Schlegels       [948] 
tibersetzungen  des  Sommernaclitstraumes.  Program,  Budweis,  1897; 
16  pp. 

S.  Wukadinovic.  ShJ  XXXVI  (1900)  315. 

SHAKESPEAREAN  DRAMAS  IN  THE  EIGHTEENTH 

CENTURY 

See  also  [717]  ft. 

Hamlet.  See  also  [826]  ff.  and  [891]  f. 

Elze,  Th.  Hamlet  in  Regensburg.  ShJ  XLV  (1879)  362-363.  1784.  [949] 

Creizenach,  Wilhelm.  Zum  deutschen  Hamlet.  ZVL  II  (1889)  369-370.       [950] 
A  Hamlet  poster  of  1778. 

Von  Weilen,  Alexander,  ed.  Der  erste  deutsche  Biilmen- Hamlet.  Die       [951] 
Bearbeitungen  Heufelds  und  Schroders.  Wien,  1914;  xlvii  +  196  pp. 
Heufeld,  Wien,  Jan.  16,  1773;  Schroder,  Hamburg,  Sept.  20,  1776. 
R.  Brotanek.  AB  XXVIII  (1917)  105-107. 
W.  Keller.  ShJ  LV  (1919)  147. 

Krauss,  Rudolf.  Der  erste  Vers  des  beriihmten  Hamlet -M.ono\ogs  (III  1)        [952] 
in  den  deutschen  tibersetzungen.  ShJ  LVII  (1921)  77-81. 
See  also  [867]  and  [869]. 

Scholte,  J.  H.  De  erste  Hamlet  opvoeringen  in  Duitschland.  Neophilo-       [953] 
logus  II  (1917)  31-38. 

Julius  Caesar.  See  also  [833]  and  [877]  ff. 

Gundelfinger,  Friedrich.  Caesar  in  der  deutschen  Literatur.  Palaestra       [954] 
XXXIII  (1904)  vi  +  129  pp. 

Pp.  88-122 :   Borcke,  Dalberg,  Bodmer,  Herder,  Goethe,  Schiller,  Schlegel. 
K.  Kipka.  SVL  IV  (1904)  374-379. 

King  Lear 

Brunner,  Karl.  Der  Konig  Lear  Text  des  Wiener  Burgtheaters  von       [955] 
1780.  ES  LXIV  (1929)  362-369. 

January  29,  1780;  April  13  ff.  "Schroder  als  Gast  in  der  Lear-Rolle."  The 
version  by  Bock  rather  than  by  Schroder. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  467 

Macbeth.  See  also  [783]  ff.,  [899]  ff.,  and  [912]. 

Hochgesang,  Michael.  Wandlungen  des  Dichtstils.  Dargestellt  unter       [956] 
Zugrundelegung  deutscher  Ifac&ei/t-tJbertragungen.  Miinchen,  1926; 
viii  +  183  pp. 

Eschenburg,  Burger,  Schiller,  Dorothea  Tieck. 
R.  Alewtn.  JbL  VI-VII  (1926-1927)  26. 
J.  Petersen.  DLZ  XLVII  (1926)  2327-2331. 
Von  Grolmann.  DNS  XXXV  (1927)  209  f. 
Thalmann.  ZDPh  LII  (1927)  218  f. 
Anon.  ASNS  CLI  (1927)  294. 
L.  JORDAN.  Zeitschrift  fiir  romanische  Philologie  LXVIII  (1928)  732-734. 

Merchant  of  Venice 

Burmeister,  Otto.  Nachdichtungen  und  Biihneneinrichtungen  von  Shake-        [957] 
speares  Merchant  of  Venice.  Eostock,  1902 ;  102  pp. 
Schroder  and  Gotter,  1777. 
R.  Fischer.  ShJ  XXXIX  (1903)  303. 
P.  Wagner.  AB  XIV  (1903)  334. 

Midsummer  Night's  Dream.  See  also  [946]  ff. 

Hense,  C.  C.  Geschichte  des  Sommemachtstraums.  ASNS  XII  (1853)        [958] 
78-294. 

Borneo  and  Juliet.  See  [837]  ff.  and  [844]  ff. 
Timon  of  Athens.  See  [786]. 

THE  NINETEENTH  CENTURY 

German  Shakespearean  study.  See  also  [637]  ff. 
Hermes,  K.  H.  Tiber  Skakespeares  Hamlet  und  seine  Beurtkeiler,  Goethe,       [959] 
A.  W.  Schlegel  und  Tieek.  Stuttgart  und  Miinchen,  1827;  88  pp. 

Leo,  F.  A.  Riickblick  auf  das  25  jahrige  Bestehen  der  deutschen  Shake-        [960] 
speare-Gesellschaft.  ShJ  XXIV  (1889)  1-8. 

Frankel,  Ludwig.   Die  gegenwartige  Beschaftigung  der   akademisch-        [961] 
neuphilologischen  Vereine  Deutschlands  mit  Shakespeare.  ShJ  XXVI 
(1891)  120-130. 

Loening,  Richard.  Die  flamtei-Tragodie  Shakespeares.  Stuttgart,  1893;        [962] 
x  +  418  pp. 

Teil  I.  "Die  deutsche  Hamlet-Kritik." 
L.  Pr[oescholdt].  LZ  XLIV  (1893)  892  f. 
R.  Wulker.  AB  IV  (1893)  11  f. 
M.  KOCH.  ES  XIX  (1894)  125-131. 

Frankex.,  Ludwig.  Shakespeare  an  den  deutschen  Hochschulen  der  Gegen-       [963] 
wart.  ShJ  XXXII  (1896)  87-108. 

Ludwig,  Albert.  Die  deutsche  Shakespeare-Gesellschaft.  Ein  Riickblick       [964] 
anlaBlich  ihres  50-jahrigen  Bestehens.  ShJ  XLIX  (1913)  1-96. 
A.  Ludwig.  Same  in  brief,  LE  XVI  (1914)  890-893. 

Wolff,  Max  J.  Die  deutsche  Shakespeare-Gesellschaft.  IMWKT  VIII       [965] 
(1914)  813. 

Ludwig,  Albert.  Rudolf  Genee  1824-1914.  ShJ  LI  (1915)  205-213.  [966] 

Shakespeare  and  German  philosophy 
Wundt,   Max.   Shakespeare  in  der  deutschen  Philosophie.   ShJ  LXX       [967] 
(1935)  9-36. 

Garve,  Fichte,  Schelling,  Solger,  Hegel,  Schopenhauer,  Nietzsche. 


468      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Ludwig,  Otto.  Hegel  gegen  Shakespeare,  in  Ludwig,  Schriften,  1891,       [968] 
V  181-188. 

Salditt,  Maria.  Hegels  Shakespeare-Interpretation.  Philosophische  For-        [969] 
schungen  V,  Berlin,  1927 ;  vi  +  46  pp. 
B.  Pehr.  DLZ  L  (1929)  24-27. 
H.  KUHN.  ZfAXXV  (1931)  176. 

Wolff,  Emil.  Hegel  und  Shakespeare.  Pp.  120-179  in  "Vom  Geist  der       [970] 
Dichtung,  Gedachtnisschrift  f iir  Eobert  Petsch,"  Hamburg,  1949. 

Ludwig,  Albert.  Nietzsche  und  Shakespeare.  ShJ  LVI  (1920)  24-57.  [971] 

Kern,  Kurt.  H.  Th.  Botschers  Stellung  zu  Shakespeare  als  Biihnendichter.       [972] 
Marburg  diss.,  1923 ;  90  pp. 

Gebhard,  Bichard.  Shakespeare  und  Schopenhauer.  ShJ  XLVII  (1911)        [973] 
170-187. 

Wieninger,  Gustav.  Schopenhauer  in  seiner  Stellung  zu  Shakespeare.        [974] 
ShJ  LXVI  (1930)  169-181. 

ADAPTORS  AND  TRANSLATORS 

Altaian,  Georg.  Shakespeare  auf  der  deutschen  Biihne  des  19.  Jahr-        [975] 
hunderts,  Bd.  XX,  379-441  in  "Shakespeares  Werke  nach  Sehlegel- 
Tieck,"  ed.  Max  Wolff.  Berlin,  1926. 

Frenz,  Horst.  Edwin  Booth  in  polyglot  Shakespeare  performances.  GB       [976] 
XVIII  (1943)  280-285. 

Bach.  See  [683]. 

Baudissin 

Freytag,  Gustav.  Baudissins  Shakespeare-tibersetzung  und  die  Shake-       [977] 
speare-Gesellschaft.    Im    neuen    Beich,    1880,    no.    24,    and    Freytag, 
Gesammelte  Werke,  Leipzig  1887;  XVI  364-370. 

Conrad,   H.   Baudissin   als   tibersetzer   Shakespeares.   Pp.    105-116  in       [978] 
"Festschrift  f iir  A.  Tobler."  Braunschweig,  1905. 

Schulz,  W.  Der  Anteil  des  Grafen  Wolf  Baudissin  an  der  Shakespeare-        [979] 
tibersetzung  Schlegel-Tiecks.  ZDPh  LIX  (1934)  52-54. 

Bodenstedt 

Bitter,  Albert.  Shakespeares  Lucrece  iibertragen  von  Fr.  Bodenstedt,  in       [980] 
Albert  Bitter's  Der  unbelcannte  Shakespeare.  Berlin,  1923 ;  pp.  33-114. 

Goldenstedt,  F.  Tiber  einige  Shakespeare  Auffiihrungen  in  Miinchen.        [981] 
ShJ  II  (1867)  244-276. 

Bulthanpt 

Conrad,  Hermann.   Shakespeare  und  Bulthaupts  Timon.   ShJ  XXIX       [982] 
(1894)  110-147. 

Devrient 

Devrient,  Otto,   trber  die  Shakespeare- Auffiihrungen  in  Karlsruhe.  ShJ       [9S3] 
II  (1867)  277-291. 

Devrient,   Friede.    Tagebuch-Aufzeichnungen   Eduard   Devrients   iiber       [984] 
Darstellungen  Shakespearischer  Bollen.  ShJ  LXVIII  (1932)  140-146. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  469 

Dingelstedt 

Boenneke,    Budolf.    Franz    Dingelstedts    Wirksamkeit    am   Weimarer       [985] 
Hoftheater  .  .  .  Greifswald  diss.,  1912 ;  233  pp. 
E.  Lr.  Stahl.  LZ  LXIII  (1912)  1388  f. 
E.  L.  Stahl.  ShJ  Li  (1914)  124  f. 

JtlRGENS,  Woldemar.  Dingelstedt,  Shakespeare  und  Weimar.  ShJ  LV       [986] 
(1919)  75-86. 

Schoof,  Wilhelm.  Dingelstedts  Plan  zu  einer  neuen  Shakespeare-ttber-        [987] 
setzung.  ShJ  LXXVI  (1940)  137-160. 

Fontane 

Conrad,  Hermann.  Theodor  Fontanes  Hamlet.  LE  II  (1899)  15-18.  [988] 

Genee 

Schult,  F.  Biihnenbearbeitungen  von  Shakespeares  Love's  Labour's  Lost.       [989] 
Eostock  diss.,  1910;  107  pp. 

Gildemeister 

Stricker,   Kathe.   Otto   Gildemeister   und   Shakespeare.   ShJ   LXVIII        [990] 
(1932)  126-137. 

Handel.  See  [684]. 

Halm 

Bieder,  Max.  Friedrich  Halms  Bearbeitung  von  Shakespeares  Cymbelin       [991] 
1842.  ShJ  LVI  (1920)  137-140. 

Haydn.  See  [685]. 

Heblel.  See  also  [1065]  ff. 

Keller,  Wolfgang.  Eine  Bearbeitung  des  Julius  Caesar  von  Friedrich       [992] 
Hebbel.  ShJ  XXXIX  (1903)  247-249. 

Werner,  Bichard  Maria.  Hebbels  Theaterbearbeitung  von  Shakespeares       [993] 
Julius  Caesar.  Nach  ungedrucktem  Material  mitgeteilt.  Z6G  LVIII 
(1907)  385-399. 

Graham,  Paul  G.  Hebbel's  study  of  King  Lear.  Smith  College  Studies  in       [994] 
Modern  Languages,  XXI  (1939)  81-90. 
H.  MAECUSE.  AB  LI  (1940)  196. 

Herwegh 

Kilian,  Werner.  Herwegh  als  ttbersetzer.  BBL  XLIII  (1914)  ;  112  pp.        [995] 
Part  III,  pp.  81—108  :  Die  Ubersetzung  Shakespeare'scher  Dramen. 

Kayser,    Budolf.    Georg    Hervveghs    Shakespear-Auffassung    GQ    XX       [996] 
(1947)  231-238. 

Holtei 

Wehl,  F.  Shakespeares  Komodie  der  Irrungen  in  Holteis  Bearbeitung.        [997] 
Europa  1849,  no.  49. 

Immermann 

Vincke,  Gisbert.  Immermanns  Einrichtung  des  Hamlet.  ShJ  XXI  (1886)        [998] 
175-186. 


470      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Vincke,  Gisbert.  Karl  Immermanns  Shakespeare-Einrichtungen  II.  ShJ        [999] 
XXII  (1887)  172-188. 

Eonig  Johann,  Eonig  Heinrich  IV,  Teil  2,  Coriolan,  Julius  Casar. 

Fellner,  Richard.  Karl  Immermann  als  Dramaturg.  Pp.  151-203  in     [1000] 
"Karl  Irnmerman,  eine  Gedachtnisschrift  .  .  ."  Hamburg  and  Leipzig 
1896. 

Wittsack,   Richard.   Karl   Leberecht   Immermann   der   Dramaturg  .  .  .     [1001] 
Greif  swald  diss.  Berlin  1914 ;  xiv  +  130  pp. 
E.  L.  Stahl.  ShJ  LI  (1915)  274-277. 

Deetjen,  Werner.  Immermann's  Bearbeitung  des  Sturms  als  Operntext.     [1002] 
ShJLVII  (1921)  65-76. 

Limeballe,  PoUL.  Immermanns  Shakespeare-iscenesettelser.  Edda  XLIII     [1003] 
(1943)  125-138. 

Kurz 

Kindermann,  Heinz.  Hermann  Kurz  und  die  deutsche  tibersetzungskunst     [1004] 
im  19.  Jahrhundert.  Stuttgart  1918. 
W.  Keller.  ShJ  LV  (1919)  148  f. 

Lachmann 

Leitzmann,  Albert.  Karl  Lachmann  als  Shakespeare-tibersetzer.  ShJ.     [1005] 
LVI  (1920)  73-89. 

Sonnets,  Midsummer  Night's  Dream,  Macbeth. 

Laube 

Von  Weilen,  A.  Laube  und  Shakespeare.  ShJ  XLIII  (1907)  98-137.  [1006] 

See  also  ShJ  IV  (1869)  349-367. 

Meiningen  (DuTce  of) 

Klaar,  Alfred.  Herzog  Georg  von  Meiningen.  ShJ  LI  (1915)  193-204.     [1007] 

Stahl,  Ernst  Leopold.  Die  englischen  Vorlaufer  der  Meininger.  Charles     [1008] 
Kean  als  Biihnenref  ormer,  pp.  438-448  in  "Beitrage  zur  Literatur-  und 
Theatergeschichte  Ludwig  Geiger  .  .  .  dargebracht."  Berlin  1918. 

Schlegel,  A.  W.  See  also  [641]  ff.,  [750]  ff.,  and  [851]. 

Goethe,  Johann  Wolfgang.  Shakespeare  und  kein  Ende,  1831  ff.  In     [1009] 
Goethe,  Werlce  I  41, 1;  pp.  52-71. 

Part   two   of   the   essay,    "Shakespeare  verglichen   mit   den    Neuesten,"    is 
directed  against  certain  unnamed  romanticists. 

Bernats,  Michael.  Der  Schlegel-Tiecksche  Shakespeare.  ShJ  I  (1865)      [1010] 
396-405. 

Bernays,  Michael.  Zur  Entstehungsgeschichte  des  Schlegelschen  Shake-      [1011] 
speare.  Leipzig  1872  ;  vi  +  260  pp. 
"W.  H.  ShJ  VIII  (1872)  348-353. 

Von  Maltzahn,  Wendelin.  Julius  Caesar  fur  die  Biihne  bearbeitet  von     [1012] 
A.  W.  Schlegel.  ShJ  VII  (1872)  48-81. 

Genee,  Rudolf.  Studien  zu  Schlegels  Shakespeare-tibersetzung  nach  den     [1013] 
Handschriften  A.  W.  Schlegels.  AL  X  (1881)  236-262. 

Bernays,   M.   Vor-  und  Nachwort  zum  neuen  Abdruck   des   Schlegel-     [1014] 
Tieckschen  Shakespeare.  PrJ  LXVIII  (1891)  524-569. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  471 

Hoi/term ann,   Karl.   Vergleichung   der   Schlegel'schen  und  VoBschen     [1015] 
tibersetzung  von  Shakespeares  Borneo  and  Juliet.  Prog.  Miinster  1892; 
30  pp. 

P.  Lange.  AB  III  (1893)  305. 

M.  KOOH.  ES  XVIII  (1893)  244-246. 

Schuddekopf,  Karl,  and  Oskar  Walzel,  ed.  Goethe  und  die  Eomantik.      [1016] 
Brief e  mit  Erlauterungen.  I  Teil.  SGG  XIII   (1898)  ;  xcv  +  382  pp. 
Goethe's  letters  showing  his  interest  in  the  Schlegel-Tieck  translation.  Petsch's 
review  contains  the  important  passages. 
R.  Petsch.  ShJ  XXXVI  (1900)  316-320. 

Eidam,  Chr.  Bemerkungen  zu  einigen  Stellen  Shakespear'scher  Dramen     [1017] 
sowie  zur  Schlegelschen  tibersetzung.  Prog.,  Nlirnberg,  1898. 
W.  K[eller].  ShJ  XXXV  (1899)  320-322. 
M.  Koch.  ES  XXVII  (1900)  141  f. 
O.  Glode.  ES  XXVIII  (1900)  449-452. 

Wetz,  W.  Zur  Beurteilung  der  sogenannten  Schlegel-Tieckschen  Shake-      [1018] 
speare-tibersetzung.  ES  XXVIII  (1900)  321-365. 

Brandl,  A.  Ludwig  Fulda,  Paul  Heyse  und  Adolf  Wilbrandt  iiber  die     [1019] 
Schlegel-Tiecksche   Shakespeare-tibersetzung.   ShJ   XXXVII    (1901) 
xxxvii-lv. 

Wetz,  Wilhelm.  Schlegel-Tieck.  Die  Zukunft  1902;  222-237  and  1906;      [1020] 
207-216. 

DiBELiTjs,  W.  Schlegel-Tieck.  ShJ  XXXVIII  (1902)  331-332.  [1021] 

Defense  of  the  Shakespeare-Gesellschaft  for  undertaking  a  revision  of  the 
Schlegel-Tieck  translation. 

Genee,   Kudolf.    A.   W.    Schlegel   und   Shakespeare;    ein   Beitrag   zur     [1022] 
Wiirdigung  der  Schlegelschen  tibersetzungen.  Berlin  1903 ;  43  pp. 
W.  Keller.  ShJ  XL  (1904)  283  f. 
O.  Walzel.  Euphorion  XV  (1908)  267  f. 
M.  Weyrauch.  ZfFEU  VI  (1907)  361-363. 

Von  Wurzbach,  W.  Zur  Bevision  des  deutschen  Shakespeare-Textes.     [1023] 
Oesterr.  Rundschau  VII  (1906)  91-107. 

Assmann,  Bruno.  Studien  zur  A.  W.  Schlegelschen  Shakespeare-tiber-     [1024] 
setzung.  Die  Wortspiele.  Prog.  Dresden  Neustadt.  1906;  26  pp. 

Conrad,  Hermann.  Unechtheiten  in  der  ersten  Ausgabe  der  Schlegelschen  [1025] 
Shakespeare-tibersetzung  (1797-1801)  nachgewiesen  aus  seinen  Manu- 
skripten.  Berlin  1912;  93  pp.  Abdruck  aus  der  ZfFEU,  XI  (1912) 
289  f.,  385  f.,  and  451  f.  Anhang:  Karolinens  Textentstellungen  im  4. 
und  5.  Akt.  des  Kaufmanns  von  Venedig.  Abdruck  aus  der  Deutschen 
Bevue  XXXVIII  (1911)  241-252. 

C.  Grabau.  ShJ  XL VIII  (1912)  258  and  XLIX  (1913)  201. 

M.  Wolff.  ES  XL VII  (1914)  264  f. 

Horn,  Ella.  Zur  Geschichte  der  ersten  Auffiihrung  von  Schlegels  Hamlet-     [1026] 
tibersetzung  auf  dem  kgl.  Nationaltheater  zu  Berlin.  ShJ  LI  (1915) 
34-52.  October  15, 1789. 

Fries,  A.  tiber  den  Versstil  Shakespeares  und  seiner  tibersetzer.  Vortrag,     [1027] 
Berlin  1916. 

A.  W.  Schlegel,  Schiller,  Dorothea  Tieck. 
Cf.  Pries  in  DLZ  XXXVII  (1916)  1200  f,  1616-1620. 
C.  Grabatj.  ShJ  LIII  (1917)  218. 

Struble,  George  G.  Schlegel's  translation  of  Twelfth  night.  Quarterly     [1028] 
Journal  of  the  University  of  North  Dakota  XIX  (1928)  148-167. 


472      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Lazenby,  Marion  Candler.  The  influence  of  Wieland  and  Eschenburg     [1029] 
on  Schlegel's  Shakespeare  translation.  Johns  Hopkins  diss.,  Baltimore, 
1942;  37  pp. 

L.  M.  Price.  GR  XIX  (1942)  233  f. 

Schreyvogel 

Kilian,     Eugen.     Schreyvogels     Shakespeare-Bearbeitungen  .  .  .  ShJ     [1030] 
XXXIX    (1903)    87-120,   XLI    (1905)    135-162   and  XLIII    (1907) 
53-97. 

1.  Eoniff  Lear,  Eonig  Heinrich  IV ;  2.    Romeo  und  Julia;  3.  Eaufmann  von 
Venedig,  Othello,  Hamlet. 

Tieck  {Dorothea).  See  also  [1025]. 

Conrad,  H.  F.  Vischer  und  Dorothea  Tieck  als  Macbeth-JJhersetzeT,  ASNS     [1031] 
CVI  (1901)  71-88. 

Stricker,  Kathe.  Dorothea  Tieck  und  ihr  Schaffen  fiir  Shakespeare.  ShJ     [1032] 
LXXVII  (1936)  79-92. 

Winter,  Joh.  Wilhelm.  Dorothea  Tiecks  Macbetf/t-ubersetzung.  Berlin,     [1033] 
1939;  113  pp. 

Also  in  "Theater  und  Drama"  X;  112  pp. 
E.  MUhlbach.  LZ  XC  (1939)  358. 
K.  Brunner.  AB  LII  (1940)  67-70. 
B.  Siebeck.  LblGRPh  LXII  (1941)  306-307. 
M.  Priess.  ES  LXXV  (1943)  357-360. 

Tieck  (Ludwig).  See  also  [646]  ff.  and  [1009]  ff. 

Kaiser,  O.  Der  Dualismus  Tiecks  als  Dramatiker  und  Dramaturg.  Leipzig,     [1034] 
1885. 

Pp.  49—58:  Tieck  and  Shakespeare. 

Bischoff,  Heinrich.  Ludwig  Tieck  als  Dramaturg.  Bibliotheque  de  la     [1035] 
faculte  de  phil.  et  lettres  de  l'universite  de  Liege.  Bruxelles,  1897; 
125  pp. 

Pp.  23—36:  Tieck's  relation  to  Shakespeare. 

Ludeke,   Henry.   Zur    Tieck'schen    Shakespeare-Ubersetzung.    ShJ    LV     [1036] 
(1919)  1-29. 

Ludeke,  Henry.  Ludwig  Tiecks  erste  Shakespeare-Ubersetzung  (1794)      [1037] 
ShJLVII  (1921)  54-64. 
Tempest,  1794. 

Petersen,  J.  Ludwig  Tiecks  So?nmernachtstraum-Ins'LemeTung.  Neues     [1038] 
Archiv  fiir  Theatergeschichte  II  (1930)  163-198. 

Kahn,  Ludwig  W.  Ludwig  Tieck  als  ilbersetzer  von  Shakespeares  Son-      [1039] 
netten.  GR  IX  (1934)  140-142. 
See  also  [675]  and  [677]. 

Vischer.  See  [1031]. 

VoB.  See  also  [649]. 

Egbring,  Heinrich.  Johann  Heinrich  VoB  der  jiingere  als  tibersetzer  des      [1040] 
Macbeth  von  W.  Shakespeare.  Miinchen  diss.,  1911 ;  77  pp. 

van  Zieten 

Bergmann,  A.  Probe  einer  vergessenen  iear-ubersetzung.  ShJ  LXXII     [1041] 
(1936)  124-132. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  473 

Deutsche  Shakespeare-Gesellschaft  [ Shakespeare- Auffiihrungen  in  Deutsch-     [1042] 
land  und  Oesterreich] 

The  ShJ  has  also  published  several  reports  dealing  with  Shakespearean 
productions  on  individual  German  stages,  some  of  which  follow.  The  arrange- 
ment is  by  cities  alphabetically. 

Author  City  and  Period  Volume  and  Page 

STBICKEE,  K Bremen   1780-1839    LIV  (1918)  22-41. 

Geeickb,  R Dresden  1778-1817 XII  (1877)   182-221. 

PROLSS,  R Dresden  1816-1860 XV  (1880)  173-210. 

Deveient,  O Karlsruhe  1810-1872 VIII  (1873)  280-305. 

Geeicke,  R Leipzig  1778-1817 XII  (1877)  182-221. 

Geeicke,  R Leipzig  1817-1871 VII  (1872)  324-329. 

Anon Mannheim  1779-1870    IX  (1874)  295-308. 

Oechelhausee,  W Meiningen  1868    Ill  (1868)  383-396. 

Kilian,   E Mlinchen   1890-1896    XXXII  (1896)  109-132. 

Keauss,  B Stuttgart  1783-1908    XLV  (1909)  126-138. 

Fischee,   R Vienna  1776-1899 XXXVII  (1901)  123-164. 

VON  Weilen,  A Vienna  1770-1910 L  (1914)  60-73. 

Oechelhausee,  W Vienna  1851-1868 IV  (1869)  349-367. 

JilEGENS,  W Weimar  1857-1867    LV  (1919)  75-85. 

Geeicke,  R 25  cities  1794-1870 VIII  (1873)  306-345. 

Deutsche    Shakespeare-Gesellschaft    [Bearbeitungen    der    Dramen    Shake-     [1043] 
speares] 

.From  1899  on  the  ShJ  has  presented  a  "Theaterschau"  and  a  "Statistischer 
Uberblick"  regarding  Shakespearean  production  in  Germany.  See  also  descrip- 
tions of  adaptations  of  Shakespearean  dramas  as  follows : 

Bolin,  W Anthony  and  Cleopatra  (1852— 

1877)     XVII  (1882)  128-169. 

Vincke,  G As  You  Like  It  (1848-1870)  .  .  .  .XII  (1878)  186-284. 

LlNDNEE,  A Gymbeline  (1886) Ill  (1868)  370-382. 

Oechelhausee,  W King  Henry  VI  (1870) V  (1870)  292-309. 

Kilian,  B King  Henry  VI  (1894) XXXII  (1896)  212-234. 

Bolin,  W King  Lear  (1871-1879) XX  (1885)  131-148. 

Oechelhauser,  W King  Richard  III  (1870) IV  (1869)  327-348. 

Kilian,  E "Die  Konigsdramen"    (1829— 

1893)     XXVIII  (1893)  111-156. 

Geeicke,  E Macbeth  (1772-1871)    VI  (1871)  19-82. 

Kilian,  E Midsummer  Night's  Dream 

(1843-1870)     XXXIV  (1898)  52-65. 

MEISSNEE,  A Pericles    (1882) XVIII  (1883)  209-217. 

GERMAN  AUTHORS 

Achim  von'Arnim.  See  [1101]. 

Anzengruber 

Wulfing,  J.  Ernst.  Anzengruber  and  Shakespeare.  ZDU  XVIII  (1904)      [1044] 
65. 

Der  Meineidbauer  II,  3  and  Hamlet  II,  2. 

Bismarck 

Bohtlingk,  Arthur.  Bismarck  und  Shakespeare.  Stuttgart  and  Berlin,     [1045] 
1908;  viii  +  148pp. 

M.  Foestee.  ShJ  XLV  (1909)  408. 

K.  Loschhoen.  ZDU  XXIII  (1909)  805. 

L.  Feankel.  LE  XII  (1909)  413  f. 

Loschhorn,    Karl.    Bismarcks    Zitatenschatz    aus    Shakespeare.    ZDU     [1046] 
XXIII  (1909)  526-527. 

C.  Geabau.  ShJ  XL VI  (1910)  246  f. 


474      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Bitzius 

Ludwig,  Otto.  Jeremias  Gotthelf  und  Shakespeare.  In  Ludwig,  Schriften,     [1047] 
VI  207  f. 

Borne 

L[eo],  F.  A.  Shakespeare  und  Borne.  ShJ  XXXIII  (1897)  253-257.  [1048] 

Brentano.  See  [1101]. 

Biichner 

Vogely,  H.  Georg  Biichner  and  Shakespeare.  Marburg  diss.,  Wiirzburg,     [1049] 
1934;  vi  +  55  pp. 

Eichendorff.  See  [1101]. 

Freiligrath 

Meyer,  Richard  M.  "Deutschland  ist  Hamlet."  ZVL  XV  (1904)  103-205     [1050] 
and  in  Gestalten  und  Probleme,  Berlin,  1905;  265-280. 
History  of  the  phrase :  Tieck,  Borne,  Wienbarg,  Freiligrath. 

Schreiber,  Carl  F.  Deutschland  ist  Hamlet.  PMLA  XXVIII   (1913)      [1051] 
555-576. 

Supplements  Meyer  [1050]  :  Borne,  Harro-Harring,  Freiligrath. 

Goethe.See  [797]-[841]. 

Gotthelf.  See  Bitzius. 

Grabbe 

Bartmann,  Hermann.  Grabbes  Verhaltnis  zu  Shakespeare.  Minister  diss.     [1052] 
1898;  45  pp. 

See  ShJ  XXXVI  (1900)  416. 

Hoch,  Horace  L.  Shakespeare's  influence  on  Grabbe.  University  of  Penn-      [1053] 
sylvania  diss.  [1911?]  ;  75  pp. 

Bergmann,   Alfred,    ed.   "fiber    die    Shakespeare-Manie.   Jahrbuch   der     [1054] 
Grabbe  Gesellschaft  I  (1939)  25-29. 

Hering,   Gerhard  F.   Grabbe   und   Shakespeare-Manie.   ShJ   LXXVII     [1055] 
(1941)  93-115. 

Grill-parser.  See  also  [1293]  f. 

Bolin,  Wilhelm.  Grillparzers  Shakespeare-Studien.  ShJ  XVIII  (1883)      [1056] 
104-126. 

Bratjn,  H.  Grillparzers  Verhaltnis  zu  Shakespeare.  Munchen  diss.  Niirn-     [1057] 
berg,  1913 ;  viii  +  115  pp. 

Gross,  Edgar.  Grillparzers  Verhaltnis  zu  Shakespeare.  ShJ  LI  (1915)      [1058] 
1-33. 

A.  E.  Zucker.  MLN  XXXI  (1916)  396-399. 

Yates,  D.  Grillparzers  Hero  und  Shakespeares  Juliet.  MLR  XXI  (1926)      [1059] 
419-425. 

Breyer,  Erna.  Grillparzers  Studien  zu  Shakespeare.  Wien  diss.,  1928,     [1060] 
typescript. 

Glucksmann,   Heinrich.   Grillparzer  und   Shakespeare.   GpJ  XXXIV     [1061] 
(1936)  44-65. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  ^15 

Salinger,  Herman.  Shakespeare's  tyranny  over  Grillparzer.  MDU  XXXI     [1062] 
(1939)  222-229. 

Be  Konig  Ottokars  Gliick  und  Ende. 

Gorlich,  Ernst.  Grillparzer  und  Shakespeare.  Versuch  einer  Deutung.     [1063] 
ShJ  LXXVIII-LXXIX  (1943)  73-80. 

Hardenberg.  See  [848]. 

Hebbel.  See  also  [992]  ff. 

Alberts,  Werner.  Hebbels  Stellung  zu  Shakespeare.  FNL  XXXIII     [1064] 
(1908)  78  pp. 
R.  Petsch.  ShJ  XLV  (1909)  356  f. 
R.  M.  Werner.  DLZ  XXIX  (1908)  2565-2569. 
E.  O.  Eckelman.  JEGPh  VII  (1908)  171. 
A.  Brandd.  ASNS  CXXI  (1908)  471. 
K.  Zeiss.  LE  XII  (1909)  99-101. 
R.  Bohme.  ZDU  XXIV  (1910)  271  f. 

A.  Tibal.  RG  IV  (1908)  577  f. 

P.  Baldensperger.  RG  IV  (1908)  608. 

Brues,  O.  Hebbel  und  Shakespeare,  Das  Nationaltheater  IV  (1931)  40-48.     [1065] 

Bartels,  Adolf.  Hebbel  und  Shakespeare,  in  Jahresgabe  der  Hebbel-     [1066] 
gemeinde,  1932 ;  pp.  5-40. 

L-.  Brun.  RG  XXV  (1934)  162  f. 

Heine 

Schalles,  E.  A.  Heines  Verhaltnis  zu  Shakespeare,  mit  einem  Anhang     [1067] 
iiber  Byron.  Berlin  diss.,  1904;  69  pp. 
R.  Petsch.  ShJ  XLI  (1905)  260-262. 

Von  Rudiger,  Gertrud.  Die  Zitate  in  Shdkespeares  Mddchen  und  Frauen     [1068] 
von  Heine.  Euphorion  XIX  (1912)  290-297. 

Hayens,   Kenneth.   Heine,   Hazlitt,  and  Mrs.  Jameson.  MLR  XVII     [1069] 
(1922)  42-49. 

Wadepuhl,  Walter.  Heine  und  Shakespeare.  Shakespeare  Association     [1070] 
Bulletin  XXI  (1946)  51-59. 

Keller.  See  also  [672]. 

Lxjowig,  Otto.  Gottfried  Kellers  Romeo  und  Julia  auf  dem  Dorfe.  In     [1071] 
Ludwig,  Schriften,  1891 ;  VI  49-51. 

Eleist.  See  also  [647]  and  [652]. 

Wolff,  Eugen.  Shakespeares  EinftuB  auf  Heinrich  von  Kleist.  Frank-     [1072] 
furter  Zeitung,  27.  und  28.  September,  1901. 
W.  DiBEmus.  ShJ  XXXVIII  (1902)  331. 

Fries,  Albert.  Stilistische  und  vergleichende  Forschungen  zu  Heinrich     [1073] 
von  Kleist .  . .  BBGKPh  XVII  (1906)  ;  108  pp. 

Pp.  2  f . :  Parallel  passages,  Shakespeare  and  Kleist.  Cf.  Pries  in  SVL  IV 
(1904)  236. 

B.  Hoffmann.  SVL  VI  (1907)  374  f. 

Fischer,  Ottokar.  Mimische  Studien  zu  Heinrich  von  Kleist,  1.  Heinrich     [1074] 
von  Kleist  und  Shakespeares  Macbeth,  Euphorion  XV  (1908)  488-503. 

Corssen,  Meta.  Kleists  und  Shakespeares  dramatische  Sprache.  Berlin     [1075] 
diss.,  1919  (1920);  74  pp. 
W.  Keller.  ShJ  LVII  (1921)  104  f. 


476      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Corssen,  Meta.  Kleists  und  Shakespeares  dramatische  Gestalten.  ShJ     [1076] 
LVIII  (1922)  46-67. 

Hellmann,  Hanna.  Kleists  Prinz  von  Homburg  und  Shakespeares  MaB     [1077] 
fiirMaB.  GEM  XI  (1923)  288-296. 

Corssen,  Meta.  Kleist  and  Shakespeare.  FNL  LXI  (1930)  ;  208  pp.  [1078] 

K.  ReuninG.  DLZ  LI  (1930)  2374-2376. 
W.  Keller.  ShJ  LXVI  (1930)  228. 
H.  Jantzen.  AB  XLII  (1931)  123  f. 
G.  Fricke.  ADA  L  (1931)  58-61. 
J.  C.  Blankenagel.  GR  VI  (1931)  299-301. 
M.  Corssen.  GRM  XIX  (1932)  456. 

Fries,  Carl.  Shakespeare  bei  Kleist.  ASNS  CLXVIII  (1935)  232-235.        [1079] 

Krumpelmann,  John  T.  Kleist's  Krug  and  Shakespeare's  Measure  for     [1080] 
measure.  GE  XXVI  (1951)  13-21. 

See  also   J.   T.   Krumpelmann,    Shakespeare's   Falstaff  dramas   and   Kleist's 
Der  zerbrochene  Krug  MLQ  XII   (1951)   462-472. 

Kruse 

Palm,  H.  Shakespeares  Julius  Casar  und  Kruses  Brutus.  ASNS  LVIII     [1081] 
(1877)  23-42. 
Brutus,  Trauerspiel  von  Heinrich  Kruse,  Leipzig  1874. 

Ludwig.  See  also  [1301]. 

Heydrick,   Moritz,    ed.    Otto    Ludwigs    ShaTcespeare-Studien.    Leipzig,     [1082] 
1872  (Halle  1901)  ;  lxxxv  +  396  pp. 

Scherer,  "Wilhelm.  Otto  Ludwigs  Shakespeare-Studien.  Vortrdge  und     [1083] 
Aufsatze  . . .  Berlin  1874;  389-399. 

Wachler,  Ernst.  Tiber  Otto  Ludwigs  asthetische  Grundsatze  Berlin  diss.      [1084] 
1897;  38  pp. 

Meyer,  Eichard  M.  Otto  Ludwigs  Shakespearestudium.  ShJ  XXXVII     [1085] 
(1901)  59-84. 

Adams,  Kurt.  Otto  Ludwigs  Theorie  des  Dramas.  Mit  einem  Anhang:      [1086] 
Versuch  einer  kritischen  Wiirdigung.  Greif  swald  diss.,  1912  ;  106  pp. 
The  "Versuch"  takes  issue  with  Meyer  [1085]. 

Fischer,  Bernhard.  Otto  Ludwigs  Trauerspielplan  Der  Sandwirt  von     [1087] 
Passeier  und  sein  Verhaltnis  zu  den  Shalcespeare-Studien.  Greifswald 
diss.,  Anklam,  1916 ;  vi  +  69  pp. 

H.  Schneider.  ADA  XLI  (1922)  102  f. 

Mis,  Leon.  Les  Etudes  sur  Shakespeare  d'Otto  Ludwig  exposees  dans  un     [1088] 
ordre  methodique  . . .  Lille,  1922 ;  ed.  2,  Paris,  1929 ;  180  pp. 
The  first  part  of  this  appeared  in  RG  XII  (1921)  1-15. 
H.  Knudsen.  LE  XXV  (1923)  1210-1212. 
R.  F.  Arnold.  Euphorion  XXV  (1924)  692  f. 
A.  Ludwig.  ASNS  CXLVIII  (1925)  256-259. 
R.  Petsch.  DLZ  XLVI  (1925)  1903-1906;  LI  (1930)  833  f. 
O.  H.  Brandt.  Die  Literatur  XXXIII  (1929)  48  f. 
J.  G.  Robertson.  MLR  XXV  (1930)  375  f. 
J.  Speck.  ASNS  CLXII  (1932)  129-131. 

Eaphael,  G.  Les  ShaJcespeare-Studien  d'Otto  Ludwig  et  le  Shakespeare     [1089] 
de  Gervinus.  Pp.  291-310  in  "Melanges  offerts  .  .  .  Ch.  Andler,"  Stras- 
bourg, 1924. 

Schulte,  Josef.  Ungedruekte  Plane  und  Entwiirfe  zu  Otto  Ludwigs     [1090] 
Tiberius  Gracchus  . .  .  Euphorion  XXXII  (1931)  398-440. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  All 

Bichter,  Fritz.  Otto  Ludwigs  Trauerspielplan  Tiberius  Gracchus  und     [1091] 
sein  Zusammenhang  mit  den  ShaTcespeare-Studien.  Sprache  und  Kultur 
d.  germ.  u.  rom.  Volker,  Eeihe  B,  XII  (1935)  ;  vii  +  89  pp. 
Also  Breslau  diss.,  1935. 
H.  M.  Wolf.  ASNS  CLXVI  (1935)  132  f. 
K.  Vogtheer.  DLZ  LVI  (1935)  1786-1790. 
A.  B[randl].  ASNS  CLXIX  (1936)  131. 
W.  L[inden].  ZfD  L  (1936)  293. 
W.  Baumgart.  ZDPh  LXII  (1937)  86. 

Kracke,  Arthur.  Die  dramatischen  Studien.  Otto  Ludwig  Jahrbuch  XI     [1092] 
(1939)  71-82  and  XII  (1940)  39-59. 

Alfes,  Leonhard.  Otto  Ludwigs  Shakespeare-Studien  in  ihren  Bezie-     [1093] 
hungen  zur  romantischen-idealistischen  Shakespeare-Kritik.  Bern  diss., 
1942;  typescript. 

Schwarz,    Alfred.    Otto    Ludwig's    Shakespearian   criticism.    Harvard     [1094] 
Studies  in  Comparative  Literature  XX,  Cambridge,  1950. 

Meyer.  See  also  [672]. 

Kraeger,  Heinrich.  Shakespeare-Verse  auf  der  Wanderung  in  Conrad     [1095] 
Ferd.  Meyers  Gedichten.  ES  XXVIII  (1900)  153-159. 

Platen 

Leitzmann,  Albert.  Shakespeare  in  Blatens  Tagebiichern.  ShJ  XXXVII     [1096] 
(1901)  216-230. 

Kallenbach,  Helene.  Blatens  Beziehungen  zu  Shakespeare.  SVL  VIII     [1097] 
(1908)  449-469. 

Kallenbach,  Helene.  and  Eudolf  Schlosser.  Shakespearsche  Spuren     [1098] 
in  Blatens  Sonetten.  SVL  IX  (1909)  360-362. 

Eaabe 

Seebass,  Adolf.  Eaabe  und  Shakespeare.  GEM  XXII  (1934)  1-22.  [1099] 

Bichter 

Schramm,  W.  A.  Shakespeare  und  Jean  Baul  oder  die  ewige  Eomantik.      [1100] 
Weimarer  Blatter  IV  (1922)  175-204. 
See  Jbl,  1922;  p.  76. 

Romantic  School 

Kltjckhohn,  Baul.  Die  Dramatiker  der  deutschen  Eomantik  als  Shake-     [1101] 
speare-Jiinger.  ShJ  LXXIV  (1938)  31-50. 

A.  W.  Schlegel,  Tieck,  Brentano,  Eichendorff,  Biiehner.  Achim  von  Arnim. 

Schlegel,  A.  W.  See  [1009]  ff. 

Tieck.  See  also  [647],  [649],  [698],  and  [1308]-[1318]. 

Koch,   Max.   Ludwig   Tiecks   Stellung   zu   Shakespeare.   Vortrag.   ShJ     [1102] 
XXXII  (1895)  330-347. 

Zelak,  D.  Tieck  und  Shakespeare  .  . .  Brog.  Tarnopol  1900.  Leipzig  1902 ;      [1103] 
72  pp. 

R.  Petsch.  ShJ  XXXIX  (1903)  288  f. 

Frerking,  Johann.   Zwei   Shakespeare-Farodien   in   Tiecks   VerJcehrte     [1104] 
Welt.  Euphorion  XVII  (1910)  355-356. 

Schriften  Bd.  V,   315  ff.  King  Lear  in  the  storm;   Bd.  V;   405  ff.  Julius 
Caesar,  the  conspiracy  of  the  Romans  in  Brutus'  garden. 


478      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Kerber,  E.  Neues  iiber  L.  Tiecks  Shakespeare-Studien.  Biihne  und  Welt     [1105] 
XV  (1913)  62-67. 

Ludeke,  Henry.  Ludwig  Tiecks  Shakespeare-Studien.  Zwei  Kapitel  zum     [1106] 
Thema  Ludwig  Tieck  und  das  alte  englische  Theater.  Frankfurt  diss., 
Zurich  1917;  62  pp. 

P.  Aronstein.  AB  XXVIII  (1917)  326  f. 
ANON.  ASNS  CXXXVII  (1918)  116  f. 
Cf.  [1308]  ff. 

Ludeke,   Henry.    Tieck's   Shakespeare-Buch :   ein  neuer  Fund.   ASNS     [1107] 
CXXXIX  (1919)  210-213. 

Cf.  Tieck's  Shakespeare-Buch,  ed.  Liideke,  Halle,  1920. 

Eichler,   Albert.   Zur   Quellengeschichte   und  Technik  von  L.   Tiecks     [1108] 
Shakespearenovellen.  ES  LVI  (1922)  254-280. 

Fischer,  Walther.  Ludwig  Tiecks  Shakespeare.  DNS  XXIV   (1926)      [1109] 
102-108. 

Mortl,  Hans.  Damonie  und  Theater  in  der  Novelle  Der  junge  Tischler-     [1110] 
meister ;  zum  Shakespeare-Erlebnis  Ludwig  Tiecks.  ShJ  LXVI  (1930) 
145-159. 

Pfeiffer,  Emilie.  Shakespeare  und  Tiecks  Marchendrama.  Mnemosyne     [1111] 
XIII  (1933);  84  pp. 

W.  Keller.  ShJ  LXXI  (1935)  123-125. 

Wagner 

Speck,  Hermann  G.  B.  Wagners  Verhaltnis  zu  Shakespeare.  Bichard     [1112] 
Wagner- Jahrbuch  I  (1906)  209-226. 
W.  Golther.  DLZ  XXVII  (1906)  2721  f. 

THE  TWENTIETH  CENTURY 

Bibliography.  See  [637]. 

German  relation  to  Shakespeare 

Goldschmidt,  Kurt  Walter.  Wir  und  Shakespeare.  LE  IX  (1907)  491-     [1113] 
497. 

Grabau,  C.  Deutsche  Shakespeare-Jubilaen.  ShJ  LI  (1915)  235-240.  [1114] 

Ludwig,  Albert.  Deutsche  Shakespeare-Wissenschaft  im  Jubilaumsjahr.     [1115] 
LE  XIX  (1916)  27-30. 

Hecht,  Hans.  Shakespeare  in  unserer  Gegenwart.  ShJ  LXX  (1934)  117-     [1116] 
133. 

Wagner,  Joseph.  Was  ist  uns  Shakespeare?  ShJ  LXXIV  (1938)  12-19.     [1117] 

Schlosser,  Bainer.  Der  deutsche  Shakespeare.  ShJ  LXXIV  (1938)  20-     [1118] 
31. 

Schmidt,  Wolfgang.  Shakespeare  im  Leben  und  in  der  Wissenschaft  des     [1119] 
neuen  Deutschlands.  ZfNU  XXVIII  (1939)  174-177. 
Review  of  recent  publications. 

THE  GERMAN  STAGE 

Hecht,  Hans.  Shakespeare  und  die  deutsche  Biihne  der  Gegenwart.  GEM     [1120] 
11(1910)288-289,348-357. 
C.  Grabau.  ShJ  XL VII  (1911)  287  f. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  479 

Kilian,  Eugen.  Timon  von  Athen  auf  der  heutigen  Biihne.  ShJ  XLIX     [1121] 
(1913)  122-136. 

Kahane,  A.  Max  Reinhardts  Shakespeare-Zyklus  im  Deutsehen  Theater     [1122] 
zu  Berlin.  ShJ  L  (1914)  107-120. 

Marx,  Paul.  Shakespeare  und  die  modernen  Biihnenprobleme  (seit  1907).     [1123] 
ShJ  LI  (1915)  53-70. 

With  a  reference  to  Max  Reinhardt's  indebtedness  to  Gordon  Craig. 

Luserke,  Martin.  Shakespeare  und  das  heutige  deutsche  Laienspiel.  ShJ     [1124] 
LXIX  (1933)  112-120. 

Gohler,   Gerhart.   Zum   Biihnenprobleme   des  Cymbeline.   ShJ  LXIX     [1125] 
(1933)  131-165. 

To  Gohler's  presentation  of  Cymbeline,  Weimar,  1933. 

Stroedel,  Wolfgang.  Shakespeare  auf  der  deutsehen  Biihne  vom  Ende     [1126] 
des  Weltkrieges  bis  zur  Gegenwart.  SdSG  II,  Weimar,  1938 ;  x  +  97  pp. 
W.  Keller.  ShJ  LXXV  (1939)  171  f. 
J.  B.  Leishman.  MLR  XXV  (1940)  85  f. 
Anon.  JEGPh  XL  (1941)  271. 
W.  Jacobi.  AB  LI  (1940)  91-93. 
R.  Siebeck.  LblGRPh  LXII  (1941)  307. 

Thurmann,  Irmgard.  Shakespeare  im  Film.  ShJ  LXXVII  (1940)  189-     [1127] 
198. 
W.  F.  Schirmee.  ASNS  CLXXVIII  (1940)  145-146. 

Stahl,  Ernst  Leopold.  Shakespeare  in  Europa  nach  dem  zweiten  Welt-     [1128] 
krieg.  ShJ  LXXXII-LXXXIII  (1948)  154-163. 

For  the  period  1950—1951  in  Germany  and  1945—1950  in  Austria  see  ShJ 
LXXXVII-LXXXVIII   (1951-1952)  174-197. 

Sttjcki,  Lokenz.  Max  Reinhardts  Shakespeare-Inszenierungen.Wien  diss.,     [1129] 
1948;  typescript. 

TRANSLATORS 

Gundolf 

Bohtlingk,  Arthur.  Gundolf  s  Shakespeare  in  deutscher  Sprache.  Ein     [1130] 
Vademecum.  Karlsruhe,  1929;  40  pp. 

Hecht,  Hans.  Friedrieh  Gundolfs  Shakespeare.  ASNS  CLIX   (1931)      [1131] 
222-230. 

Josten.  See  also  [1137]. 

Ackermann,   Erich.   Shakespeare,   deutsch;    Eine   Einfiihrung   in   das     [1132] 
tibersetzungswerk  von  Walter  Josten.  Hamburg,  1937;  78  pp. 
W.  Fischer.  AB  LII  (1941)  66  f. 
J.  Speck.  ASNS  CLXXV  (1939)  224-227. 

Josten,    Walter.    Schwierigkeiten    in    der    Shakespeare-trbersetzung.     [1133] 
ASNS  CLXXV  (1941-1942)  117-118,  and  ZfNIT  XL  (1941)  274-279. 
See  also  [1137]. 

Eothe 

Rothe,  Hans.  Der  Kampf  um  Shakespeare.  Leipzig,  1936;  105  pp.  [H34] 

W.  Keller.  ShJ  LXXII  (1936)  162  f. 
W.  Linden.  ZfD  L  (1936)  260. 
W.  Fischer.  AB  XL VII  (1936)  97-102. 
K.  Wittlinger,  ShJ  LXXXVII-LXXXVIII   (1952)   158-173. 

For  other  literature  regarding  the  controversy  over  Rothe's  translation  see 
JEGPh  XXXVI  (1937)  256  f. 


480      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Schroder 

Gopfert,  Herbert  Georg.  Unsere  Meinung:  Alexander  Schroders  Ver-     [1135] 
deutschung  von  Shakespeares  Sommernachtstraum.  Die  neue  Literatur 
XLIII  (1941)  258-261. 

Sehrt,   B.    Der   entromantisierte   Sommernachtstraum.   Zu   Bud.   Alex.     [1136] 
Schroders  Neuiibertragung.  GEM  XXIX  (1941)  201-219. 

Schwarz  and  Josten 

Schwarz,  Hedwig  and  Walter  Josten.  Neue  Shakespeare-ubersetzun-     [1137] 
gen  in  Selbstanzeigen.  ShJ  LXXXII-LXXXIII  (1948)  199-206. 

GERMAN  AUTHORS 

Ernst 

Gopfert,  Herbert  Georg.  Paul  Ernst  und  die  Tragodie.  Form  und  Geist     [1138] 
XXIX  (1932)  ;  vii  +  191  pp. 
Cf.  espec.  pp.  101-111. 
A.  Beandl.  ASNS  CLXIV  (1933)  357  f. 
R.  Petsch.  DLZ  LV  (1934)  1170  f. 

Neuhof,  Hans.  Moderne  Shakespearekritik.  Paul  Ernst.  ShJ  LXX  (1934)      [1139] 

65-88. 

George 

Norwood,  Eugene.  Stefan  George's  translations  of  Shakespeare  sonnets.     [1140] 
MDU  XLIV  (1952)  217-224. 

Eauptmann 

Tardel,   Hermann.   Gerhart   Hauptmanns  Schluck  und  Jau  und  Ver-      [1141] 
wandtes.  SVL  II  (1902)  184-202. 

Beckmann,  J.H.  Hauptmann  und  Shakespeare.  Poet  Lore  XXIII  (1912)      [1142] 
56-63. 

Schluck  und  Jau  and  Taming  of  the  Shrew. 

Lemke,    Ernst.    Gerhart    Hauptmann    und    Shakespeare.    Neuphilol.     [1143] 
Blatter  (1920)  217. 

Tempest  and  Indipohdi. 

Francke,  Leo.  Gerhart  Hauptmanns  .HamZetf-Bearbeiturig.  ShJ  LXIV     [1144] 
(1928)  226-229. 

Eeichart,  Walter  A.  A  modern  German  Hamlet.  JEGPh  XXXI  (1932)      [1145] 
27-50. 

Gillet,  Louis.  Un  Hamlet  de  Gerhart  Hauptmann.  EDM,  March  1936,     [1146] 
207-220. 

Wahr,  Fred  B.  The  Hauptmann  Hamlet.  PQ  XVI  (1937)  124-135.  [1147] 

Prahl,  A.  J.  Bermerkungen  zu  Gerhart  Hauptmanns  Hamlet  in  Witten-     [1148] 
berg.  MDU  XXIX  (1937)  153-157. 

Voigt,  Felix  A.  Gerhart  Hauptmann  and  England.  GEM  XXV  (1937)      [1149] 
321-329. 

Stirk,  S.  D.  Gerhart  Hauptmann  and  Hamlet.  GLL  I  3  (1937).  [1150] 

Stirk:,  S.  D.  A  note  on  Gerhart  Hauptmann's  Hamlet  in  Wittenberg.     [1151] 
MLE  XXXII  (1937)  595-597. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  481 

Voigt,  Felix  A.  and  Reichart,  Walter  A.  Hauptmann  und  Shake-     [1152] 
speare  .  . .  Deutschkiindliche  Arbeiten,  Reihe  A,  XII,  Breslau,  1938 ; 
viii  +  154  pp.  2.  neubearbeitete  Auflage,  gekiirzt.  Goslar,  1947 ;  152  pp. 

H.  Barnstorff.  MDU  XXX  (1938)  464  f. 

A.  Brandl.  ASNS  CLXXIV  (1938)  210  f. 

W.  Preusler.  AB  L  (1939)  119-121. 

S.  Smith.  Books  Abroad,  1939;  pp.  356. 

C.  F.  W.  Behl.  Die  Literatur  XLI  (1939)  375  f. 

F.  Piquet.  RG  XXX  (1939)  273-275. 

H.  H.  Borcherdt.  DLZ  LXI  (1940)  1050-1052. 

W.  Baumgart.  ZDPh  LXV  (1940)  223  f. 

H.  J.  Weigand.  GR  XVI  (1941)  225-228. 

W.  J.  Mueller.  JEGPh  XL  (1941)  164  f. 

Busse,  A.  The  case  of  Hauptmann's  Hamlet.  MDU  XXX  (1938)  160-     [1153] 
170. 

Wahr,  F.  B.  The  Timon  mood  and  its  correctives  in  Gerhart  Hauptmann.      [1154] 
GR  XVI  (1941)  123-133. 

Gregor,  Joseph.  Edward  Gordon  Craigs  Hamlet,  Phaidros  1947,  153-175.     [1155] 
Goethe,  Craig,  Stanislawsky,  Hauptmann. 

Voigt,  Felix.  Gerhart  Hauptmann  and  Shakespeare.  ShJ  LXX VIII  and     [1156] 
LXXIX  (1943)  6-28. 
A  resume  of  [1152] . 

Galambos,  Wilhelm.  Gerhart  Hauptmanns  Interesse  fur  Shakespeares     [1157] 
Hamlet.  Wien  diss.,  1948 ;  typescript. 

Microfilm  in  University  of  California  library. 

Mann 

Maurer,  K.  W.  Tonio  Kroger  and  Hamlet.  MLR  XLIII  (1948)  520.  [1158] 

Puknat,  Siegfried  B.  Ddktor  Faustus  and  Love's  Labour's  Lost.  Prog.,     [1159] 
PAPC,  Eugene,  Oregon,  1950. 


Part  Four 
THE  ERA  OF  WORLD  LITERATURE 

The  Nineteenth  Century 
AMERICAN  INFLUENCES 

American  literature  in  Germany :  Bibliographical  worTcs 

Flugel,   Ewald.   Die  nordamerikanische  Literatur;    Bibliographie.   In     [1160] 
Wiilker's  Geschichte  der  englischen  Literatur.  Leipzig,  1907;  II  557-561. 
The  most  important  German  translations  are  indicated. 

Smith,  O.  Alphonso.  Die  amerikanische  Literatur.  Vorlesungen,  Berlin     [1161] 
Univ.,  1910-1911.  Berlin,  1912;  388  pp. 

The  bibliography,  pp.  369-380,  supplements  Flugel  [1160]. 

Roehm,  Alfred  I.  Bibliographie  und  Kritik  der  deutschen  "Ubersetzungen     [1162] 
aus  der  amerikanischen  Dichtung.  University  of  Chicago,  diss.,  Leipzig, 
1910;  62  pp. 

Bryant,   Longfellow,    Poe,   Whittier,    Lowell,    Holmes,   Emerson,   Whitman, 
Taylor,  Joaquin  Miller,  Bret  Harte,  Aldrich,  Stoddard,  et  al. 


482      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modem  Philology 

Peckham,  H.  Houston.  Is  American  literature  read  and  respected  in     [1163] 
Europe?  South  Atlantic  Quarterly  XIII  (1914)  382-388. 

Translations  of  Bryant,  Clemens,  Cooper,  Emerson,  Franklin,  Harte,  Haw- 
thorne, Irving,  Longfellow,  Lowell,  Motley,  Parkman,  Poe,  Prescott,  Whitman, 
and  Whittier. 

Vollmer,  Clement.  The  American  novel  in  Germany  1871-1913.  GAA,     [1164] 
NS,  XV  (1917)  113-115  and  165-219. 

With  a  bibliography  of  reprints  and  translations,  1871—1913. 

America  and  German  literature.  See  also  [20]  if. 

Baker,  T.  S.  America  as  the  political  Utopia  of  Young  Germany.  AG  I  2      [1165] 
(1897)  62-102. 

Von  Klenze,  Camillo.  The  United  States  in  European  literature.  Prog.      [1166] 
MLA,  Princeton,  December  1908. 

The  romantic  view  of  America  and  America  as  the  land  of  pure  democracy: 
Rousseau,  Schiller,  Kant,  Goethe,  Chateaubriand.  Waning  romanticism :  Lenau, 
Dickens,  Kiirnberger.  Critical  studies  by  Bryee,  Polenz,  Miinsterberg,  Lam- 
precht,  et  al.  See  PMLA  XXIV  (1909)  appendix  xiii-xiv. 

Breffka,    Const.    Amerika    in    der    deutschen   Literatur.    Literarische     [1167] 
Abhandlung.  Koln,  1917;  27  pp. 

Schoenemann,  Friedrich.  Das  Amerikanertum  in  der  Literatur.  Ameri-     [1168] 
kakunde,  Bremen,  1921. 

Weber,  Paul  C.  America  in  imaginative  German  literature  in  the  first     [1169] 
half  of  the  nineteenth  century.  CUGS  1926 ;  xv  +  301  pp. 
L.  BRUN.  RG  XVIII  (1927)  165. 
E.  H.  Zeydel.  Euphorion  XXVIII  (1927)  317-320. 
E.  H.  Zeydel.  MLN  XLII  (1927)  204-207. 
W.  R.  MLR  XXII  (1927)  247. 
J.  W.  Kindervater.  LZ  LXXVIII  (1927)  1129  f. 

SCHROEDER,  S.  Amerika  in  der  deutschen  Dichtung  von  1850-1890.  Heidel-     [1170] 
berg  diss.,  Wertheim  am  Main,  1934;  95  pp. 

Wehe,  W.  Das  Amerika-Erlebnis  in  der  deutschen  Literatur  .  .  .  Geist  der     [1171] 
Zeit  XVII  (1934)  96-104. 

Wagner,  Lydia  Elizabeth.  The  reserved  attitude  of  early  German  Eoman-     [1172] 
ticists  toward  America.  GQ  XVI  (1943)  8-12. 

Doll,  Eugene  Edgar.  American  history  as  interpreted  by  German  his-     [1173] 
torians  1770-1815.  Transactions  of  the  American  Philosophical  Society. 
New  Series  XXXVIII  5,  1948-1949. 
A.  E.  ZUCKER.  AGR  XVI  4  (1949)  33-34. 

E.  Kraehe.  Journal  of  Southern  History  XV  4  (1949)  529-538. 
D.  Kunz.  MDU  XLIII  (1951)  355  f. 

Von  Krockow,  Lida.  American  characters  in  German  novels.  Atlantic     [1174] 
Monthly  LXVIII  (1891)  824-838. 

Influence  of  Hawthorne's,  Cooper's,  Bret  Harte's  romantic  characters,  and  of 
Howell's,  James's,  Mark  Twain's  realistic  types  on  German  pictures  of  Ameri- 
can life. 

Barba,  Preston  A.  The  American  Indian  in  German  fiction.  GAA  XI     [1175] 
(1933)  143-174. 

Barba,  Preston  A.  Emigration  to  America  reflected  in  German  fiction.     [1176] 
GAA  XII  (1914)  193-227. 

Schoenemann,  Friedrich.  Deutsche  und  amerikanische  Bomane.  German-     [1177] 
istic  Society  Quarterly  III  (1916)  96-105  and  158-177. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  483 

Van  de  Luyster,  Nelson.  Emigration  to  America  as  reflected  in  the     [1178] 
German  novel  of  the  19th  century:  Especially  in  the  fiction  of  Bitzius, 
Laube,  Gutzkow,  Auerbach,  Freytag,  Storm,  Keller,  Spielhagen,  Heyse, 
Eaabe.  University  of  North  Carolina  diss.,  unpublished,  1943. 

Fontane 

Correll,  Ernst.  Theodore  Fontane's  Quitt.  Mennonite  Quarterly  Eeview     [1179] 
XVI  (1942)  221-222. 

Zieglschmid,  A.  J.  F.  Truth  and  fiction  and  Mennonites  in  second  part     [1180] 
of  Theodor  Fontane's  novel  Quitt.  The  Indian  Territory.  Mennonite 
Quarterly  Eeview  XVI  (1942)  223-246. 

Freiligrath 

Learned,  M.  D.  Ferdinand  Freiligrath  in  America.  AG  I  (1897)  54-78.       [1181] 
Acquaintance  with  Longfellow  et  al. 

Gerstacker 

See  also  Strubberg. 

O'Donnell,  George  H.  E.  Gerstacker  in  America,  1837-1843.  PMLA     [1182] 
XLII  (1927)  1036-1043. 

Prahl,  Augustus  J.  America  in  the  works  of  Gerstacker.  MLQ  IV(1932)      [1183] 
213-224. 

Evans,  Clarence.  Friedrich  Gerstacker,  social  chronicler  of  the  Arkansas     [1184] 
frontier.  Arkansas  Historical  Quarterly  VI  (1948)  440-449. 

Evans,  Clarence.  A  cultural  link  between  nineteenth  century  German     [1185] 
literature  and  the  Arkansas  Ozarks.  MLJ  XXXV  (1951)  523-530. 
The  town  of  Combs  in  the  Ozarks  as  the  setting  of  Germelshausen. 

Goetlie 

Mackall,  Leonard.   Briefwechsel  zwischen  Goethe  und  Amerikanern.      [1186] 
GJXXV  (1904)  1-37. 

Everett,  Lyman,  Cogswell,  Kirkland,  Bancroft,  Calvert. 

Wadepuhl,  Walter.  "Amerika,  du  hast  es  besser."  GE  VII  (1932)  186-     [1187] 
191. 

Wadepuhl,  Walter.  Goethe's  interest  in  the  new  world.  Jena,  Fromann,     [1188] 
1934;  84  pp. 
H.  Ptond.  AGR  I  4  (1935)  45  f. 
C.  D.  Vail.  JEGPh  XXXV  (1936)  611  f. 
O.  W.  Long,  GR  XI  (1936)  60-62. 

Long,  Orie  William.  Literary  pioneers.  Early  American  explorers  of     [1189] 
European  culture.  Cambridge,  Harvard  University  Press,  1935;  267  pp. 
Ticknor,  Everett,  Cogswell,  and  Bancroft  visit  Goethe. 

Beutler,  Ernst.  Von  der  Ilm  zum  Susquehanna.  Goethe  und  Amerika     [1190] 
in  ihren  Wechselbeziehungen.  Goethe-Kalender  auf  das  Jahr  1935,  pp. 
86-153,  and  in  Essays  urn  Goethe,  Wiesbaden,  1946;  I  462-520. 

Eeinsch,  Frank  H.  Goethe  and  American  freedom.  MLF  XXI  (1936)      [1191] 
122-127. 

Hellersberg-Wendriner,  Anna.  America  in  the  world  view  of  the  aged     [1192] 
Goethe.  GE  XIV  (1939)  270-276. 

Pfund,  Harry  W.  "Amerika,  du  hast  es  besser."  Yearbook  of  the  German     [1193] 
Society  of  Pennsylvania  I  (1950)  33-43. 


484      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modem  Philology 

Riley,  Thomas.  Goethe  and  Parker  Cleaveland.  PMLA  LXVII  (1952)      [1194] 
350-374. 

Knortz 

Frenz,   Horst.   Karl   Knortz,  interpreter   of   American  literature  and     [1195] 
culture.  AGE  III  3  (1946)  27-30. 

Kiirnberger.  See  also  [1199]. 

Mulfinger,  George  A.  Ferdinand  Kiirnbergers  Roman  Der  Amerikamude,     [1196] 
dessen  Quellen  und  Verhaltnis  zu  Lenaus  Amerikareise.  GAA  V  (1903) 
315-346,  385-405. 

Meyer,  Hildegard.  Nordamerika  im  Urteil  des  deutsehen  Schrifttums     [1197] 
bis  zur  Mitte  des  19.  Jahrhunderts.  Eine  Untersuchung  iiber  Kiirn- 
bergers Amerikamiiden  mit  einer  Bibliographic  Hamburg,  1929 ;  vi  + 
166  pp. 

A.  Hasenclever.  DLZ  LI  (1930)  230  f. 

L.  M.  PRICE.  MDU  XXII  (1930)  61-63. 

La  'Roche 

Lange,  Victor.  Visitors  to  Lake  Oneida.  An  account  of  the  background     [1198] 
of  Sophie  La  Roche's  novel,  Erscheinungen  am  See  Oneida.  Symposium, 
May  1948,  pp.  48-78. 

Lenau 

See  also  Kiirnberger. 
Castle,  Eduard.  Amerikamude,  Lenau  und  Kiirnberger.  GpJ  XII  (1902)      [1199] 
15-42. 

Ebner,  Eduard.  Deutsche  Dichter  auf  Reisen.  Niirenberg,  1913;  vii  +     [1200] 
252  pp. 

Pp.  143—176:  Lenau  in  America. 

Blankenagel,  J.  C.  Deeds  to  Lenau's  property  in  Ohio.  GR  II  (1927)      [1201] 
210-212. 

Roustan,  L.  Le  Sejour  de  Lenau  en  Amerique.  RLC  VIII  (1928)  62-86.      [1202] 

Arndt,  Karl  J.R.   Nikolaus  Lenau's  American  experience.  MDU  XXIV     [1203] 
(1932)  241-243. 

Arndt,  Karl  J.B.   Lenau's  lost  poem  "An  die  Ultraliberalen  in  Deutsch-     [1204] 
land."  GR  XIX  (1944)  180-185. 

Liliencron 

Loewenberg,  Ernst  L.  Liliencron  und  Amerika.  MDU  XXXVII  (1945)      [1205] 
428-433. 

Mackay 

Riley,  Thomas.  New  England  anarchism  in  Germany.  New  England     [1206] 
Quarterly  XVIII  (1945)  25-38. 

Euppius.  See  also  [1231]. 

Graewert,  Theodor.  Otto  Ruppius  und  der  Amerikaroman  im  19.  Jahr-      [1207] 
hundert.  Jena  diss.,  Eisf  eld  in  Thiiringen,  1935  ;  70  pp. 
O.  Neuendorff.  JbL  XV  (1935)  205. 

Schrader,  Frederick  F.  Otto  Ruppius.  A  career  in  America.  AGR  IX  3      [1208] 
(1943)  28-33. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  485 

Sealsfield 

Faust,  Albert  B.  Charles  Sealsfield,  der  Dichter  beider  Hemispharen.     [1209] 
Weimar,  1897;  295  pp. 

R.  Furst.  JbL  VIII  (1897)  IV,  3,  149. 

J.  Goebel.  AG  I  3  (1897)  97-103. 

R.  G.  Gruener.  MLN  XIII  (1898)  190-192. 

G.  Sarrazin.  ASNS  C  (1898)  94-103. 

O.  Heller.  JEGPh  VII  (1908)  130-133. 

Djordjewttsch,  J.  Charles  Sealsfields  Auffassung  des  Amerikanertums     [1210] 
und  seine  literarhistorische  Stellung.  FNL  LXI V  (1931)  135  pp. 
W.  Fischer.  LblGRPh  LV  (1934)  31-33. 
Cf.  N.  L,  Willey.  [1219]. 

Dallmann,  William  P.  The  spirit  of  America  as  interpreted  in  the  works     [1211] 
of  Charles  Sealsfield.  Washington  University  diss.,  St.  Louis,  1937 ; 
xii  +  125  pp. 

B.  Q.  MORGAN.  MDU  XXX  (1938)  288  f. 
M.  D.  Dilkey.  GR  XIII  (1938)  222  f. 

C.  Gohdes.  MLN  LIV  (1939)  203  f. 

Bauernfeind,  Liselotte.  Karl  Postl-Charles  Sealsfield:  Die  Demokratie     [1212] 
im  Lichte  seines  literarischen  Schaffens  und  seiner  Personliehkeit.Wien 
diss.,  1948 ;  typescript. 

Microfilm  in  University  of  California  library. 

Sealsfield — Sources 

Heller,  Otto.  The  source  of  chapter  1  of  Sealsfield's  Lebensbilder  aus     [1213] 
der  westlichen  HemispMre.  MLN  XXIII  (1908)  172-173. 

A  Sketch  from  Life  in  New  York  Mirror  and  Ladies'  Literary  Gazette,  No- 
vember 7,  1829.  Identical  plots. 

Bordier,  Paul.  Sealsfield,  ses  idees,  ses  sources  d'apres  le  Kajutenbuch.     [1214] 
EG  V  (1909)  273-300  and  369-421. 

Accounts  of  explorations,  Chateaubriand,  Irving's  Astoria. 

Thompson,  Garrett  W.  An  inquiry  into  the  sources  of  Charles  Seals-      [1215] 
field's  novel  Morton  oder  die  groBe  Tour.  University  of  Pennsylvania 
diss.,  Philadelphia,  1910 ;  56  pp. 

Personal  observation,  Cooper,  Irving,  Scott. 

Cf.  ZfFEU  XXII  (1923)  170-174. 

Heller,  Otto.  Some  sources  of  Sealsfield.  MPh  VII  (1910)  587-592.  [1216] 

Samuel  Lover  et  al. 
Cf.  O.  Heller.  MLR  III  (1908)  360-365. 

Barba,  Preston  A.  Sealsfield  sources.  GAA  IX  (1911)  31-39.  [1217] 

A  Journey  to  Texas,   anon.,  N.Y.,  1834,  and  Das  Kajutenbuch. 

Uhlendorf,  B.  A.  Two  additional  sources  of  Sealsfield.  JEGPh  XX     [1218] 
(1921)  417-418. 

McKinney's  Sketches  of  a  Tour  to  the  Lakes  .  .  .  and  Der  Legitime  und  die 
Republikaner,  Zurich,  1823. 

Willey,  Norman.  Charles  Sealsfield  as  a  realist.  MDU  XXXIV  (1942)      [1219] 
295-306. 

K.  J.  R.  Arndt.  MDU  XXXV  (1943)  271-285. 
N.  J.  Willey.  MDU  XXXV  (1943)  365-377. 

Krumpelmann,  John  T.  A  source  for  local  color  in  Sealsfield's  Eajiiten-     [1220] 
ouch.  JEGPh  XLIII  (1944)  428-433. 

J.  H.  Ingraham's  The  Southeast  by  a  Yankee,  1831. 

Aufderheide,   Elfriede.   Das   Amerika-Erlebnis  in  den   Komanen  von     [1221] 
Charles  Sealsfield.  Gottingen  diss.,  1946. 


486      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modem  Philology 

Schroeder,  Adolf  E.  New  sources  of  Charles  Sealsfield.  JEGPh  LXVI     [1222] 
(1947)  70-74. 

Willey,  Norman  L.  Sealsfleld's  working  methods.  Papers  of  the  Michigan     [1223] 
Society  of  Science,  Arts  and  Letters  XXXIV  (1948)  299-315. 
Published  1950.  Das  Eajiitenbuch  as  a  source  book. 

Krtjmpelmann,  John  T.  Sealsfleld's  "China  trees."  MDU  XLIII  (1951)      [1224] 
44-45. 

Krtjmpelmann,  John  T.  Sealsfield  and  sources.  MDU  XLIII   (1951)      [1225] 
324-326. 

Sealsfield — Americanisms 

Schmidt,  Max  L.  Amerikanismen  bei  Charles  Sealsfield.  Deutsche  Studien     [1226] 
zur  Geistesgeschichte  V,  Wiirzburg,  1937 ;  iii  +  82  pp. 
Also  diss.,  Bonn,  1937. 
M.  C.  Dilkbt.  GR  XIII  (1938)  223  f. 
B.  Q.  Morgan.  MDU  XXX  (1938)  288  f. 
G.  E.  Giesecke.  JEGPh  XXXIX  (1940)  277-281. 

Dilkey,  Marvin  Charles.  A  critical  investigation  of  Charles  Sealsfield's     [1227] 
literary  style.  Cornell  University  Abstracts  of  Theses.  Ithaca,  N.Y., 
1938;  pp.  46-48. 

Heller,  O.  and  Leon,  Theodore  H.  The  language  of  Charles  Sealsfield.     [1228] 
A  study  in  atypical  usage.  St.  Louis,  Washington  University  Studies, 
new  series,  Language  and  Literature  XI,  1941;  xi  +  144  pp. 

K.  J.  Arndt.  GR  XVI  (1941)  151  f. 

K.  J.  Arndt.  MDU  XXXIII  (1941)  335. 

A.  B.  Faust.  MLQ  III  (1942)  315-318. 

N.  L.  Willet.  MLJ  XXVII  (1943)  223. 

A.  J.  Prahl.  MLN  LVIII  (1943)  155  f. 

Krtjmpelmann,  John  T.  Charles  Sealsfield's  Americanisms.  American     [1229] 
Speech  XVI  (1941)  26-31  and  104-111. 

Macmillan,  James  B.  Lexical  evidence  from  Charles  Sealsfield.  Ameri-      [1230] 
can  Speech  XVIII  (1943)  117-127. 

Strubberg 

Woodson,  L.  H.  American  negro  slavery  in  the  works  of  Strubberg,     [1231] 
Friedrich  Gerstaecker,  and  Otto  Kuppius.  Washington,  Catholic  Uni- 
versity of  America  Press,  1949;  340  pp. 
A.  J.  Prahl..  MLN  LXV  (1950)  214-215. 
J.  T.  Krumpelmann.  MDU  XLII  (1951)  243. 

ENGLISH  INFLUENCES 

English  literature 

Sigmann,  Ltjise.  Die  englische  Literatur  von  1800-1850  im  Urteil  der     [1232] 
zeitgenossischen    deutschen    Kritik.    Anglistische    Forschungen    LV 
(1918)  319  pp. 
ANON.  ASNS  CXXXIX  (1919)  128. 
W.  P.  Schirmer.  DNS  XXX  (1922)  188-190. 

Eouth,  H.  V.  Toward  the  twentieth  century  .  .  .  N.Y.,  Macmillan,  1937;      [1233] 
x  +  392pp. 

English- American-German  relations. 
H.  M.  Jones.  Am.  Lit.  X  (1938)  358-360. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  487 

English  literature  and  Switzerland 

Schindler,  J.  Das  Bild  des  Englanders  in  der  Kunst-  und  Volksliteratur     [1234] 
der  deutschen  Sehweiz  von  1798-1848.  Zurich,  1950 ;  167  pp. 

Graf,  Emil.  Die  Aufnahme  der  englischen  und  deutschen  Literatur  in  der     [1235] 
deutschen  Sehweiz  von  1800-1830.  Zurich,  n.d.  [1951?]  ;  247  pp. 
K.  Brunner.  MLR  XL VII   (1952)   424. 

England  and  Young  Germany 

Whyte,  John.  Young  Germany  in  its  relations  to  Britain.  Ottendorf  er  . . .     [1236] 
Germanic  Monographs  VIII,  Menasha,  Wis.,  1917;  87  pp. 
F.  Schoenemann.  MLN  XXXIII  (1918)  168-172. 
Anon.  ASNS  CXLVIII  (1925)  154. 

English  novel 

Schmidt,  Julian".  Studien  iiber  den  englischen  Boman,  in  Bilder  aus  dem     [1237] 
geistigen  Leoen  unserer  Zeit,  Leipzig,  1875;  IV  272-340. 

McCluney,  Daniel  Catlin,  Jr.  The  reception  of  the  gentleman  concept     [1238] 
in  Germany.   Stanford  University  Abstracts  of  Dissertations,  XXV 
(1949-1950)  144-147. 

English  literature  and  German  music.  See  also  [680]  ff. 

Frehn,  Paul.  Der  EinfluB  der  englischen  Literatur  auf  Deutschlands     [1239] 
Musik  und  Musiker  im  19.  Jahrhundert.  Diisseldorf,  1938;  v  +  196  pp. 
H.  Halbig.  DLZ  LXII  (1941)  120. 

GERMAN  AUTHORS 

Droste-Hiilshoff 

Badt,  Bertha.  Annette  von  Droste-Hiilshoff,  ihre  dichterische  Entwick-      [1240] 
lung  und  ihr  Verhaltnis  zur  englischen  Literatur.  BBL  XVII  (1909)  ; 
96  pp. 

Shakespeare,  Scott,  Irving,  Southey,  Byron. 
H.  Kallenbach.  SVLIX  (1909)  464-467. 
F.  Baldensperger.  RG  VI  (1910)  78. 
A.  Andrae.  AB  XXI  (1910)  137-139. 
H.  Jantzen.  ZfFEU  IX  (1910)  82  f. 

Nettenheim,  J.    A.  von  Droste  und  die  englische  Bomantik.  Jahrbuch     [1241] 
der  Droste-Gesellschaft.  Begensburg,  1910. 

Herzfeld,  Georg.  Zu  Annette  von  Drostes  englischen  Quellen.  AB  XXXI     [1242] 
(1920)  135  f. 

Fontane 

See  also  Scott  and  Thackeray. 

Wegmann,  Carl.  Theodor  Fontane  als  tibersetzer  englischer  und  schot-     [1243] 
tischer  Balladen.  Minister  diss.,  1910;  113  pp. 

Benzmann,  Hans.  Der  Balladenstil  Theodor  Fontanes.  Eekart,  1913;      [1244] 
781-790. 

Bhyn,  Hans.  Die  Balladendichtung  Theodor  Fontanes  mit  besonderer     [1245] 
Beriicksichtigung  seiner  Bearbeitungen  altenglischer  und  altschotti- 
scher  Balladen  aus  der  Sammlung  von  Percy  und  Scott.  Sprache  und 
Dichtung  XV,  Bern,  1914 ;  208  pp. 

E.  St.C.  Palmer.  JEGPh  XIV  (1915)  440-444. 


488      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Schoenemann,  Friedrich.  Theodor  Fontane  und  England.  PMLA  XXX     [1246] 
(1915)  658-671. 

Heynen,  Walther.  Vom  Literator  Theodor  Fontane  in  London.  PrJ  CLX     [1247] 
(1935)  286-302. 

Winckler,  Chr.  Theodor  Fontanes  "Archibald  Douglas."  Sprechen  und     [1248] 
Singen  XXIV  (1936)  29-36. 

Neuendorff,  Otto.  Fontanes  Gang  durch  die  englisehe  Dichtung;  Zu     [1249] 
Fontanes  Vortrag  iiber  Tennyson :  In  "Theodor  Fontane  zum  Gedacht- 
nis,"  ed.  Fricke,  Potsdam,  1938. 

Elster,  Hans  Martin,  ed.  Theodor  Fontanes  Bilderbuch  aus  England.     [1250] 
Berlin,  1939;  250  pp. 

Made    up    in    part    from    Fontane's    "NachlaB."    Introduction    by    Elster: 
"Fontane  in  England." 
A.  Beandl.  ASNS  CLXXVII  (1939)  221. 

Kohler,  Ernst.  Die  Balladendichtung  im  Berliner  "Tunnel  iiber  der     [1251] 
Spree."  GS  CCXXIII  (1940)  ;  423  pp. 

E.  KAST.  LblGRPh  LXII  (1941)  253. 

F.  Stuokeet.  ADA  LXXVIII  (1941)  27-30. 

Freiligrath 

Weddigen,  Otto.  Ferdinand  Freiligrath  als  Vermittler  englischer  und     [1252] 
franzosischer  Dichtung  .  .  .  ASNS  LXVI  (1881)  1-16.  Also  Anhang  in 
[1342]2 127-153. 

Eichter,  Kurt.  Ferdinand  Freiligrath  als  tibersetzer.  FNL  XI  (1899)      [1253] 
106  pp. 

R.  F.  Aenold.  Euphorion  VII  (1900)  366-374. 
E.  Sulgee-Gebing.  ZVL  XIV  (1901)  388-391. 

Erbach,  Wilhelm.  Ferdinand  Freiligraths  tibersetzungen  aus  dem  Eng-     [1254] 
lischen  im  ersten  Jahrzehnt  seines   Schaffens.  Miinster  diss.,  Bonn, 
1908;  137  pp. 

Gudde,  Erwin.  Traces  of  English  influences  in  Freiligrath's  political  and     [1255] 
social  lyrics.  JEGPh  XX  (1921)  335-370. 

Refutes  the  assertion  that  English  poets,  especially  Byron,  directed  Freili- 
grath toward  political  poetry.  Echoes  of  Moore  more  frequent  than  of  Byron. 

Eoescher,   Fr.   August.   Freiligraths  tibersetzungen  englischer  Dich-     [1256] 
tungen.  GieBen,  Englisches  Seminar,  1923 ;  30  pp. 

Spink,  G.  W.  Freiligrath  als  Verdeutscher  der  englischen  Poesie.  GS     [1257] 
XXXVI  (1925)  ;  40  pp. 

Liddell,  M.  F.   Ferdinand  Freiligrath's  debt  to  English  poets.  MLR     [1258] 
XXIII  (1928)  197-206  and  322-335. 

Thomson,  Samuel  Rogers,  Byron,  Campbell,  John  Wilson,  Hemans,  Wm.  L. 
Bowles,  James  A.  Montgomery. 

Spink,  G.  W.  Ferdinand  Freiligraths  Verbannungsjahre  in  London.  GS     [1259] 
CXXVI  (1932)  104  pp. 

A.  Beandl.  ASNS  CLIX  (1933)  127. 
J.  Deesch.  RG  XXV  (1934)  163. 
A.  C[LOSS].  MLR  XXIX  (1934)  239  f. 
H.  Jantzen.  LblGRPh  LVI  (1935)  15  f. 

Freytag 

See  also  Dickens  and  Scott. 
Price,  Lawrence  Marsden.  The  attitude  of  Gustav  Freytag  and  Julian     [1260] 
Schmidt  toward  English  literature  (1849-1862).  HesperiaVII  (1915)  ; 
120  pp. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  489 

H.  Mutschmann.  AB  XXVI  (1915)  374-376. 
J.  P.  Hoskins.  MLN  XXXI  (1916)  157-164. 
F.  Jung.  LblGRPh  XXXVII  (1916)  174. 
Anon.  ASNS  CXXXIV  (1916)  458. 
H.  Lindau.  DLZ  XXXVII  (1916)  1278  f. 
A.  Busse.  JEGPhXVI  (1917)  143-145. 

Geibel.  See  also  Burns  and  Byron. 

Volkenborn,Heinrich.  Emmanuel  Geibel  als  tibersetzer  und  Nachahmer     [1261] 
englischer  Dichter.  Miinster  diss.,  1910 ;  94  pp. 
F.  Baldensperger.  RG  VI  (1910)  590. 

Gildemeister 

Thied,  Rudolf.  Otto  Gildemeister  als  tibersetzer  englischer  Dichtung.     [1262] 
Breslau  diss.,  1938 ;  138  pp. 
A.  CLOSS.  AB  L  (1939)  122-124. 
A.  Brandl.  ASNS  CLXXVI  (1939)  119. 

Goethe 

See  also  Byron,  Colman,  Maturin,  and  Scott. 

Sarrazin,  Gregor.  Ein  englisches  Urbild  fiir  Goethes  Faust.  IMWKT     [1265] 
VI  (1911)  111-126. 

W.  A.  Madocks  of  Carnarvonshire. 
Anon.  LE  XIV  (1911)  331-333. 

Vollrath,  W.  Goethe  und  GroBbritannien.  Erlangen,  1932.  [1264] 

Mennie,  Duncan  M.  A  note  on  Goethe  as  a  translator  of  English  prose     [1265] 
(1820-1833) .  MLR  XXX  (1935)  61-64. 

Hohlfeld,  Alexander  Rudolf.  Zum  irdischen  Ausgang  von  Goethes     [1266] 
Faustdichtung.  VGG  I  (1936)  263-289,  and  in  his  Fifty  Years  with 
Goethe.  Madison,  1953,  pp.  61-91. 

Hennig,  John.  Goethe  and  an  English  critic  of  Manzoni.  MDU  XXXIX      [1267] 
(1947)  9-16. 

Kamps,  H.  Englisches  Leben  und  englische  Literatur  in  Goethes  Urteil.      [1268] 
Neuphilologische  Zeitschrift  I  (1949)  27-37. 

Jantz,  Harold.  Goethe  and  an  Elizabethan  poem.  MLQ  XII  (1951)  451-     [1269] 
461. 

"Hoffnnng  beschwingt  Gedanken"    (and  George  Clifford,  Earl  of  Cumber- 
land?). 

Goethe :  British  visitors  and  correspondents. 

Landgraf,  Hugo.  Goethe  und  seine  auslandischen  Besucher.  Miinchen,     [1270] 
1932;  118  pp. 

Hennig,  John.  Goethe's  personal  relations  with  Ireland.  Dublin  Maga-     [1271] 
zine,  January-March  1935 ;  p.  63  f . 

Pfund,  Harry  W.  Goethe  and  the  Quakers.  GR  XIV  (1939)  258-269.  [1272] 

Scott,  D.  S.  F.  English  visitors  to  Weimar.  GLL  II  (1949)  340  f.  [1273] 

Scott,  D.  S.  F.  Some  English  correspondents  of  Goethe.  London,  1949.  [1274] 

T.  D.  Jones.  MLR  XLV  (1950)  410  f. 
R.  Schirmer-Imhoff.  DLZ  LXXII  (1951)  118-120. 

Muller,  F.  Max.  Goethe   and  Carlyle.  Contemporary  Review  XLIX     [1275] 
(1886)  772-793.  Reprinted  in  PEGS,  1886 ;  24  pp. 


490      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Norton,  Charles  Eliot,  ed.  Correspondence  between  Goethe  and  Carlyle.     [12 76" 
London,  MacMillan  and  Co.,  1887;  362  pp. 

Anon.  Blackwood's  Magazine  CXLII  (1887)  120-123. 
Anon.  Atlantic  Monthly  LIX  (1887)  849-852. 

Cf.  Goethes  und  Carlyles  Briefwechsel,  ed.  H.  Oldenberg,  Berlin,  1887. 
H.  Grimm.  DR  LII  (1887)  55-57. 
L.  Geiger.  Die  Gegenwart  (1887)  404. 

Cf.  Revue  bleue  LI  1    (1913)    641-643,   673-680,  etc.    (French  translation 
by  G.  Khnopff.) 


Kellner,  Leon.  Goethe  und  Carlyle.  Verhandlungen  VDPh  43,  Koln 
(1896)  97-99  and  in  Die  Nation  1897;  380-383  and  399-403. 

Muller,  .  Carlyles  personliche  Beziehungen  zu  Goethe.  BFDH 

XVI  (1900)  262-304. 

Mackall,  Leonard.  Goethe  and  Carlyle  .  .  .  London  Anthenaeum,  August 
10,  1912;  p.  142. 

Cf.  ZB  IV,  7.  Beiblatt,  260  f.  and  GJ  XXV  (1904)  234-236. 

Blochmann,  Elizabeth.  Goethe's  autographs  in  the  album  of  an  Irish- 
man. MLR  XXXIX  (1944)  58-62. 
St.  George  Cromie. 

Waterhouse,  Gilbert.  Goethe,  Giesecke,  and  Dublin.  Proceedings  of  the 
Eoyal  Irish  Academy  XLI,  Section  C,  No.  9,  1933;  pp.  210-218. 

Addenda  in  the  minutes  of  the  Royal  Irish  Academy,   Session  1942—1943; 
pp. 18-21. 

Castle,  Eduard.  Aus  Goethes  mineralogischer  Korrespondenz.  Karl  Lud- 
wig  Metzler  von  Giesecke,  der  angebliche  Dichter  der  Zauberflote. 
CWGVXLVIII-L  (1946)  84-90. 

Waterhouse,  Gilbert.  Goethes  Korrespondent  in  Irland,  der  Mineraloge 
Karl  Ludwig  Metzler  von  Giesecke;  pp.  159-171  in  "Goethe  und  die 
Wissenschaft."  Frankfurt,  1951. 

Hennig,  John.  A  note  on  Goethe  and  Charles  Gore.  MDTJ  XLIII  (1951) 

27-37. 

Betteridge,  H.  J.  "Howards  Ehrengediichtnis."  MLB  XLVII  (1952) 
212-213. 

Wadepuhl,  Walter.  Hiittner,  a  new  source  for  Anglo-German  relations. 
GR  XIV  (1939)  23-31. 

Muller,  Pia.  Joh.  Chr.  Hiittners  "Englische  Miscellen.  .  .  ."  Wiirzburg, 
1939;  82  pp. 

Anon.  ASNS  CLXXVIII  (1940)  51-53. 
W.  Kalthoff.  AB  LII  (1941)  32-34. 

Hennig,  John.  Goethe's  relations  with  Hiittner.  MLR  XLVI  (1951)  404- 
418. 

Hennig,  John.  Goethe's  friendship  with  Anthony  O'Hara.  MLR  XXXIX 
(1944)  146-151. 

Norman,  F.  Henry  Crabb  Robinson  and  Goethe.  PEGS  VI  (1930)  1-124 
and  VIII  (1931)  1-117. 

Vulpius,  W.  Thackeray's  visit  to  Weimar.  Century  Illustrated  Magazine 
LIII  (1897)  920-928. 


1277] 
1278] 
1279] 

1280] 

1281] 

1282] 

1283] 

1284] 
1285] 
1286] 
1287] 

1288] 
1289] 
1290] 
1291] 


Goethe  (Ottilie) 

Jones,  Trevor  D.  English  contributors  to  Ottilie  von  Goethes  Chaos.     [1292] 
PEGS,  new  series,  IX  (1933)  68-91. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  491 

Grillparser.  See  also  [1056]  ff. 

Griffiths,  B.  E.  Grillparzer  and  the  London  theater.  GE  VIII  (1933)      [1293] 
246-264. 

Eder,  Beatrice.  Grillparzers  Verhaltnis  zur  englischen  Literatur.  Wien     [1294] 
diss.,  1934;  typescript. 

Heine 

See   also   Burns,    Byron,   Gray,   Irving,   Milton,    Ossian,    Shakespeare,   and 
Sterne. 

Hess,  John  A.  Heinrich  Heine's  appraisal  of  John  Bull.  MLJ  XIX     [1295] 
(1934)  23-33. 

Grasty,  George  Mason.  Heinrich  Heine's  attitude  toward  the  Anglo-     [1296] 
Saxon  nations.  M.  A.  Theses,  Duke  University  (unpublished)  1946. 

Hoffmann.  See  also  [1465]. 

Horn,  Wilhelm.  tiber  das   Komische  im  Sehauerroman :    Hoffmanns     [1297] 
Elixire  des  Teufels  und  ihre  Beziehungen  zur  englischen  Literatur. 
ASNS  CXLVI  (1933)  153-163. 

Hohenhausen 

Hackenberg,  Fritz.  Elise  von  Hohenhausen:   Eine  Vorkampferin  und     [1298] 
tibersetzerin  englischer  und  nordamerikanischer  Dichtung  .  . .  Minister 
diss.,  1913;  107  pp. 

Byron,  Scott,  Young,  Tennyson,  Emerson,  Longfellow. 

Immermann 

Hennig,  John.  Immermanns  Tristram  und  Isolde  and  Ireland.  MLR     [1299] 
XLIV  (1949)  246-253. 

Kunzel 

Fischer,  Walter.  Des  Darmstadter  Schriftstellers,  Johann  Heinrich     [1300] 
Kunzel  (1810-1873)  Beziehungen  zu  England.  GieBener  Beitrage  zur 
deutschen  Philologie  LXVII  (1939)  ;  80  pp. 

"Mit  ungedruckten   (oder  wenig  bekannten)   Brief  en  von  Carlyle,  Dickens, 
Macaulay,  Chr.  von  Bunsen,  Freiligrath  u.a." 
W.  Kalthoff.  AB  L  (1939)  351-354. 
Anon.  ZfNU  XXXIX  (1940)  89  f. 
K.  Aens.  LblGRPh  LXII  (1941)  92. 
H.  C.  Matthes.  GRM  XXVIII  (1941)  253  f. 

Ludwig 

See  also  Dickens,  Scott,  Shakespeare. 

Betz,  Johanna.  Otto  Ludwigs  Verhaltnis  zu  den  Englandern.  Frankfurt     [1301] 
diss.,  1929 ;  162  pp. 

Meyer 

Hardaway,  E.  Travis.  C.  F.  Meyer's  Her  Heilige  in  relation  to  its  sources.     [1302] 
PMLALVIII  (1943)  245-263. 

Meysenbug 

Hennig,   John.   Malvida  von  Meysenbug   and  England.   Comparative     [1303] 
Literature  Studies  XXIII-XXIV  (1948)  34-38. 


492      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Nietzsche 

Forster-Nietzsche,  Elizabeth.  Nietzsche,  France,  and  England.  The     [1304J 
Open  Court  XXXIV  (1920)  147-154. 

Saenger,  Samuel.  Nietzsche  in  und  iiber  England.  Der  neue  DE  LI     [1305] 
(1924)  1068-1074. 

Graf  von  SchacTc 
Walter,  Erich.  Adolf  Friedrich  Graf  von  Schack  als  tibersetzer.  BBL     [1306] 
X  (1907);  179  pp. 

Translations    of    Thackeray,    Keats,    Wordsworth,    Browning,    Tennyson, 
Coleridge,  Arnold,  Poe,  and  others. 
C.  A.  Von  Bloedau.  ASNS  CXXII  (1909)  441. 

A.  W.  Schlegel 

Schirmer,  Walter.  August  Wilhelm  Schlegel  und  England.  ShJ  LXXV     [1307] 
(1939)  77-107. 

Schmidt,  J.  See  [1260]. 

Tieck.  See  [466]  ff.  and  [1102]  ff.-[llll]. 

Wustling,  Fritz.  William  Lovell  .  .  .  BGNDL  VII  (1912)  ;  192  pp.  [1308] 

Pp.  115-122:  Richardson's  Clarissa  and  Ben  Jonson's  The  New  Inn. 

Ludeke,   H.  Ludwig  Tieck  und  das  alte  englische   Theater.  Deutsche     [1309] 
Forschungen  VI,  Frankfurt,  1922 ;  viii  +  373  pp. 
The  first  part  of  this  appeared  in  1917;  cf.  [1106]. 
J.  J.  A.  Bertrand.  RLC  III  (1923)  311  f. 
J.  G.  Robertson.  MLR  XVIII  (1923)  234-236. 
Anon.  ASNS  CXLVI  (1923)  282. 
W.  Keller,  ShJ  LIX-LX  (1924)  193-195. 
L.  Mis.  RG  XV  (1924)  114-116. 

A.  Sauer.  Euphorion  XXV  (1924)  481  f. 
R.  Petsch.  DLZ  XLVI  (1925)  2531-2533. 
W.  Fischer.  DNS  XXXIV  (1926)  102-108. 
K.  Vie'tor.  LblGRPh  XLVIII  (1927)  257-259. 

Fischer,  Walther.  Zu  Ludwig  Tiecks  elisabethanischen  Studien.  ShJ     [1310] 
LXII  (1926)  98-131. 

Deetjen,  Werner.  Goethe  und  Tiecks  elisabethanische  Studien.   ShJ     [1311] 
LXV  (1929)  175-183. 

Supplement  to  Fischer  [1310]. 

Gundolf,  Friedrich.  Ludwig  Tieck.  JFDH  1929,  99-195.  [1312] 

Zetdel,  Edwin  H.  Ludwig  Tieck  and  England  .  . .  Princeton,  N.J.,  1931 ;      [1313] 
vii  +  264  pp. 

R.  Unger.  ZfD  XLVI  (1932)  347. 

P.  Van  Tieghem.  RSH  LII  (1932)  322  f. 

L.  BRUN.  RG  XXIII  (1932)  56  f. 

C.  F.  Harrold.  MPh  XXX  (1932)  121  f. 

J.  Korner.  ZDPh  LVII  (1932)  200-202. 

L.  M.  Price.  JEGPh  XXXI  (1932)  613-617. 

B.  J.  Morse.  ES  LVII  (1932)  423-428. 
E.  Ftjnke.  PQ  XII  (1933)  223  f. 

H.  W.  Hewitt-Thayer.  MLN  XLVIII  (1933)  41-43. 
J.  G.  Robertson.  MLR  XXVIII  (1933)  130-132. 
R.  Majut.  GRM  XX  (1932)  200-202. 
H.  Ludeke.  DLZ  LIX  (1938)  435-438. 

Hewitt-Thayer,  Harvey  W.  Tieck's  marginalia  in  the  British  Museum.     [1314] 
GR  IX  (1934)  9-17. 

Hewitt-Thayer,  Harvey  W.  Tieck  and  the  Elizabethan  drama:   his     [1315] 
marginalia.  JEGPh  XXXIV  (1935)  377-407. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  493 

Zeydel,  Edwin  H.  Tieck  as  a  translator  of  English.  PMLA  LI  (1936)      [1316] 
221-242. 

J.  Speok.  ASNS  CLXXI  (1937)  254. 

Gillies,  A.  Ludwig  Tieek's  English  studies  at  the  University  of  Gottingen     [1317] 
1792-1794.  JEGPh  XXXVI  (1937)  206-223. 

Speck,  J.  tiber  Ludwig  Tieck  als  Kritiker  und  Historiker  der  englischen     [1318] 
Literatur.  ASNS  CLXXIX  (1941)  130-132. 

Uhland 

Sprenger,  Lore.  Die  englischen  Quellen  zu  Ludwig  Uhlands  Volksliedfor-     [1319] 
schung.  Tubingen  diss.,  1948. 

Wagner 

See  also  Shakespeare  and  "Wagner. 

Koch,  Max.   Auslandische   Stoffe  und   Einfliisse  in  Eichard  Wagners     [1320] 
Dichtung.  SVL  III  (1903)  401-416. 

Wagner's  admiration  for  W.  Scott.  Otway  and  Die  Sochzeit.  Bulwer's 
Rienzi — Wagner's  Rienzi.  Influence  of  Irving's  Stormship  on  Der  fliegende 
Hollander  denied;  cf.  Ashton  Ellis,  Quarterly  Journal  of  the  London  Branch 
of  the  Wagner  Society  V  (1892)  4-26. 

Keichelt,  Kurt.  Eichard  Wagner  und  die  englische  Literatur.  Leipzig,     [1321] 
1912;  179  pp. 

Teildruck,  Breslau  diss.,  Leipzig,  1911. 
Shakespeare,  Bulwer-Lytton,  Carlyle,  Scott. 
P.  R.  Pope.  JEGPh  XIII  (1914)  469-471. 
M.  Fobstee.  ShJ  XLIX  (1913)  248. 
W.  Golthee.  DLZ  XXXIII  (1912)  2593  f. 
A.  Beandiv.  ASNS  CXXVII  (1911)  472. 

Weber 

See  also  Tennyson  and  Weber. 

Busse,  Eduard.  Priedrich  Wilhelm  Weber  als  tibersetzer  und  Vermittler     [1322] 
englischer  Dichtungen.  Miinster  diss.,  1912 ;  84  pp. 

ZscholcTce 

Ames,  P.  W.  The  supposed  source  of  the  Vicar  of  Wakefield,  and  its     [1323] 
treatment  by   Zschokke   and   Goldsmith.   Transactions  of  the   Eoyal 
Society  of  Literature,  XIX  (1898)  93-105. 

The  Vicar  of  Wiltshire  in  The  British  Magazine,  1766. 
R.  FUEST.  JbL  IX  (1898)  IV  (3)  225. 

ENGLISH  AUTHORS 

Austen  and  Keller 

Dick,  Ernst.  Eine  Quelle  G.  Kellers?  Siiddeutsche  Monatshefte  VII,  2     [1324] 
(1910)  232-237. 

Northanger  Abbey  and  Die  Geisttrseher. 

Bacon  and  Goethe 

Hennig,  John.  A  note  on  Goethe  and  Francis  Bacon.  MLQ  XII  (1951)      [1325] 
201-203. 

Browning 

Phelps,  William  Lyon.  Browning  in  Germany.  IffLN  XXVIII  (1913)      [1326] 
10-14. 

Bibliography  of  translations  and  monographs. 


494      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Bulwer-Lytton 

Schmidt,  Julian.  Bulwer-Lytton.  In  Bilder  cms  dem  geistigen  Lei  en     [1327] 
unsererZeit,  Leipzig,  1870;  I  268-343. 

Bulwer-Lytton  and  Gutzkow 

Price,  Lawrence  M.  Karl  Gutzkow  and  Bulwer-Lytton.  JEGPh  XVI     [1328] 
(1917)  397-415. 

Bulwer-Lytton  and  Wagner.  See  [1320]  f. 

Burlce  and  Kleist 

Stefansky,  Georg.  Ein  neuer  Weg  zu  Heinrich  von  Kleist.  Euphorion     [1329] 
XXIII  (1921)  639-694. 

Burke's  influence  in  Penthesilea.  Adam  Miiller  as  mediator. 

Burlce  and  Miiller 

Matz,  Adolph.  Herkunft  und  Gestalt  der  Adam  Miillerischen  Lehre  von     [1330] 
Staat  und  Kunst.  University  of  Pennsylvania  diss.,  Philadelphia,  1937; 
96  pp. 

H.  R.  Libdkb.  GR  XV  (1940)  66. 

W.  Pfeifeer-Belli.  ADA  LVIII  (1938)  134. 

A.  W.  Porterfield.  JEGPh  XXXIX  (1940)  430-432. 

Burns 

Jacks,  W.  Robert  Burns  in  other  tongues.  Glasgow,  1896;  xix  +  560  pp.     [1331] 
Pp.  1-170:  Bartsch,  Freiligrath,  Winterfeld,  et  al. 

Macintosh,  W.  Burns  in  Germany.  Aberdeen,  1928;  107  pp.  [1332] 

Burns  and  Geibel 

Heller,  Otto.  Geibels  Nachahmung  der  "Banks  and  Braes  of  Bonnie     [1333] 
Doon."  SVL  IX  (1909)  95-99. 

Burns  and  Heine 

Zenker,  Rudolf.  Heines  achtes  "Traumbild"  und  Burns'  "Jolly  Beggars."     [1334] 
ZVL  VII  (1894)  245-251. 

Burns  and  Lindner 

Lain,  Friedrich.  Lindner  and  Burns.  Part  II  of  "Ernst  Lindner  der     [1335] 
Lyriker  und  Epiker."  Zipser  Heimat,  6,  1928. 

Lindner  translated  five  of  Burns' s  poems  into  the  Zipser  dialect. 

Burns  and  Stelsliamer 

Wihan,  Josef.  Franz  Stelzhamer  und  Robert  Burns   Luphorion  (1903)      [1336] 
193-209  and  632-649. 

Stelzhamer's  translations  and  free  adaptation^  of  Burns's  poems. 

Byron.  See  also  [1576]. 

Von  Treitschke,  H.  Lord  Byron  unr"  der  Radikalismus.  Leipzig,  1863.     [1337] 
In  Historische  und  politiscJie  Aufodtze.  5th  ed.,  Leipzig,  1886;  I  305- 
347. 

Gnad,  Ernst.  Der  "Weltschmei-z  in  der  Poesie,  1860,  and  in  Literarische     [1338] 
Essays.  2d  ed.,  Wien,  1893 ;  211-253. 

Gottschall,  Rudolf.  Byron  und  die  Gegenwart.  Unsere  Zeit,  1866  II     [1339] 
480-511,  and  in  Portrdts  und  Studien,  Leipzig,  1870. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  495 

Blaze  De  Bury,  Henry.  Lord  Byron  et  le  Byronisme.  EDM  1872,  pp.     [1340] 
513-550. 

Schmidt,  Julian.  Lord  Byron  in  Portraits  cms  dem  neunsehnten  Jdhr-     [1341] 
Jiundert.  Berlin,  1878;  pp.  1-50. 
Pp.  37-50  :  Byron  and  Germany. 

Weddigen,  Otto.  Lord  Byrons  EinfluB  auf  die  europaische  Literatur  der     [1342] 
Neuzeit . . .  Hannover,  1884;  132  pp;  ed.  2,  Leipzig,  1901;  xiii  +  153  pp. 
The  new  edition  adds  as  "Anhang"  no.  [1252]. 
Cf.  Janus  I  (1904)  194-206,  a  resume. 
R.  F.  Arnold.  SVL  III  (1903)  118-121. 

Flaischlen,  Casar.  Lord  Byron  in  Deutschland.  Centralblatt  fur  Biblio-     [1343] 
thekswesen  VIII  (1890)  455-473. 

Lists  11  complete  translations  of  Byron,  22  of  Manfred,  17  of  Childe  Harold, 
11  of  Don  Juan. 

Zdziechowski,  M.  Der  deutsche  Byronismus.  Przglud  Polski  CVII  (1892)      [1344] 
513-550  and  CIX  (1894)  306-322. 

Lenau  and  Heine.  Also  in  his  Byron  i  jego  Wiek  I-II,  Krakow,  1894. 
W.  Bakewioz.  Euphorion  I  (1894)  417  f. 

Arnold,  Eobert.  Der  deutsche  Philhellenismus.  Euphorion  III  (2.  Ergan-     [1345] 
zungsheft)  1896;  71-181. 

Arnold  adds  bibliographical  notes  in  SVL  III  (1903)  117. 

Krause,  Franz.  Byrons  Marino  Faliero  .  .  .  Prog.  Breslau,  1897-1898.     [1346] 
German  versions  of  the  theme  by  Kruse,  L-udwig,  Lindner,  Murad  Effendi, 
M.  Greif,  and  Walloth. 
O.  Glodb.  ES  XXVII  (1900)  145  f. 

Hock,  Stefan.  Die  Vampyrsagen  und  ihre  Verwertung  in  der  deutschen     [1347] 
Literatur.  FNL  XVII  (1900)  ;  133  pp. 

The  Vampire,  a  tale  begun  by  Byron  in  1816,  completed  by  Polidori. 
A.  L.  Stiepel.  SVL  VI  (1907)  273-276. 

Ackermann,  E.  Lord  Byron,  sein  Leben,  seine  Werke,  sein  EinfluB  auf      [1348] 
die  deutsche  Literatur.  Heidelberg,  1901 ;  188  pp. 

Holzhausen,  P.  Lord  Byron  und  seine  deutschen  Biographen.  Beilage     [1349] 
zur  Miinchener  allgemeinen  Zeitung,  1903,  III  233-236  and  243-246. 
Elze,  1886;  Gottschall,  1870;  Bleibtreu,  1896;  Ackermann,  1901;  Koeppel, 
1903. 

Veselovskiy,  Aleksey.  Etjudy  o  Bajronisme,  in  his  Etjutfy  i  EharaTc-     [1350] 
teristiM3  Moscow,  1907;  388-572. 

Dobosal,  G.  Lord  Byron  in  Deutschland.  Prog.,  Zittau,  1911;  25  pp.  [1351] 

Bader,  Franz.  Lord  Byron  im  Spiegel  der  zeitgenossischen  deutschen     [1352] 
Dichtung.  ASNS  CXXXV  (1916)  303-319. 

Brunner,  Karl.  Byron  und  die  oesterreichische  Polizei.  ASNS  CXLVIII     [1353] 
(1925)  28-41. 

Hentschel,  Cedric.  The  Byronic  Teuton:  Aspects  of  German  Pessimism.     [1354] 
London,  Methuen  &  Co.,  1940 ;  viii  +  234  pp. 
H.  Von  Hofe.  MLF  XXVI  (1941)  100  f. 

"Only  a  fraction  of  the  pessimism  is  Byronic." 

Byron  and  Geibel 

Sprenger,  E.  Eine  Stelle  in  Byrons  Childe  Harold  und  Geibels  Tod  des     [1355] 
Tiberius.  ES  XXXII  (1903)  179-180. 
Childe  Harold,  IV  140  ff. 


496      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Byron  and  Goethe.  See  also  [1382]. 

Von  Hohenhausen,  Elise.  Rousseau,  Goethe  und  Byron.  Kassel,  1847; 
119  pp. 

Mazzini,  G.  Byron  e  Goethe.  Scritti  literari  d'un  italieno  vivente.  Lugano, 
1847. 

German  by  Ad.  Friedrich.  Schack  in  "Anhang"  to  Joseph  Mazzini  und  die 
italienische  Einheit,  Stuttgart,  1891.  English  in  Vol.  II  of  Life  and  writings 
of  J.  Mazzini,  London,  1870. 

Brandl,  Alois.  Goethe  and  Byron.  Ein  Vortrag.  Oesterreichische  Rund- 
schau I  (1884)  61-70. 

Springer,  R.  Goethe  und  Byron,  Faust  und  Manfred  in  Essays  zur  KritiTc 
und  PhilosopJiie  und  zur  Goethe-Literatur,  Minden,  1885;  318-330. 

Werner,  Joseph.  Die  personlichen  und  literarischen  Wechselbeziehungen 
zwischen  Goethe  und  Byron.  BFDH  II  (1886)  181-191. 

Althaus,   Friedrich.   On  the  personal  relations  between  Goethe  and 
Byron.  PEGS  IV  (1888)  1-23. 

Sinzheimer,    Siegfried.    Goethe   und   Byron  .  .  .  Faust   und   Manfred. 
Heidelberg  diss.,  Miinchen,  1894;  84  pp. 

Brandl,  Alois.  Goethes  Verhaltnis  zu  Byron.  GJ  XX  (1899)  3-37. 

Valentin,  Veit.  Zu  Goethes  Verhaltnis  zu  Lord  Byron.  BFDH  XVI 
(1900)  239-244. 

Bowen,  Anna  M.  Byron's  influence  upon  Goethe.  Dial  (Chicago)  XXVIII 
(1900)  144-147. 

Wetz,  W.  Zu  Goethes  Anzeige  des  Manfred.  ZVL  XVI  (1905)  222-226. 

Richter,  Helene.  Zum  hundertsten  Jahrestage  der  Veroffentlichung  des 
Manfred.  ES  LI  (1918)  305-377. 

Eimer,  Manfred.  Schopenhauer  als  Abgesandter  Goethes  an  Byron.  ES 
XLIX  (1916)  484-487. 

Holl,   Karl.   Goethes   Vollendung  in  ihrer  Beziehung   zu   Byron  und 
Carlyle.  GRM  IX  (1921)  75-87. 

Krummel,  Charles  A.  Byron  and  Goethe.  South  Atlantic  Quarterly 
XXII  (1923)  246-256. 

Robertson,  J. G.  Goethe  and  Byron.PEGS,  new  series,  II  (1925) ;  132  pp. 
P.  Van  Tteghem.  RSH  XLII  (1926)  138  f. 
O.  Weidenmuller.  DNS  XXXIV  (1926)  385  f. 
L.  A.  Willottghby.  MLR  XXI  (1926)  461  f. 
W.  R.  Rose.  RES  III  (1927)  106-110. 
F.  Baldensperger.  RC  LXCIV  (1927)  32  f. 
K.  Brunner.  ASNS  CLII  (1927)  126  f. 
C.  C.  Barnard.  ES  LXIII  (1928)  128-130. 

Strich,  Fritz.  Goethe  und  Byron.  Die  Horen  V  (1929)   203-232,  351- 
362. 

Koch,  John.  Goethe  und  Byron.  ASNS  CLXIII  (1933)  47-57. 

Byron  and  GraoTae 

Wiehr,  Josef.  The  relations  of  Grabbe  to  Byron.  JEGPh  VII   (1908) 
III  134-149. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  497 

Byron  and  Grillparzer 

Wyplel,  Ludwig.  Grillparzer  und  Byron.  Zur  Entstehungsgeschiehte  des     [1375] 
Trauerspiels :  Ein  treuer  Diener  seines  Herrn.  Euphorion  IX  (1902) 
677-698  and  X  (1903)  159-180. 

Passages  from  Marino  Faliero,  The  two  Foscari,   and  Sardanapalus  with 
parallels  in  Grillparzer's  tragedy. 

Wyplel,  Ludwig.  Byron  und  Grillparzer.  Ein  Beitrag  zur  Entstehungs-     [1376] 
geschichte  der  Ahnfrau.  GpJ  XIV  (1904)  26-59. 

Hubner,  Ferdinand.   Grillparzer  und  Lord  Byron.  Wien  diss.,   1945;      [1377] 
typescript. 

Microfilm  in  University  of  California  library,  Berkeley. 

Byron  and  Heine.  See  also  [1337]  f. 

Melchior,  Felix.  Heinrieh  Heines  Verhaltnis  zu  Lord  Byron.  LF  XXVII     [1378] 
(1903) ;  169  pp. 

Also  Leipzig  diss.,  Berlin,  1902. 
R.  Ackeemann.  ES  XXXIV  (1904)  402-404. 
J.  LEES.  MLR  I  (1906)   152-154. 

E.  Sulgee-Gebing.  DLZ  XXVII  (1906)  538-540. 

F.  Brie.  AB  XVIII  (1907)  41-44. 

Ochsenbein,  Wilhelm.  Die  Aufnahme  Lord  Byrons  in  Deutschland  und     [1379] 
sein  EinfluB  auf  den  jungen  Heine.  UNSL  VI  (1905)  ;  x  +  228  pp. 
Also  Bern  diss.,  1905. 
J.  Lees.  MLR  I  (1906)  152-154. 
J.  T.  Hatfield.  LblGRPh  XXVII  (1906)  267-269. 
R.  Ackeemann.  ES  XXXVII  (1906)  258-260. 
F.  Brie.  AB  XVIII  (1907)  41-44. 

Beyer,  Paul.  Der  junge  Heine  . .  .  Bonner  Forschungen  I  Berlin,  1911;      [1380] 
202  pp. 

Pp.  62—73:  "Byron  und  der  Abschied  von  Hamburg." 

Byron  and  Hoffmann 

Anon.  Der  Doge  und  die  Dogarette  und  Marino  Faliero.  Wiener  Jahrbuch     [1381] 
XVI  (1821). 

Byron  and  Knebel 

Leitzmann,  Albert.  Aus  der  Friihzeit  der  Byron-Eindeutschung.  Knebel     [1382] 
als  tibersetzer  Byrons.  VGG  V  (1940)  274-286. 

Byron  and  Lassalle 

Ludwig,  Emil.  Lord  Byron  and  Lassalle.  Neue  Rundschau  XXII,  2     [1383] 
(1911)  931-949. 

Byron  and  Mutter 

Richardson,  Margaret  E.  A.  Wilhelm  Miiller's  poetry  of  the  sea.  MLR     [1384] 
XVIII  (1923)  323-334. 

Byron  and  Schopenhauer 

Duhring,  Eugen.  Der  Pessimismus  in  Philosophie  und  Dichtung.  Deutsche     [1385] 
Vierteljahrsschrift,  1865  III,  189-215. 

Byron  and  Waiblinger 

Gluck,  Friedrich.  Byronismus  bei  Waiblinger.  Tubingen  diss.,  1920;      [1386] 
vii  +  109  pp. 


498      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Byron  and  Zedlits 

Spink,  Gerald  W.  J.  C.  von  Zedlitz  and  Byron.  MLR  XXVI  (1931)  348-     [1387] 
350. 

Carlyle  and  Eckermann 

Flugel,  Ewald.  Carlyle  and  Eckermann.  GJ  XXIV  (1903)  4-39.  [1388] 

Cf.  L.  L.  Mackall  in  GJ  XXV  (1904)  253-256. 

Carlyle  and  Goethe.  See  [1275]-[1279]. 

Carlyle  and  Neuoerg 

Anon.  Carlyle  and  Neuberg.  Macmillan's  Magazine  L  (1884)  280-297.         [1389] 

Carlyle  and  Nietzsche 

Wilhelmi,  Johann  Heinrich.  Thomas  Carlyle  and  Friedrich  Nietzsche;      [1390] 
wie  sie  Gott  suchten  und  was  fur  einen  Gott  sie  fanden.  Gottingen 
1897;  88  pp;  2.  Auflage,  Gottingen,  1900. 

Von  Wiecki,  E.  Carlyles  Eelden  und  Emersons  Eeprdsentanten  mit  Hin-     [1391] 
weis  auf  Nietzsches  "Ubermenschen  . .  .  Konigsberg  1903 ;  76  pp. 

Ravenna,  Giuseppe.  La  Teoria  dell'  eroe  in  T.  Carlyle  e  F.  Nietzsche.      [1392] 
Nuova  Antologia  XXXVIII  (1903)  249-260. 

Wagner,  Albert  Malte.  Goethe,  Carlyle,  Nietzsche  and  the  German     [1393] 
middle  class.  MDU  XXXI  (1939)  161-174  and  235-242. 

Bentley,  Eric  R.  A  century  of  hero  worship:  A  study  of  the  idea  of     [1394] 
heroism  in  Carlyle  and  Nietzsche  .  .  .  Philadelphia  and  New  York,  1944 ; 
307  pp. 

Carlyle  and  Renter 

Sprenger,  R.  Zu  Fritz  Reuters  Dorchlauchting.  Jahrbuch  des  VNS  XVII     [1395] 
(1891)  88-90. 

Frederick  the  Great  and  Dorchlauchting. 

Carlyle  and  Uhland 

Armstrong,  T.  P.  Carlyle  and  Uhland:  Parallel  passages.  NQ,  Sept.  28,     [1396] 
1935;  p.  221. 

Carlyle  and  Varnhagen 

Fischer,  Walther.  Varnhagen  von  Enses  Carlyle-Bibliothek.  DNS  XXIV     [1397] 
(1917)  449-462. 

Fiedler,  H.  G.  The  friendship  of  Thomas  Carlyle  and  Varnhagen  von     [1398] 
Ense  with  a  letter  hitherto  unknown.  MLR  XXXVIII  (1943)  32-37. 

Clemens 

Henderson,  Archibald.  The  international  fame  of  Mark  Twain.  North     [1399] 
American  Review.  CXCII  (1910)  805-815. 

Schoenemann,  Friedrich.  Mark  Twain  und  Deutschland.  Hochschule  und     [1400] 
AuslandXIV  (1936)  37-43. 

Same  in  Auslese,  February  1936. 

West,  V.  Royce.  Mark  Twain  and  Germany.  AGR  II  4  (1936)  32-37.  [1401] 

Robertson,  Stuart.  Mark  Twain  in  German.  Mark  Twain  Quarterly,     [1402] 
Fall,  1937;  8-12. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  499 

Vollmer,  Clement.  Mark  Twain  and  his  German  critics.  Germany  and     [1403] 
You  IX  (1939)  120-121,  138-140. 

Hemminghaus,  Edgar  H.  Mark  Twain  in  Germany.  CUGS,  new  series,     [1404] 
IX  (1939);  170  pp. 

G.  KElli.  AGR  VI  4  (1940)  32  f. 

Anon.  Books  Abroad  XIV  (1940)  322. 

Anon.  NQ  CLXXIX  (1940)  17. 

L.  M.  Price.  MLQ  I  (1940)  119  f. 

C.  Vollmer.  MLJ  XXV  (1941)  506-508. 

H.  A.  Pochmann.  MDU  XXXIII  (1941)  234  f. 

B.  R.  COFFMAN.  GR  XVII  (1942)  75. 

Lederer,  Max.  Mark  Twain  in  Vienna.  Mark  Twain  Quarterly,  Summer-      [1405] 
Fall,  1945 ;  1-12. 

Coleridge  and  Fries 
Broicher,  Charlotte.  Fries  und  Coleridge.  PrJ  CXLVII  (1912)  247-272.     [1406] 

Colman  and  Goethe 

Mackall,  Leonard  L.  The  authorship  of  the  original  of  Goethe's  "Hoch-     [1407] 
landisch."  MLN  LI  (1936)  94-97. 

A  duet  in  Geo.  Colman's  The  Mountaineers. 

Cooper 

Barba,  Preston  A.  Cooper  in  Germany.  GAA  XII  (1914)  3-60  and  in     [1408] 
Indiana  University  Studies  XXI  (1914)  52-104. 

Zaeckel,  Eugene.  Der  EinfluS  J.  F.  Coopers  und  W.  Irvings  auf  die     [1409] 
deutsche  Literatur.  Wien  diss.,  1944. 

Plischke,  H.  Von  Cooper  bis  Karl  May,  Geschichte  des  volkerkundlichen     [1410] 
Eeise-  und  Abenteuerromans,  Diisseldorf,  1951;  208  pp. 

Cooper,  Ruppius,  Sealsfield,  Gerstacker,  Mollhausen,  Strubberg,  May,  et  al. 

Cooper  and  Goethe 

WuKADiNOVig,  Spiridion.  Goethes  Novelle;  der  Schauplatz;  Coopersche     [1411] 
Einfliisse.  Halle,  1909 ;  127  pp. 

Cooper  and  Hauff 

Brenner,  C.  D.  The  influence  of  Cooper's  The  Spy  on  Hauff' s  Lichtenstein.     [1412] 
MLN  XXX  (1915)  207-210. 

Cooper  and  May 

Bead,  Helen  Appleton.  Karl  May,  Germany's  Fenimore  Cooper.  AGE     [1413] 
II  4  (1936)  4-7. 

Cooper  and  Mollhausen 

Barba,  Preston  A.  Balduin  Mollhausen,  the  German  Cooper.  AG,  Mono-     [1414] 
graph  Series,  XVII  (1914)  188  pp. 

Cooper  and  Sealsfield 

Arndt,  Karl  J.  The  Cooper-Sealsfield  exchange  of  criticism.  Am.  Lit.     [1415] 
XV  (1943)  16-24. 

Cooper  and  Stifter 

Satjer,  August,  tiber  den  EinfluB  der  nordamerikanischen  Literatur  auf     [1416] 
die  deutsche.  GpJ  XVI  (1906)  21-51  and  in  A.  Sauer,  Probleme  und 
Gestalten,  Stuttgart,  1933;  I  104-138. 


500      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Cooper  and  Strubberg 

Barba,  Preston  A.  Friedrich  Armand  Strubberg.  GAA  X  (1912)  175-     [1417] 
225,  XI  (1913)  3-63,  115-142  and  AG,  Monograph  Series,  XVI  (1913) 
151  pp. 

Cooper  and  Switzerland 

Ludeke,  H.  James  Fenimore  Cooper  and  the  democracy  of  Switzerland.     [1418] 
ES  XXVII  (1946)  33-44. 

Darwin  and  Nietzsche 

Haas,  Ludwig.  Der  Darwinismus  bei  Nietzsche.  GieBen  diss.,  1932;  34     [1419] 
pp. 

DicTcens.  See  also  [1237]. 

Schmidt,  Julian.  Charles  Dickens;   Bilder  aus  dem  geistigen  Leben     [1420] 
unserer  Zeit.  Leipzig,  1870;  II  1-119. 

Freytag,  Gustav.  Ein  Dank  fur  Charles  Dickens.  Grenzboten  1870  II     [1421] 
481-484  and  in  Gesammelte  Aufsatze,  Leipzig,  1888;  II,  239-244. 

Ludwig,  Otto.  Dickens  und  die  deutsche  Dorfgeschichte.  In  Ludwig     [1422] 
SchriftenVI  (1891)  74-80. 

Geissendoerfer,  J.  T.  Dickens  EinfluS  auf  Ungern-Sternberg,  HeBlein,     [1423] 
Stolle,  Eaabe  und  Ebner-Eschenbach.  AG  XIX  (1915)  ;  51  pp. 

Gummer,   Ellis   N.   Dickens'  works   in   Germany,   1837-1937.   Oxford,     [1424] 
Clarendon  Press,  1939;  220  pp. 
L-.  M.  Prick.  MLQ  I  (1940)  412  f. 
Anon.  NQ  CLXXVIII  (1940)  323. 
H.  Davibs.  MLR  XXXVI  (1941)  146  f. 
S.  H.  Nobbe.  GR  XVII  (1942)  145  f. 
J.  T.  Geissendoerfer.  JEGPh  XLII  (1943)  602  f. 

Wilson,  R.  A.  Translations  of  the  works  of  Charles  Dickens.  British     [1425] 
Museum  Quarterly  XIV  (1940)  59-60. 

Gibson,  Frank  A.  Dickens  and  Germany.  The  Dickensian,  XLIII  (1947)      [1426] 
69-79. 

DicTcens  and  Freytag.  See  also  [1260]  and  [1502]. 

Volk,  Vera.  Charles  Dickens'  EinfluB  auf  Gustav  Freytags  Eoman  Soil     [1427] 
und  Haben.  Prog.  Salzburg,  1908;  15  pp. 

Freymond,  Poland.  Der  EinfluB  von  Charles  Dickens  auf  Gustav  Freytag     [1428] 
mit  besonderer  Beriicksichtigung  der  Romane  David  Copperfield  und 
Soil  und  Haben.  PDS  XIX  (1912)  ;  98  pp. 
F.  Baldensperger.  RG  IX  (1913)  597  f. 

Fehse,  Wilhelm.  Dickens  PicJcwickier  und  Freytags  Journalisten.  DNS     [1429] 
XXXV  (1927)  138-140. 

DicTcens  and  Ludwig.  See  also  [1301]. 

Muller-Ems,  Richard.  Otto  Ludwigs  Erzahlungskunst.  Halle  1905;  125     [1430] 
pp. 

H.  L.OHRE.  DLZ  XXVII  (1906)  2014. 

Lohre,  Heinrich.  Otto  Ludwig  und  Charles  Dickens.  ASNS  CXXIV     [1431] 
(1910)  15-45. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  501 

Luder,  Fritz.  Die  epischen  Werke  Otto  Ludwigs  und  ihr  Verhaltnis  zu     [1432] 
Charles  Dickens.  Greif  swald  diss.,  Leipzig,  1910 ;  165  pp. 

F.  Baijxensperger.  RG  VIII  (1912)  567  f. 

Dickens  andEaaie.  See  also  [1423]. 
Doernenburg,  Emil,  and  Wilhelm  Fehse.  Eaabe  und  Dickens  . . .  Mag-     [1433] 
deburg,  1921;  68  pp. 

R.  Riegler.  DNS  XXX  (1922)  393  f. 

G.  0.  Cukme.  JEGPh  XXVI  (1927)  600  f. 

Lukacs,  Georg.  Wilhelm  Baabe.  Sinn  und  Form,  II,  4-6  (1950)  90-124.     [1434] 
Pp.  100-103;  Raabe  and  Dickens. 

Dickens  and  Beuter 

Meter,  Eichard  M.  Zu  Eeuters  Stromtid;  zwei  Quellennachweise.  Jahr-     [1435] 
buch  des  VNS  XXII  (1896)  131-132. 
Pickwick  and  Brasig. 

Geist,  Hugo.  Fritz  Eeuters  literarische  Beziehungen  zu  Charles  Dickens.     [1436] 
Halle  diss.,  Erfurt  1913;  43  pp. 

Dickens  and  Spielhagen 

Skinner,  M.  M.  Brief  notes  on  the  indebtedness  of  Spielhagen  to  Dickens.     [1437] 
JEGPh  IX  (1910)  499-505. 

Emerson 

Francke,  Kuno.  Emerson  and  German  personality.  The  International     [1438] 
Quarterly  VIII  (1903)  92-107. 

Grimm,  J.  Schmidt,  Fr.  Spielhagen. 

Von  Ende,  A.  Emerson-tibersetzungen.  LE  V  (1903)  1324-1326.  [1439] 

Harbou,  Schoelermann,  Federn. 

Simon,  J.  Ealph  Waldo  Emerson  in  Deutschland,  1851-1932.  Neue  deutsche     [1440] 
Forschungen,  Abt. :  Amerikanische  Literatur  und  Kulturgeschichte  III 
(1937)  ;  180  pp. 
H.  Marcus.  ASNS  CLXXIII  (1938)  117. 
H.  M.  Jones.  JEGPh  XXXVII  (1938)  597  f. 
H.  Bluhm.  MDU  XXX  (1938)  290  f. 
H.  Trokchon.  RG  XXX  (1939)  61  f. 

Wellek,  Bene.  Emerson  and  German  philosophy.  New  England  Quar-     [1441] 
terly  XVI  (1943)  41-63. 

Emerson  and  Grimm 

Holls,  Friedrich  William:,  ed.  Correspondence  between  E.  W.  Emerson     [1442] 
and  H.  Grimm.  Boston  1903 ;  iii  +  90  pp. 

Also  in  Atlantic  Monthly  XVI  (1903)  467-479. 

Emerson  and  Nietzsche 

Hammel,   H.   Emerson   and   Nietzsche.  New   England   Quarterly  XIX     [1443] 
(1936)  63-84. 

Fletcher  and  Grillparser 

Eosenberg,  Felix.  Zur  Quelle  von  Grillparzers  Ein  treuer  Diener  seines     [1444] 
Herrn.  ASNS  CXXIV  (1910)  291-299. 

Gillies  and  Hauff 

Hopmann-Ulm,  Hans.  The  English  original  of  Hauff's  The  Cave  of     [1445] 
Steenfoll.  Athenaeum,  1903,  II  62. 

Robert  P.  Gillies,  Tales  of  a  Voyager  to  the  Arctic  Ocean. 


502      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Goldsmith  and  Beuter 

Knaak,  Georg.  Fritz  Eeuter  und  Oliver  Goldsmith.  ZDU  XIII  (1899)      [1446] 
208-210. 

Goldsmith  and  W inter f eld 

Zupitza,  Julius.  Oliver  Goldsmiths  Lustspiel  She  Stoops  to  Conquer  als     [1447] 
Quelle  von  A.  von  Winterfelds  komischem  Roman  Der  Elephant.  ASNS 
LXXXV  (1890)  39-44. 

Gray  and  Heine 

GLODE,  O.  Thomas  Gray  und  Heinrich  Heine.  ES  XVII  (1892)  181-182.     [1448] 

Hale  and  Wichede 

Barba,  Preston  A.  Ein  Mann  ohne  Vaterland.  MLN  XXIX  (1914)  165-     [1449] 
166. 

Harte  and  Freiligrath 

Kindt,  Hermann.  Freiligrath  und  Bret  Harte.  Gegemvart  IX   (1876)      [1450] 
393-394. 

Hood  and  Goethe 

Hennig,  John.  The  literary  relations  between  Goethe  and  Thomas  Hood.      [1451] 
MLQXII  (1951)  57-66. 

Hutton  and  Achim  von  Arnim 

Jones,  Katherine.  The  source  of  Achim  von  Arnim's  Owen  Tudor.  MLR     [1452] 
XXII  (1927)  447. 

W.  Hutton's  Remarks  on  North  Wales,  1803. 

Irving  and  Hauff.  See  also  [1409]. 

Plath,  Otto.  Washington  Irvings  EinfluB  auf  Wilhelm  Hauff.  Euphorion     [1453] 
XX  (1913)  459-471. 

Irving  and  Heine 

Kabel,  P.  Die  Quellen  fur  Heines  "Bimini"  und  "Mohrenkonig."  ASNS     [1454] 
CXVII  (1906)  256-267. 

Voyages   and   Discoveries   of   the    Companions    of   Columbus,    Conquest   of 
Granada. 

Irving  and  Raaoe 

Brandes,  Wilhelm.  Raabe  und  Washington  Irving.  Mitteilungen  fur  die     [1455] 
Gesellschaft  der  Freunde  Wilhelm  Eaabes.  XIII  3  (1923)  75-79. 

Irving  and  Beuter 

Sprenger,  R.  Zu  Fritz  Reuters  Dichtungen.  Jahrbuch  des  VNS  XXVII     [1456] 
(1901)  150-151. 

Knickerbocker's  History  of  New  York  and  TJrgeschicht  von  Mekelnborg. 

Keerl,  F.  Die  Quellen  zu  Fritz  Reuters  TJrgeschicht  von  Meclcelnborg.     [1457] 
Greif  swald  diss.,  1915 ;  78  pp. 

Jameson  and  Goethe  (Ottilie) 

Jameson,  Anna.  Letters  of  Anna  Jameson  to  Ottilie  von  Goethe,  ed.  G.  H.     [1458] 
Needier.  Oxford  University  Press,  1939. 

Anon.  London  Times  Literary  Supplement,  February  10,  1940;  p.  78. 
H.  G.  Atkins.  MLR  XXV  (1940)  262  f. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  503 

Jonson  and  TiecTc.  See  also  [1313]-[1318]. 

Stanger,  Hermann.  Der  EinfluB  Ben  Jonsons  auf  Ludwig  Tieck.  SVL  I     [1459] 
(1901)  182-227  and  II  (1902)  37-86. 

I,  Tieck's  translations  and  imitations  of  Ben  Jonson,  1793—1800.  II,  Jonson's 
The  Devil  Is  an  Ass  and  Tieck's  Anti-Faust  (1801). 
E.  FEBY.  ES  XXXII  (1903)  127-129. 

Fischer,  Walther.  Zu  Ludwig  Tiecks  elisabetkanischen  Studien:  Tieck     [1460] 
als  Ben  Jonson  Philologe.  ShJ  LXII  (1926)  98-132. 

Whiting,  George  W.  Volpone,  Der  Eerr  von  Fuchs,  and  Les  Heritiers     [1461] 
Babourdin.  PMLA  XLVI  (1931)  605-608. 

Keats 

Ackermann,  Bichard.  Keats  "Hymne  an  Pan"  in  drei  Deutschen  Uber-     [1462] 
tragungen.  ES  XXVII  (1900)  456-466. 

Marie  Gothein,  Gisberte  Freiligrath,  and  R.  Ackermann. 

Keats  and  Goethe 

Green,  David  Bonnell.  Keats  and  Goethe.  NQ  CXCV  (1950)  410-412.     [1463] 

Lewis  and  Grillparser 

Arlt,  Gustav  O.  A  source  of  Grillparzer's  Ahnfrau.  MPh  XXIX  (1931)      [1464] 
91-100. 

Lewis  and  Hoffmann 

Koziol,  Herbert.  E.  T.  A.  Hoffmanns  Die  Elixire  des  Teufels  und  M.  G.     [1465] 
Lewis'  The  Monk.  GEM  XXVI  (1938)  167-170. 

Lillo.  See  also  [402]-[407]. 

Fath,  Jacob.  Die  Schicksalsidee  in  der  deutschen  Tragodie.  Leipzig  diss.,     [1466] 
Miinchen  1895 ;  35  pp. 

Lillo  and  Grillparzer 

Minor,  Jacob.  Zur  Geschichte  der  deutschen  Schicksalstragodie  und  zu     [1467] 
Grillparzers  Ahnfrau.  GpJ  IX  (1899)  1-85. 

Denies  influence  of  Lillo,  but  cf.  Sandbach  [1469]. 

Lillo  and  Moritz 

Abrahamson,  O.  Ein  Beitrag  zur  Entwicklungsgeschichte  der  Schicksals-     [1468] 
tragodie.  AL  IX  (1880)  207-224. 

Sandbach,  Francis  E.  Karl  Philipp  Moritz's  Blunt  and  Lillo's  Fatal     [1469] 
Curiosity.  MLR  XVIII  (1923)  449-457. 
Cf.  p.  304  f.,  above. 

Longfellow  and  Freiligrath 

Appelmann,   Maria.   H.   W.   Longfellows   Beziehungen   zu   Ferdinand     [1470] 
Freiligrath.  Miinster  diss.,  1915;  106  pp. 

Hatfield,   James    Taft.    The   Longfellow-Freiligrath   correspondence.     [1471] 
PMLA  XL VIII  (1933)  1223-1294. 

P.  Schoenemann.  DNS  XXXVI  (1937)  65-69. 

Marlowe  and  Wilhelm  Muller 

Steig,  Eeinhold.  Wilhelm  Miillers  tibersetzung  von  Marlowes  Faust.     [1472] 
Euphorion  XIII  (1906)  94-104. 


504      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Badt,  Bertha,  ed.  Doktor  Faustus,  iibersetzt  von  Wilhelm  Miiller.  Pan-     [1473] 
dora  II,  Miinchen,  1922;  172  pp. 
See  introduction. 
H.  FOESTEB.  ShJ  XLVIII  (1912)  344  f. 

Marryat  and  Beuter 

Walther,  G.  Zu  Fritz  Beuters  Be  Wedd.  Korrespondenzblatt  des  VNS     [1474] 
XIX  (1897)  58. 

Massing er  and  Arnim 

Sprenger,  E.  Zu  Philipp  Massingers  The  Virgin  Martyr.  ES  XXII  (1896)      [1475] 
146-148. 

Massinger's  tragedy  IV,  3  and  the  poem  "Dorothea  und  Theophilus"  in 
Des  Knaben  Wunderhom. 

Maturin  and  Goethe 

Suphan,  B.  Anzeige  des  Trauerspiels  Bertram  nebst  Proben  einer  tiber-     [1476] 
setzung.  GJ  XII  (1891)  12-32. 

Bernays,  Michael.  Goethe,  Maturin  und  Wolfe.  In  Schriften  zur  Kritik     [1477] 
und  Literaturgeschichte,  Leipzig,  1898;  II  203-222. 

Goethe's  interest  in  Maturin's  Bertram  in  1817  and  "Byron's,"  properly 
Wolfe's,  "Burial  of  Sir  John  Moore." 

Moore  and  Freiligrath.  See  [1252]-[1259]. 

Hersenberg,  W.  Die  Goethesche  und  die  Newtonsche  Farbenlehre  im     [1478] 
Lichte  der  modernen  Physik.  Geist  der  Zeit  V  (1941)  261-275. 

Ossian  and  Heine 
Vos,  B.  J.  Notes  on  Heine.  MLN  XXIII  (1908)  25-28.  [1479] 

Otway  and  Wagner.  See  [1230]. 
Paine  and  Buchner 

Seibel,  George.  Thomas  Paine  in  Germany.  The  Open  Court  XXXIV     [1480] 
(1920)  7-14. 

Thomas  Paine  in  Buchner's  drama  Dantons  Tod. 

Poe 

Betz,  Louis  P.  Edgar  Poe  in  Deutschland.  Die  Zeit  XXXV  (1903)  8-9,     [1481] 
21-23. 

Ch.  Baudelaire  as  an  intermediary.  Spielhagen's  propaganda,  1865.  His 
Amerikanische  Oedichte.  Elise  von  Hohenhausen  (ca.  1848).  Strodtmann,  Hed- 
wig  Lachmann,  and  later  translators. 

Edward,  Georg.  Poe  in  Germany.  In  The  Book  of  the  Poe  Centenary.     [1482] 
University  of  Virginia.  1909;  73-99. 

Wachtler,  Paul.  Edgar  Allan  Poe  und  die  deutsche  Bomantik.  Leipzig     [1483] 
diss.,  1911;  109  pp. 

Hippe,  Fritz.  Edgar  Allan  Poes  Lyrik  in  Deutschland.  Miinster  diss.       [1484] 
Leipzig,  1913 ;  xi  +  91  pp. 

Babler,  Otto  F.  and  Vodicka,  Thimotheus.  Die  deutschen  "Baoen"-     [1485] 
tibersetzungen.  Versuch  einer  Bibliographie.  ZB  XXXVIII4   (1934) 

80-82. 

Babler,  Otto  F.  German  translations  of  Poe's  "Eaven."  NQ  CLXXIV     [1486] 
(1938)  9. 
T.  O.  Mabbott.  NQ  1938;  p.  88. 
A.  J.  Edmunds.  NQ  1938;  p.  106. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  505 

Poe  and  Spielhagen 

Cobb,  Palmer.  Edgar  Allan  Poe  and  Friedrich  Spielhagen.  Their  theory     [1487] 
of  the  short  story.  MLN  XXV  (1910)  67-72. 

Mitchell,  Eobert  McBurney.  Poe  and  Spielhagen;  Novelle  and  short     [1488] 
story.  MLN  XXIX  (1914)  36-41. 

A  reply  to  [1487]  ;  cf.  MPh  XVI  (1918)  200. 

Poe  and  Winterfeld 

Andrae,  August.  Zu  Edgar  Allan  Poes  Geschichten.  ES  XLVIII  (1915)      [1489] 
479. 

Pope  and  Bilclcert 

Levy,  Siegmund.  Miscelle.  AL  XII  (1884)  176.  [1490] 

Essay  on  Man,  IV,  194  ff.  and  Weisheit  des  Brahamanen,  14  ff. 

Pringle  and  Freiligrath 

Pachaly,  Bichard.  Thomas  Pringle  and  Ferdinand  Freiligrath.  Prog.      [1491] 
Freiburg  1879. 

Thomas  Pringle's  "The  lion  and  the  giraffe." 
Holschee.  ASNS  LXV  (1881)  354. 

Bichardson  and  the  romantic  school.  See  also  [1308]. 

Donner,  J.  O.  E.  Eichardson  in  der  deutschen  Eomantik.  ZVL  X  (1896)      [1492] 
1-16. 

Tieck's  William  Lovell,  1795,  and  Achim  von  Arnim's  Grafvn,  Dolores,  1810. 

Scott 

Anon.  Sir  Walter  Scott  und  seine  deutschen  Ubersetzer.  iiberlieferungen     [1493] 
zur  Geschichte,  Literatur  und  Kunst  der  Vor-  und  Mitwelt,  hrsg.  F.  A. 
Ebert.  II  1,  Dresden,  1827. 

Schmidt,  Julian.  Walter  Scott.  Bilder  aus  dem  geistigen  Leben  unserer     [1494] 
Zeit.  Leipzig,  1870 ;  I  146-242. 

Revised  from  Westermanns  Monatshefte  XXVI  (1862). 

Wenger,  Karl.  Historische  Eomane  deutscher  Eomantiker    (Untersu-     [1495] 
chungen  iiber  den  EinfluB  Walter  Scotts)   UNSL  VII   (1905)   vii  + 
121  pp. 

Also  "Teildruck,"  Bern  diss.,  1905. 
Scott's  reception  in  Germany:  Fouque,  Arnim,  Tieck. 
H.  HOFMANN.  SVL  VII  (1907)  154-158. 

Sigmann,  Luise.  Scott  und  die  Seeschule  in  der  deutschen  Kritik  von     [1496] 
1800-1850.  Heidelberg  diss.,  1917 ;  17  pp. 

Cf.  [1232]. 

Bachmann,  Frederick  Wilhelm.  Some  German  imitators  of  Scott . . .     [1497] 
University  of  Chicago  diss.,  1933 ;  111  pp. 

Heinrich  Miiller,  H.  L.  Reinhardt,  E.  R.  E.  Richter,  August  Schaefer. 

Thomas,  W.  Walter  Scott  et  la  litterature  allemande,  pp.  205-213  in     [1498] 
"Melanges  Lichtenberger."  Paris,  1934. 

Scott  and  Alexis.  See  also  [1508]-[1517]. 

Scott  and  Arnim 

Howie,  Margaret  D.  Achim  von  Arnim  and  Scotland.  MLB  XVII  (1922)      [1499] 
157-164. 


506      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Scott  andFontane.  See  also  [1243]-[1251]. 

Shears,  Lambert  Armour.  The  influence  of  Walter  Scott  on  the  novels     [1500] 
of  Theodor  Fontane.  CUGS  1922 ;  82  pp. 
L.  M.  Price.  RLC  III  (1923)  329  f. 

Paul,  Adolf.  Der  EinfluB  Walter  Scotts  auf  die  epische  Technik  Theodor     [1501] 
Fontanes.   Sprache  und  Kultur   der   romanischen  und   germanischen 
Volker,  Reihe  B  (1934)  ;  272  pp. 

O.  Neuendorff.  JbL  XIV  (1934)  157  f. 

A.  Rosenfeld.  ZDPh  LXI  (1936)  449-451. 

G.  A.  Gillhoff.  GR  XII  (1937)  69. 

Scott  and  Freytag.  See  also  [1260]. 

Ulrich,  Paul.  Gustav  Freytags  Romantechnik.  BDL  III  (1907)  ;  103  +     [1502] 
2  pp. 

Scott  and  WilheJm  Meister.  Dickens's  novels. 
R.  R[iemann].  ASNS  CXXI  (1908)  156-161. 
P.  Landau.  SVL  IX  (1909)  133-135. 
J.  Dresch.  RG  V  (1909)  110  f. 

Feilendorf,  Anna.  Walter  Scotts  EinfluB  auf  die  historischen  Romane     [1503] 
G.  Freytags.  Wien  diss.,  1931. 

Scott  and  Goethe 

Bernays,  M.  Varnhagens  Briefe.  Beziehungen  Goethes  zu  Walter  Scott.      [1504] 
Schriften  zur  Kritik  und  neueren  Literaturgeschichte,  Stuttgart,  1895  ; 
I  19-45. 

Macintosh,  W.  Scott  and  Goethe.  Galashiels,  1926;  xviii  +  214  pp.  [1505] 

Gundolf,  Friedrich.  Goethe  und  Walter  Scott.  Die  neue  Rundschau,      [1506] 
1932 ;  pp.  490-504. 

Needler,  G.  H.  Goethe  and  Scott.  Oxford  University  Press,  Toronto,     [1507] 
1950;  x  + 140  pp. 

R.  R.  Brewster.  MDU  XLIII  (1951)  357-358. 

W.  "W.  Chambers.  GL&L  V  (1951)  146-147. 

H.  Laird.  Queen's  Quarterly  LVIII  (1951)  458-460. 

D.  M.  Mennie.  MLR  XVLII  (1952)  431. 

L.  M.  Price.  GR  XXVII  (1952)  223. 

Scott  and  Raring 

Korff,  Hermann  A.   Scott  and  Alexis.  Zur  Technik  des  historischen     [1508] 
Romans.  Heidelberg  diss.,  1907;  148  pp. 

Fischer,   Richard.    SchloB   Avalon,   der   erste   historische   Roman  von     [1509] 
Willibald  Alexis.  Leipzig  diss.,  Chemnitz,  1911 ;  104  pp. 

Kohler,  Hedwig  Frida.  Walladmor  von  Willibald  Alexis  ...  in  seinem     [1510] 
Verhaltnis  zu  Walter  Scott.  Marburg  diss.,  1915;  ix  +  121  pp. 

Thomas,  L.  H.  C.  The  literary  reputation  of  Willibald  Alexis  as  a  his-     [1511] 
torical  novelist.  MLR  XLV  (1950)  195-214. 

Thomas,  L.  H.  C.  Walladmor,  a  pseudo-translation  of  Walter  Scott.  MLR     [1512] 
XLVI  (1951)  218-230. 

Scott  and  Hauff 

Eastman,  Clarence  Willis.  Wilhelm  Hauff 's  Lichtenstein.   AG  III     [1513] 
(1900)  386-392. 

Carruth,  W.  H.  The  relation  of  Hauff's  Lichtenstein  to  Scott's  Waverley.     [1514] 
PMLA  XVIII  (1903)  512-525. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  507 

Schuster,  M.  Der  geschichtliche  Kern  von  Hauffs  Lichtenstein.  Stutt-     [1515] 
gart,  1904 ;  vi  +  146  pp. 

Drescher,  Max.  Die  Quellen  zu  Hauffs  Lichtenstein.  Probefahrten  VIII     [1516] 
(1905)  vii  +  146pp. 

Pp.  54—61 :  Scott  and  Lichtenstein. 
R.  M.  Meyer.  ASNS  CXVI  (1906)  389  f. 

Thompson,  Garrett  W.  Wilhelm  Hauff's  specific  relation  to  Walter  Scott.     [1517] 
PMLA  XXVI  (1911)  549-592. 

Scott  and  Immermann 

Porterfield,  Allen  Wilson.  Ivanhoe  translated  by  Immermann.  MLN     [1518] 
XXVIII  (1913)  214-215. 

Scott  and  Ludwig.  See  also  [1301]  and  [1430]. 

Lohre,  Heinrich.  Otto  Ludwigs  Komanstudien  und  seine  Erzahlungs-     [1519] 
praxis.  Prog.  Berlin,  1913 ;  19  pp. 

Pp.  16—18:  Scott,  Dickens,  and  Ludwig. 
L.  M[is].  RG  X  (1914)  240. 

Scott  and  Pichler 

Wild,  Bupert.  Die  historischen  Eomane  der  Caroline  Pichler  mit  Buck-     [1520] 
sicbt  auf  die  Einflusse  Walter  Scotts.  Wien  diss.,  1935 ;  typescript. 

Scott  and  Behfues 

Hofer,  E.  tiber  W.  Scotts  EinfluB  auf  Ph.  J.  Eehfues'  Eoman  Scipio     [1521] 
Cicala.  Prog.,  Mahr.  WeiBkirchen,  1909 ;  42  pp. 

Scott  and  Sealsfield 
Hubner,  Gertrude.  Charles  Sealsfield  and  Walter  Scott.  Wien  diss.  1948 ;      [1522] 
typescript. 

Microfilm  in  University  of  California  library,  Berkeley. 

Scott  and  Van  der  Velde 

Matthey,  Walter.  Die  historischen  Erzahlungen  des  Carl  Franz  van  der     [1523] 
Velde.  Tiibinger  germanistische  Arbeiten  IV  (1928)  ;  144  pp. 
The  influence  of  Scott  was  but  slight. 

Scott  and  Wagner.  See  [1320]  f. 
Shelley 
Kellner,  L.  Shelleys  Prometheus  in  deutscher  tibersetzung.  ES  XXII     [1524] 
(1896)  295-298. 

Liptzin,  Solomon.  Shelley  in  Germany.  CUGS,  1924;  97  pp.  [1525] 

G.  H.  Clarke.  Sewanee  Review  XXXIII  (1924)  93  f. 
Anon.  ASNS  CXLVII  (1924)  303  f. 
P.  Van  Teeghem.  RSH  XL  (1925)  143  f. 
L.  M.  Price.  RLC  V  (1925)  189  f. 
K.  ARNS.  LE  XXVII  (1925)  243  f. 
R.  Ackermann,  ES  LX  (1925-1926)  387-390. 
G.  Herzfeld.  DNS  XXXIII  (1925)  482-485. 
H.  Jantzen.  ZfFEU  XXV  (1926)  387-390. 
E.  Rose.  JEGPh  XXVI  (1927)  140-142. 

Sheridan.  See  [222]  and  [567]  f. 
Smollett  and  Engel 

Brandl,  Leopold.  Engels  Kerr  Lorenz  StarTc  und  Smolletts  Humphrey     [1526] 
Clinker.  Prog.,  Wien,  1902 ;  22  pp. 

Spielhagen's  assertion  of  influence  denied. 


508      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Sterne  and  Brentano 

Kerr,  Alfred.  Godwi.  Ein  Kapitel  deutscher  Eomantik.  Berlin,  1898;      [1527] 
xi  +  136  pp. 

Pp.  72-79 :  Sterne  and  Brentano. 
0.  Walzel.  ADA  XXV  (1899)  305-318. 

Sterne  and  Heine 

Vacano,  Stefan.  Heine  und  Sterne  .  .  .  Berlin,  1907;  83  pp.  [1528] 

F.  Baldensperger.  RG  III  (1907)  617. 
M.  Koch.  LZ  LIX  (1908)  100. 
F.  Keatz.  AB  XX  (1909)  46-48. 
R.  F.  Arnold.  LE  XII  (1910)  670  f. 

Eansmeier,  John  C.  Heines  Eeisebilder  und  Laurence  Sterne.  ASNS     [1529] 
CXVIII  (1907)  289-317. 

Eckertz,  Erich.  Heine  und  sein  Witz.  LF  XXXVI  (1908)  ;  vi  +  196  pp.     [1530] 
B.  M.  Meyer.  ZDPh  XLIII  (1911)  259  f. 

Sterne  and  Immermann 

Bauer,   Friedrich.   Sternscher   Humor   in   Immermanns   Hiinclihausen.     [1531] 
Prog.,  Wien,  1896 ;  18  pp. 

Sterne  and  Kerner 

Gaismaier,  Josef,  tiber  Justinus  Kerners  Beiseschatten  . . .  ZVL  XIII     [1532] 
(1899)  492-513. 

Sterne  and  Baabe 

Doernenburg,  Emil.  Laurence  Sterne  und  Wilhelm  Kaabe.  GE  VI  (1931)      [1533] 
154-182. 

Cf.  Doernenburg.  Same  title,  Mitteilungen  fur  die  Gesellschaft  der  Freunde 
Wilhelm  Raabes  XXXIX  (1939)  68-71. 

Stowe 

Maclean,  Grace  E.  Uncle  Tom's  Cabin  in  Germany.  Heidelberg  diss.,     [1534] 
1910  and  AG  X,  Monograph  series  (1910) ;  102  pp. 

Statistics.  Bibliography.  Influence  on  Hacklander  and  Auerbach. 
F.  Baldenspergeb.  RG  IX  (1913)  593. 

Tennyson 

Meyer,  Wilhelm.  Tennysons  Jugendgedichte  in  deutscher  tibersetzung.     [1535] 
Minister  diss.,  1914;  127  pp. 

Tennyson  and  Weber 

Hocks,  M.  D.  Tennysons  EinfluB  auf  Fr.  W.  Weber.  Minister  diss.,  1916;      [1536] 
54  pp. 

Tennyson  and  Wildenbruch 

Schladebach,  Kurt.  Tennysons  und  Wildenbruchs  Harolddramen.  SVL     [1537] 
II  (1902)  215-228. 

Influence  denied.  Influence  of  Bulwer's  Harold  negligible. 

ThacTceray 

Schweighofer,  Konrad.  William  M.  Thackeray  und  die  deutsche  Litera-     [1538] 
tur.  Wien  diss.,  1949;  typescript. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  509 

Thackeray  and  Fontane 

Shears,  Lambert  A.  Thackeray's  Pendennis  as  a  source  of  Fontane's     [1539] 
Frau  Jenny  Treioel.  PMLA  XL  (1925)  211-216. 

Thackeray  and  Eaabe 

Kruger,  Hermann  Anders.  Der  junge  Raabe,  Jugendjahre  und  Erst-     [1540] 
lingswerke  .  .  .  Leipzig,  1911 ;  189  pp. 

R.  Riemann.  ASNS  CXXXIII  (1915)  446-448. 

Albatjgh,  Kathryn.   The  influence  of  W.  M.  Thackeray  on  Wilhelm     [1541] 
Eaabe.  Stanford  University  Abstracts  of  Dissertations  XVI   (1941) 
98-101. 

Ticknor  and  Goethe.  See  [1194]. 

Whitman  and  Freiligrath 

Springer,  Otto.  Walt  Whitman  and  Ferdinand  Freiligrath.  AGR  XI  2     [1542] 
(1944)  22-26,  38. 

Whitman  and  Knorz.  See  [1543]. 

Whitman  and  Eolleston 

Frenz,  Horst,  ed.  Whitman  and  Eolleston:  A  correspondence.  Indiana     [1543] 
University    Publications.    Humanities    Series    XXVI,    Bloomington, 
1952;  137  pp. 

For  letters  to  Knorz  see  H.  Frenz,  Am.  Lit,  XX  (1948)   115-163  and  AGR 
XIII  (1946)  27-30. 

Whittier 

Eastburn,  Iola  Kay.  Whittier's  relation  to  German  life  and  thought.     [1544] 
AG,  Monograph  Series,  XX  (1915)  ;  161  pp. 
Also  University  of  Pennsylvania  diss.,  1915. 
Pp.  145—147  and  160:  Whittier  in  German  translation. 

Wolfe  and  Goethe.  See  [1477]  f. 

Wordsworth  and  Miiller 

Miller,,  Anna  Elizabeth.  Wordsworth  and  Wilhelm  Miiller.  AG  III     [1545] 
(1899-1900)  206-211. 

"Song  of  the  wandering  Jew"  and  "Der  ewige  Jude." 

The  Twentieth  Centuky 

AMERICA 

American  fiction  in  Germany 

Colbron,  Grace  Isabel.  The  American  novel  in  Germany.  Bookman     [1546] 
XXXIX  (1914)  45-49. 

Hewett-Thayer,  Harvey  W.  America  and  Americans  in  recent  German     [1547] 
fiction.  Bookman  XLIII  (1916)  95-102,  and  pp.  1-25  in  The  Modern 
German  Novel,  Boston,  1924. 

American  fiction  in  Switzerland 

Wildi,  Max.  Der  angelsachsische  Roman  und  der  Schweizer  Leser.  Zurich,     [1548] 
1944;  81pp. 


510      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Marjasch,  Sonia.  Der  amerikanische  Bestseller,  sein  Wesen  und  seine     [1549] 
Verbreitung  unter  besonderer  Beriicksichtigung  der  Schweiz.  Schweizer 
anglistische  Arbeiten,  Bern,  Francke,  1946;  176  pp. 

W.  P.  Friedrich.  MLN  LXII  (1947)  498-499. 

J.  R.  Fret.  JEGPh  XLVII  (1948)  104-105. 

C.  P.  Magill.  MLR  XLIII  (1948)  131. 

GERMAN  AUTHORS 

Hauptmann 

Heuser,  F.  W.  J.  Gerhart  Hauptmanns  Amerikafahrt,  1932.  Gerhart     [1550] 
Hauptmann  Jahrbuch  II  (1937)  111-131. 

Heuser,  F.  W.  J.  Gerhart  Hauptmann's  trip  to  America,  1894.  GE  XIII     [1551] 
(1938)  3-31. 

Muller,   Siegfried  H.   Gerhart   Hauptmann's   relation  to   America...      [1552] 
MDU  XLIV  (1952)  332-339. 

Mann 

Suhl,  Abraham.  Anglizismen  in  Thomas  Manns  DoMor  Faustus.  MDU     [1553] 
XL  (1948)  391-397. 

Politzer,  Heinz.  America  in  the  later  writings  of  Thomas  Mann.  Prog.,     [1554] 
MLA,  Detroit,  December,  1951. 

WedeTcind 

Seidlin,  Oskar.  Franz  Wedekind's  German- American  parents.  AGE  XII     [1555] 
6  (1946)  24-26. 

Werfel 

Fret,  John  E.  America  and  Franz  Werfel.  GQ  XIX  (1946)  121-128.  [1556] 

Arlt,  Gustav  O.  Franz  Werfel  and  America.  MLF  XXXVI  (1951)  1-7.      [1557] 

ENGLAND 

English  literature 

Schlosser,  Anselm.  Die  englische  Literatur  in  Deutschland  von  1895-     [1558] 
1934.  Mit  einer  vollstandigen  Bibliographie  der  deutschen  tiberset- 
zungen  und  der  im  deutschen  Sprachgebiet  erschienenen  englischen 
Ausgaben.  Jena,  1937;  535  pp.  (=  Forschungen  zur  englischen  Philo- 
logie  V). 

W.  E.  Suskind.  Die  Literatur  XXXIX  (1937)  695  f. 

L.  M.  Price.  JEGPh  XXXVI  (1937)  602-607. 

H.  Marcus.  ASNS  CLXXII  (1938)  254. 

W.  Fischer.  AB  XLIV  (1938)  178-182. 

E.  T.  Sehrt.  LblGRPh  LXI  (1940)  31  f. 

Naundore,  Margarethe.  Der  englische  Eoman  der  Jahrhundertwende  in     [1559] 
Deutschland  vor  und  nach  dem  ersten  Weltkriege.  Marburg  diss.,  1948 ; 
178  pp.,  typescript. 

Monnig,  Eichard.  Amerika  und  England  im  deutschen,  osterreichischen     [1560] 
und  schweizerischen  Schrifttum  der  Jahre  1945-1949.  Stuttgart,  1951 ; 
ix  +  259  pp. 

W.  P.  Friederich.  AGR  XVIII  4  (1952)  22. 

L.  M.  Price.  Comparative  Literature  V  (1953). 

H.  F.  Peters.  MLQ  XIII  (1952)  113-114. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  511 

English  drama 

Eckhaedt,  Eduard.  Deutsche  Bearbeitungen  alterer  englischer  Dramen.     [1561] 
ESLXVIII  (1933)  193-208. 

Everyman;  von  Geurard,  1905;  Holzweck,  1906;  von  Hofmannsthal,  1911. 
Peele,  Old  Wives'  tale;  Zschalig,  1912. 
Jonson,  Volpone;  Tieck,  1793,  Zweig,  1927. 
Jonson,  Eplcoene;  Konigsgarten,  1930. 
Massinger,  Fatal  Dowry;  Beer-Hoffmann,  1905. 

Stahl,  Leopold.  Englische  Dramatiker  auf  der  deutschen  Biihne.  Mittei-     [1562] 
lungen  der  deutschen  Akademie  in  Miinchen  XVIII  (1938)  38-45. 

English  novel  in  Switzerland.  See  [1548]  f. 
English  language 

Ziegelschmid,  A.  J.  F.  Englisch-Amerikaniscker  Einfluss  auf  den  Wort-     [1563] 
schatz  der  deutschen  Sprache  der  Nachkriegszeit.  JEGPh  XXXIV 
(1935)  24-33. 

GERMAN  AUTHORS 

George 

Farrell,  Ealph.  Stefan  Georges  Beziehungen  zur  englischen  Dichtung.     [1564] 
GS  CXCII  (1937)  ;  239  pp. 

H.  Teonchon.  RG  XXV  (1939)  288-291. 

San  Lazzaro,  Clementina.  Stefan  George  als  tibersetzer.  GEM  XXVIII     [1565] 
(1940)  203-211. 

Jaime,  E.  Stefan  George  und  die  Weltliteratur.  Ulm,  1949;  114  pp.  [1566] 

Hauptmann 

Voigt,  Felix  A.  Gerhart  Hauptmann  und  England.  GEM  XXV  (1937)      [1567] 
321-329. 

Hofmannsthal 

Gilbert,  Mary  E.  Hugo  von  Hofmannsthal  and  England.  GLL  I  (1937)      [1568] 
182-193. 

Schulze,  Ursula.  Die  Beziehungen  von  Hofmannsthals  Jedermann  zu     [1569] 
Everyman  und  Eecastus.  Marburg  diss.,  1948 ;  typescript. 

Bilhe.  See  also  [1572]  f.  and  [1592]. 

Morse,  B.  J.  Eainer  Marie  Eilke  und  English  Literature.  GLL  I,  new     [1570] 
series,  (1941)  215-228. 

ENGLISH  AND  AMERICAN  AUTHORS 

Anderson,  Stalling,  and  ZucTcmeyer 

Steiner,  Pauline  and  Horst  Frenz.  Anderson  and  Stalling's  What  Price     [1571] 
Glory?  and  Carl  Zuckmeyer's  Bivalen.  GQ  XX  (1947)  239-252. 

Browning  (Elizabeth  Barrett)  and  Eilke 

Saludok,  Emma.  Stilkritische  Untersuchung  der  Sonnette  der  Elizabeth     [1572] 
Barrett-Browning  im  Verhaltnis  zu  Eainer  Maria  Eilkes  tibersetzung, 
Marburg  diss.,  1933 ;  viii  +  108  pp. 

Rehder,    Helmut.    Eilke    and    Elizabeth    Barrett   Browning.    JEGPh     [1573] 
XXXIII  (1934)  547-549. 


512      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Browning  (Robert)  and  Wassermann 

Schneider,  Franz.  Browning's  The  Ring  and  the  Book  and  Wassermann's     [1574] 
Der  Fall  Mauritius.  MLN  XLVIII  (1933)  16-17. 

Byron 

Schemann,  Ludwig.  Was  ist  uns  heute  Lord  Byron?  DR  CCXXVI  3     [1575] 
(1931)  152-158. 

Byron  and  Toller 

Bell,  Clair  Hayden.  Toller's  Die  Maschinensturmer.  MDTJ  XXX  (1938)      [1576] 
59-70. 

Carlyle 

Keller,  W.  Carlyle  und  der  Fiihrergedanke.  ZfFEU  XXXIII  (1934)      [1577] 
137-153. 

Freund,  M.  Carlyle  in  unserer  Zeit.  Geistige  Arbeit  II  (1935)  3.  [1578] 

Vollrath,  Wilhelm.  Thomas  Carlyle  and  Houston  Stewart  Chamberlain,     [1579] 
zwei  Freunde  Deutschlands.  Miinchen,  1935;  106  pp. 
B.  Knauss.  Die  Literatur  XXXVIII  (1935)  99. 
K.  Neumann.  AB  XL VII  (1936)  340-342. 
W.  Keller.  ZfNU  XXXVI  (1937)  55  f. 
K.  Arns.  DNS  XLV  (1937)  90. 

Jost,  Th.  Carlyle  und  das  neue  Deutschland.  Die  deutsche  hohere  Schule     [1580] 
III  (1936)  809-812. 

Wippermann,  W.  Carlyle  und  das  neue  Deutschland.  Neue  Jahrbucher     [1581] 
fur  deutsche  Wissenschaft  XIII  (1937)  329-342. 

Deimel,   Theodor.  Carlyle  und  der  Nationalsozialismus.  Bonn,   1937;      [1582] 
144  pp. 
W.  Schmidt.  DNS  XLVII  (1939)  87. 

Conrad 

Freissler,  Ernst  W.  Joseph  Conrad  in  Deutschland.  Neue  Rundschau     [1583] 
XL  (1929)  125-130. 

Dickens  and  Frenssen 

De  Wtzewa,  T.  J  dm  TJhl  par  Gustav  Frenssen.  RDM,  September  1902,     [1584] 
457-468. 

Church,  Howard  W.  Otto  Babendieck  and  David  Copperfield.  GR  XI     [1585] 
(1936)  40-49. 

Galsworthy 

Hoch,  Walter.  John  Galsworthy  als  Dramatiker  in  deutscher  Beleuch-     [1586] 
tung.  DNS  XLI  (1942)  61-67. 

Gay  and  Brecht 

Tolksdorf,   Caecilie.   John   Gays   Beggar's   Opera  und   Bert   Brechts     [1587] 
Dreigroschenoper.  Bonn  diss.,  1934;  80  pp. 
H.  Enged.  AB  XLVII  (1936)  78  f. 

Hardy 

Busse,  Karl.  Thomas  Hardy  und  wir.  PrJ  CCXI  (1928)  359-361.  [1588] 

"Wir  nehmen  den  Philosophen  Hardy  zu  wichtig  und  verlieren  dariiber  den 
Dichter  aus  den  Augen." 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  513 

Osawa,  Mamortt.  Hardy  and  the  German  men  of  letters.  Studies  in  Eng-     [1589] 
lish  Literature.  Tokyo  XIX  (1939)  504-544. 

Hardy  and  Hauptmann 

Korten, Hertha. Thomas  Hardys  Napoleon-Dichtung  The  Dynasts:  Ihre     [1590] 
Abhangigkeit  von  Schopenhauer,  ihr  EinfiuB  auf  Gerhart  Hauptmann. 
Eostock  diss.,  Bonn  1919;  105  pp. 

Anon.  ASNS  CXLI  (1921)  315. 

H.  Hecht.  ES  LV  (1921)  105-115. 

Jonson  and  Zweig 

Eichter,  Helene.  Ben  Jonsons  Volpone  und  sein  Erneuerer  Stefan  Zweig.     [1591] 
ShJ  LXIII  (1927)  183-190. 

Keats  and  Eilke 

Wood,  Frank.  Eilke's  "Keats-Bild."  GE  XXV  (1950)  210-233.  [1592] 

Kipling 

Meyerfeld,  Max.  Kipling-tibersetzungen.  LE  II  (1900)  1441  f.  [1593] 

Corelius,  Ida.  Unsere  Stellung  zu  Kipling.  Die  deutsche  hohere  Schule     [1594] 
VII  (1940)  202-203. 

Lewis 

Steiner,  Arpad.  Sinclair  Lewis  in  Germany.  Pp.  134-140  in  "Curme      [1595] 
volume  of  Linguistic  Studies."  TJrbana,  Illinois,  1930. 

London 

Chomet,  Otto.  Jack  London:  Works,  reviews,  and  criticism  published  in     [1596] 
German.  Bulletin  of  Bibliography  XIX  (1949)  211-215,  239-241. 

Longfellow  and  Hauptmann 

Krumpelmann,  John  T.  Longfellow's  Golden  Legend  and  the  "armer     [1597] 
Heinrich"  theme  in  modern  German  literature.  JEGPh  XXV  (1926) 
173-192. 

Hassinger  and  Beer-Hoffmann 

Beck,  Ch.  Philip  Massingers  The  Fatal  Dowry  mit  besonderer  Beriick-      [1598] 
sichtigung  von  Beer-Hoffmanns  Der  Graf  von  Charolais.  Niirnberg, 
1900. 

Meredith 

Von  Bulow,  Frieda.  Meredith  in  Deutschland.  LE  VI  (1904)  1637-1639.     [1599] 

Petter,  Guy  B.  George  Meredith  and  his  German  critics.  London,  1939;      [1600] 
xvi  +  319  pp. 
G.  Johnson.  MLN  LV  (1939)  553  f. 
L.  Cazamian.  Etudes  anglaises  IV  (1940)  68  f. 
H.  Marcus.  AB  LII  (1941)  32-34. 
F.  SCHUBEL.  ES  LXXV  (1942)  101-103. 

Newbolt  and  Liliencron 

Eose,  Ernst.  "The  fighting  Temeraire,"  William  Turner,  Henry  Newbolt-      [1601] 
Detlev  von  Liliencron.  GE  XV  (1949)  273-280. 


514      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

O'Neill 

Frenz,  Hoest.  Eugene  O'Neill's  plays  printed  abroad.  English  Journal  V     [1602] 
(1944)  340-341. 

In  Germany,  England,  France,  Italy,  Spain,  Sweden,  etc. 

Frenz,   Horst.   List   of   foreign  editions  and  translations   of   Eugene     [1603] 
O'Neill's    dramas.    Bulletin    of    Bibliography    XVIII     (September- 
December  1943)  33-34. 

Feenz,  Horst.  Eugene  O'Neill  on  the  German  stage.  Prog.  MLA  Detroit,     [1604] 
December  1951. 

Prescott  and  Wassermann 

Steiner,  Arpad.  William  H.  Prescott  and  Jakob  Wassermann.  JEGPh      [1605] 
XXIV  (1925)  555-559. 

The  Conquest  of  Peru  the  source  of  Das  Gold  von  Caxamalca. 

Beitzel 

Ztjckee,  A.  E.  A  monument  to  Bobert  Eeitzel.  Der  arme  Teufel.  Berlin,     [1606] 
GEXX  (1945)  147-152. 

Eossetti  and  George 

Klinnert,  Adelheid.  Dante  Gabriel  Eossetti  and  Stefan  George.  Bonn     [1607] 
diss.,  Wiirzburg,  1933;  104  pp. 

A  comparison  of  theory  rather  than  a  study  of  influences. 

Howe  and  Beer-Hofmann.  See  also  [1561]. 

Schwarz,  Ferdinand.  H.  Nicholas  Eowe's  Fair  Penitent  .  .  .  with  a  side-     [1608] 
reference  to  Eichard  Beer-Hofmann's  Graf  von  Charolais.  Bern  diss., 
1907;  iv  +  84pp. 

Cf.  F.  H.  Schwarz  in  Jahrbuch  des  Vereins  schweizerischer  Gymnasiallehrer 
LIV  (1925). 

A.  Barbeau.  RG  III  (1907)  457  f. 
F.  Brie.  ShJ  XLV  (1909)  280. 
H.  RlCHTER.  ES  XL  (1909)  119-121. 

Scott  and  Molo 

Klatt,  Ernst.  Von  Scott  iiber  Fontane  zu  Molo.  LE  XXIII   (1921)      [1609] 
515-519. 

Shaw 

Bab,  J.  Shaws  Ankunft  in  Deutschland.  Schaubuhne  LII  (1908)  259-262,     [1610] 
292-296,  315-318,  345-348. 

Heydet,  X.  Shaw-Kompendium,  Verzeichnis  und  Analyse  seiner  Werke.      [1611] 
Shaw  Bibliographic  Verzeichnis  der  Literatur  iiber  Shaw.  Verzeichnis 
der  Auffiihrungen  seiner  Werke  in  England  und  Deutschland.  Paris 
1936;  228  pp. 

W.  Meineke.  DNS  XLIV  (1936)  529  f. 

W.  Fischer.  AB  XLVII  (1936)  336-338. 

H.  TRONCHON.  RG  XXVII  (1937)  422  f. 

M.  J.  Moore.  MLR  XXXIII  (1937)  335. 

Shaw  and  Euleriberg 

Westphal,  .  Von  der  unheiligen  Johanna,  dem   groBen   Sankt     [1612] 

Bernard  und  dessen  andern  Taten  oder  Eulenberg  contra  Shaw.  Hellweg 
VI  (1926)  1-4. 

Cf.  H.  Eulenberg  "Alexander  der  GroBe  von  Bernard  Shaw  dem  GroBten 
vorempfunden,  warm  nachempfunden  und  ganzlich  erfunden."  Hellweg  VI 
(1926)  4-6. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  515 

Shaw  and  Trebitsch 

Meyerfeld,  Max.  Bernard  Shaw  und  sein  Dolmetsch.  ES  XXXIII  (1903)      [1613] 
143-156. 

Von  Sanden,  Katharina.  Shaw  und  seintibersetzer.  Siiddeutsche  Monats-     [1614] 
hefteLXII  (1908)  450-463. 

Sterne  and  Mann 

Seidlin,  Oskar.  Laurence  Sterne's  Tristram  Shandy  and  Thomas  Mann's      [1615] 
Joseph  the  Provider.  MLQ  VIII  (1947)  108-118. 

Whitman 

Lessing,  O.  E.  Whitman  and  his  German  critics.  JEGPh  IX   (1910)      [1616] 
85-98. 

Thorstenberg,   Edward.   The  Walt  Whitman  cult  in  Germany.   The     [1617] 
Sewanee  Eeview  XIX  (1911)  71-86. 

Knortz,  Karl.  Walt  Whitman  und  seine  Nachahmer.  Leipzig,  1911;      [1618] 
159  pp. 

Clark,  Grace  Delano.  Walt  Whitman  in  Germany.  Texas  Eeview  VI     [1619] 
(1921)  125-135. 

Zarek,  O.  Walt  Whitman  und  die  deutsche  Dichtung.  Die  neue  Eundschau     [1620] 
XXXIII  (1922)  1202-1209. 

Same  in  English  translation,  Little's  Living  Age  CCCXVII  (1923)  333-339. 

Jacobson,  Anna.  Walt  Whitman  in  Germany  since  1914.  GE  I  (1926)      [1621] 
132-141. 

Bab,  Julius.  Walt  Whitman  und  die  Botschaft  Amerika,  pp.  145-156  in     [1622] 
"Befreiungsschlacht,"  Stuttgart,  1928. 

Law-Eobertson,  Harry.  Walt  Whitman  in  Deutschland.  Giessner  Bei-     [1623] 
trage  zur  deutschen  Philologie  XLII  (1935)  ;  91  pp. 
W.  Baumgart.  JbL,  1935,  p.  39. 
F.  Van  Briesen.  AB  XL VII  (1936)  278  f. 
F.  R.  Schroeder.  GRM  XXIV  (1936)  312  f. 

F.  Schoenemann.  ZfNTJ  XXXV  (1936)  358-360. 
H.  J.  Weigand.  GR  XII  (1937)  69  f. 

G.  L.  Plessow.  ADA  LVI  (1937)  77  f. 
W.  ROSE.  MLR  XXXIII  (1938)  617  f. 

Schumann,  Detlev  W.  Enumerative  style  and  its  significance  in  Whit-      [1624] 
man,  Eilke,  Werfel.  MLQ  III  (1942)  171-204. 

Schumann,  Detlev  W.  Observations  on  enumerative  style  in  modern  Ger-     [1625] 
man  poetry.  PMLA  LIX  (1944)  1111-1155. 

See  p.  376,  above.  Cf.  PMLA  LX  (1945)  517-566. 

Whitman  and  Schlaf 

Schlaf,  Johannes.  Walt  Whitman;  zur  Einfuhrung,  mein  Verhaltnis  zu     [1626] 
Walt  Whitman.  Die  Lese  III  (1912)  436-441. 

Wilde 

Meyerfeld,  Max.  Oscar  Wilde  in  Deutschland.  LE  V  (1903)  457-462.  [1627] 

Cf.  Meyerfeld  in  LE  VII  (1905)  985  ff.,  XV  (1923)  410  ff. 

Defieber,  Eudolf.  Oscar  Wilde,  der  Mann  und  sein  Werk,  im  Spiegel  der     [1628] 
deutschen  Kritik  und  sein  EinfluB  auf  die  deutsche  Literatur.  Heidel- 
berg, 1934;  132  pp. 

Also  Heidelberg  diss.,  1933. 


516      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 

Wilde  and  George 

Oswald,  Victor  A.  Oscar  Wilde,  Stefan  George,  Heliogabalus.  MLQ  X     [1629] 
(1949)  517-526. 

Wolfe 

Pusey,  William  W.  III.  The  German  vogue  of  Thomas  Wolfe.  GE  XXIII     [1630] 
(1948)  131-148. 


INDEXES 


INDEX  OF  INVESTIGATORS 

(Reviewers  not  included) 


Abend,  M.,  824. 

Abrahamson,  O.,  1468. 

Abramczyk,  R.,  851. 

Ackermann,  E.,  1132. 

Ackermann,  R.,  1348,  1462. 

Adams,  K,  1086. 

Aehle,  W.,  42. 

Aigner,  K.,  605. 

Alafberg,  F.,  788. 

Albaugh,  K.,  1541. 

Alberts,  W.,  1064. 

Albrecht,  P.,  254. 

Alfes,  L.,  1093. 

Alford,  R.  G.,  220,  803. 

Alk,  S.  C,  683. 

Allen,  D.  C,  147. 

Althaus,  F.,  1361. 

Altman,  G.,  975. 

Ames,  P.  W.,  1323. 

Andrae,  A.,  1489. 

Angell,  J.  B.,  138. 

Anonymous,  138,  161,  326,  1042, 

1389, 1493. 
von  Antoniewicz,  J.,  913. 
Appelmann,  M.,  1470. 
Arlt,  G.  O.,  1464, 1557. 
Armstrong,  T.  P.,  1396. 
Arndt,  K.  J.  R.,  1203, 1204, 1415. 
Arnold,  R.  F.,  422,  423,  424, 1345. 
Asmus,  J.  R.,  504. 
Assmann,  B.,  1024. 
Aufderheide,  E.,  1221. 

Bab,  J.,  1610, 1622. 
Babler,  O.  F.,  1485, 1486. 
Bachmann,  F.  W.,  1497. 
Bader,  F.,  1352. 
Badt,  B.,  1240, 1473. 
Baerwolf,  W.,  325. 
Baesecke,  A.,  95. 
Baginski,  P.  B.,  7. 
Baker,  T.S.,  576, 1165. 
Baldensperger,  F.,  3. 


Barba,  P.  A.,   1175,   1176,  1217,   1408, 

1414,  1417,  1449. 
Barnstorff,  J.,  624. 
Bartels,  A.,  1066. 
Bartmann,  H.,  1052. 
Bauer,  F.,  598, 1531. 
Bauernfeind,  L.,  1212. 
Baumgartner,  M.  D.,  360. 
Beam,  J.  N.,  164. 
Beasley,  S.  T.,  213. 

Beck, ,  304. 

Beck,  C.,  1598. 
Becker,  F.  K.,  354. 
Becker,  G.,  748,  777. 
Beckhaus,  H.,  901. 
Beckmann,  J.  H.,  1142. 
Beeler,  M.  S.,  409. 
Behm-Cierpa,  S.,  198. 
Behmer,  C.  A.,  599. 
Bell,  C.  H.,  1576. 
Benedix,  R.,  648. 
1381,      Benkowitz,  K.  F.,  438. 
Bentley,  E.  R.,  1394. 
Benzmann,  H.,  1244. 
Berg,  L.,  891. 
Bergmann,  A.,  1041,  1054. 
Bernays,  M.,  782,  1010, 1011, 1014, 1477, 

1504. 
Betteridge,  H.  F.,  463, 1285. 
Betz,  G.,  275. 
Betz,  J.,  1301. 
Betz,  L.  P.,  1,1481. 
Beutler,E.,  574,  820, 1190. 
Beyer,  P.,  1380. 
Beyer,  V.,  487. 

Biedermann,  K.,  137,  204,  756. 
Biltz,  K,  357. 
Bion,  U.,  631. 
Bischoff,  F.,  100. 
Bischoff,  H.,  1035. 
Bitterling,  R.,  912. 
Blattner,  F.,  857. 
Blankenagel,  J.  C.,  1201. 
Blankenburg,  C.  F.,  376. 

[519] 


520      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 


Blassneck,  M.,  17. 

Blaze  de  Bury,  H.,  1340. 

Blochmann,  E.,  1281. 

von  Bloedau,  K.  A.,  54. 

Blomker,  F.,  218. 

Bock,  W.,  564. 

Bode,  W.,  227. 

Bodenburg,J.,232. 

Bodmer,  H.,  429. 

Bodmer,  J.  J.,  289. 

Bockmann,  P.,  772. 

Bohtlingk,  A.,  813,  872,  883,  1045,  1130. 

Bohm,  F.  W.,  46. 

Bojanowski,  M.,  180. 

Bolin,  W.,  1043, 1056. 

Bolte,  J.,  38,  58,  68,  74,  81,  101,  109,  110, 

134,  418,  693,  737,  738,  740,  746. 
Bondi,  G.,  549. 
Bonet-Maury,  G.,  484. 
Borcherdt,  H.  H.,  388. 
Borden,  C.  E.,  914. 
Bordier,  P.,  1214. 
Bormann,  W.,881. 
Boucke,  E.  A.,  544. 
Bowen,  A.  M.,  1365. 
Bowers,  F.  T.,  733. 
Boyd,  E.  I.  M.,  476. 
Boyd,  J.,  231. 
Braitmaier,  F.,  170. 
Brandes,  W.,  1455. 
Brandl,  A.,  74,  385,  417,  653,  809,  885, 

1019, 1358, 1363. 
Brandl,  L.,  1526. 
Braun,  H.,  1057. 
Braune,  F.,  181. 
Brauns,  C.  W.  E.,  917. 
Breffka,  C,  1167. 
Brenner,  C.  D.,  1412. 
Brewer,  E.  V.,  557. 
Breyer,  E.,  1060. 
Brie,  F.,  62. 
Briggs,  F.,  379. 
ten  Brink,  B.,  506. 
von  Brockdorff,  F.,  199. 
Broicher,  C.,  1406. 

Brown,  F.  A.,  410,  411,  412,  413,  414. 
Brown,  H.,  225. 
Bruder,  E.,  944. 
Briiggemann,  F.,  126,  258,  355,  767. 


Briies,  O.,  1065. 
Bruinier,  J.  W.,  115. 
Brunhuber,  K.,  61. 
Brunner,  K,  845,  955,  1353. 
Buchholz,  J.,  518. 
Biieler,  S.,  334. 
von  Billow,  F.,  1599. 
Biischer,  E.,  453. 
Burg,  F.,  710. 
Burkhard,  A.,  427. 
Burkhardt,  C.  A.  H.,  805. 
Burmeister,  O.,  957. 
Busse,  A.,  1153. 
Busse,  C.,  635. 
Busse,  E.,  1322. 
Busse,  K.,  1588. 
Busser,  M.,  673. 

Candrea,  G.,  173. 

Caro,  Jakob,  604. 

Caro,  Josef,  256. 

Carr,  M.  G.,  219. 

Carruth,  W.  H.,  212,  1514. 

Cassierer,  E.,  560. 

Castle,  E.,  116,  841, 1199,  1282. 

Cawley,  — ,  834. 

Chamberlain,  H.  S.,  657. 

Chomet,  O.,  1596. 

Chubb,  E.  W.,  812. 

Chuquet,  A.,  808. 

Church,  H.  W.,  1585. 

Clark,  G.  D.,  1619. 

Clark,  R.  T.,  210,  492. 

Clarke,  C.  H.,  253,  372,  374,  375. 

Cobb,  P.,  1487. 

Coffman,  B.  R.,  243,  244. 

Cohn,  A.,  71,  74,  736. 

Colbron,  G.  I.,  1546. 

Collignon,  A.,  52. 

Conrad,  H.,  781,  978,  982,  988,  1025, 

1031. 
Corbin,  J.,  725. 
Corelius,  I.,  1594. 
Cornish,  F.  F.,  317. 
Correll.E.,  1179. 
Corssen,  M.,  1075,  1076,  1078. 
Creizenach,  W.,  67,  74,  107,  112,   114, 

118,717,718,727,729,950. 
Crosland,  J.,  303. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany 


521 


Cruger,  J.,  77,  307,  319. 
Cunz,  D.,  6. 
Czerny,  J.,  582,  590. 

Daffis,  H.,  696,  827. 

Daffner,  H.,  685. 

Dallmann,  W.P.,  1211. 

Deckner,  E.,  730. 

Deetjen,  W.,  818,  842,  1002,  1311. 

Defieber,  R.,  1629. 

Deimel,  T.,  1582. 

Deneke,  O.,  351. 

Descyzk,  G.,  20. 

Dessoff,  A.,  97. 

Dessoir,  M.,  558. 

Deutsche  Shakespeare  Gesellschaft,  74, 

637, 1042, 1043. 
Devrient,  F.,  984. 
Devrient,  O.,  983,  1042. 
Dewey,  M.  H.,  182. 
Deye,  E.,  889. 
Diamond,  W.,  831. 
Dibelius,  W.,  1021. 
Dick,  E.,  1324. 
Diener,  G.,  627. 
Dilkey,  M.  C,  1227. 
Dilthey,  W.,  542. 
Djordjewitsch,  J.,  1210. 
Dobosal,G.,  1351. 
Dodson,D.  B.,  771. 
Doernenburg,  E.,  1433, 1533. 
Dorrer,  A.,  39. 
DoU,E.E.,  1173. 
Donner,  J.  O.  E.,  1492. 
Dorn,  M.,  541. 
Dorn,  R.,  632. 
Drescher,  M.,  1516. 
Drews,  W.,  701,  922. 
Duhring,  E.,  1385. 
Duntzer,  H.,  804. 
Duncker,  A.,  133. 
Duschinsky,  W.,  905. 

Eastburn,  I.  K,  1544. 
Eastman,  C.  W.,  1513. 
Ebert,  J.  A.,  623. 
Ebisch,  W.,  639,  640. 
Ebner,  E.,  1200. 
Ebstein,  E.,  784. 


Eckert,  H.,  815. 

Eckertz,  E.,  1530. 

Eckhardt,  E.,  1561. 

Eckhardt,  J.  H.,  312. 

Eder,  B.,  1294. 

Edward,  G.,  1482. 

Egbring,  H.,  1040. 

Ehrmann,  E.,  448. 

Eichler,  A.,  364,  1108. 

Eidam,  C.,  1017. 

Eimer,  M.,  1368. 

Einstein,  A.,  686. 

Eloesser,  A.,  163. 

Elsasser,  R.,  153. 

Elson,  C,  562. 

Elster,  H.  M.,  1250. 

Elze,  K,  139,  775. 

Elze,  T.,  74,  949. 

vonEnde,  A.,  1439. 

Engel,  C-E.,  158. 

Engel,  J.,  880. 

Erbach,  W.,  1254. 

Ermatinger,  E.,  561. 

Eschenburg,  J.  J.,  750. 

Ettlinger,  J.,  523. 

Evans,  C.,  1184,  1185. 

Evans,  M.  B.,  93,  94,  125,  726,  72S. 

Ewen,  F.,  148. 

Fairchild,  H.  N.,  202. 

Falke,  J.,  467. 

Farrell,  R.,  1564. 

Fath,  J.,  1466. 

Faust,  A.  B.,  1209. 

Federmann,  A.,  236. 

Fehse,  W.,  1429, 1433. 

Feilendorf,  A.,  1503. 

Fein,  N.,  739. 

Fellner,  R.,  1000. 

Ferguson,  R.,  387. 

Fiedler,  H.  G.,  1398. 

Fielitz,  W.,  463. 

Fietkau,  H.,  904. 

Fischer,  B.,  1087. 

Fischer,  K.,  761. 

Fischer,  O.,  1074. 

Fischer,  R.,  1042,  1509. 

Fischer,  W.,  1109, 1300, 1310,  1397,  1460. 

Flaischlen,  C.,  8,  1343. 


522      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 


Flemming,  W.,  69,  714. 

Flindt,  E.,  143. 

Fliigel,  E.,  36,  1160, 1388. 

Forster,  M.,  660. 

Forster-Nietzsche,  E.,  1304. 

Forster,  L.,  47,  48,  49. 

Fouquet,  K,  707. 

Frankel,  L.,  961,  963. 

Francke,  K,  1438. 

Francke,  L.,  1144. 

Franz,  W.,  656. 

Freden,  G.,  131,  132. 

Frehn,  P.,  1239. 

Freissler,  E.  W.,  1583. 

Frenz,  H.,  976,  1195,  1543,  1571,  1602, 

1603,  1604,  1626. 
Frenzel,  K,  692. 
Frerking,  J.,  1104. 
Fresenius,  A.,  617,  705,  764,  869. 
Freund,  M.,  1578. 
Frey,  J.  R.,  1556. 
Freymond,  R.,  1428. 
Freytag,G.,  977, 1421. 
Frick,  A.,  500. 
Friedliinder,  M.,  681. 
Friederich,  T.,  863. 
Friederich,  W.  P.,  3. 
Friedrichs,  E.,  843. 
Fries,  A.,  1027, 1073. 
Fries,  C,  898,  1079. 
Friese,  H.,  832. 
Fritz,  E.,  157. 
Fritz,  G.,  444. 
Fiirst,  R.,  187. 
Fulda,  L.,  716. 

Gaismaier,  J.,  1532. 
Galambos,  W.,  1157. 
Gallinger,  H.  P.,  206. 
Gebhard,  R.,  973. 
Geiger,  L.,  308. 
Geissendoerfer,  J.  T.,  1423. 
Geist,  H.,  1436. 
Gen6e,  R.,  66,  646,  1013,  1022. 
Gericke,  E.,  1043. 
Gericke,  R.,  1042. 
vonGersdorff,  W.,731. 
Gervinus,  G.  G.,  684. 
Geschke,  E.,  373. 


Gibson,  F.  A.,  1426. 

Giessing,  C.  P.,  292. 

Gilbert,  M.  E.,  1568. 

Gillet,L.,  1146. 

Gillies,  A.,  462,  855,  1317. 

Gjerset,  K.,  608. 

Glode,  O.,  1448. 

Gliick,  F.,  1386. 

Gllicksmann,  H.,  1061. 

Gnad,  E.,  1338. 

Goebel,  J.,  21,  335. 

Goedeke,  K.,  30. 

Gohler,  G.,  1025. 

Gopfert,  H.  G.,  1135, 1138. 

Gorlich,  E.,  1063. 

Goethe,  J.  W.,  1009. 

Gotzinger,  E.,  780. 

Goetzinger,  M.  W.,481. 

Goldenstedt,  F.,  981. 

Goldschmidt,  K.  W.,  1113. 

Goldstein,  L.,  176. 

Gothein,  M.,  175. 

Gottschall,  R.,  1339. 

Grabau,C,  1114. 

Grabbe,  CD.,  641. 

Grater,  D.  F.,  479. 

Graewert,  T.,  1207. 

Graf,  E.,  1235. 

Graham,  P.  G.,  994. 

Graner,  K.,  495. 

Grappin,  P.,  796. 

Grasty,  G.  M.,  1296. 

Green,  B.  E.,  810. 

Green,  D.  B.,  1463. 

Gregor,  J.,  1155. 

Griffiths,  B.  E.,  1293. 

Grimm,  H.,  123. 

Groeper,  R.,  942. 

Gross,  Edgar,  1058. 

Gross,  Erich,  566. 

Gruber,  J.,  932. 

Grudzinski,  H.,  563. 

Gudde,  E.,  1255. 

Guelich,  E.  D.,  516. 

Gunther,  F.,  408. 

Gummer,  E.  N.,  1424. 

Gundelfinger,  F.,  see  Gundolf,  F 

Gundolf,  F.,  652,  954,  1312,  1506 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany 


523 


Haas,  L.,  1419. 

Hackenberg,  F.,  1298. 

Hagen,  A.,  715. 

Hallam,  G.,  760. 

Hallamore,  G.  J.,  578. 

Haller,  E.,  56. 

Halm,  H.,  353. 

Hamel,  R.,  793. 

Hammel,  H.,  1443. 

Hammer,  C,  391. 

Hardaway,  R.  T.,  1302. 

Harm,  E.  M.,  300. 

Harms,  P.,  108. 

Harnack,  0.,  807. 

Harris,  C,  86,  92. 

Hartleb,  H.,  135. 

Hartmann,  C,  630. 

Hartmann,  H.,  622. 

Hartung,  W.,  322. 

Hatch,  I.  C,  552. 

Hatfield,  J.  T.,  205, 1471. 

Hatfield,  T.  M.,  350. 

Hauffen,  A.,  286,  650,  918. 

Hauptmann,  G.,  655. 

Hauschild,  G.  R.,  839. 

Hayens,  K.,  1069. 

Hayes,  J.  C.,  593. 

Hecht,  H.,  146,  276, 1116, 1120, 1131. 

Heckedom,  (Baron),  395. 

Hedouin,  A.,  580. 

Hegemann,  D.  v.  B.,  327,  328. 

Hegnauer,  A.  G.,  320. 

Heine,  C.,  186,  222. 

Heine,  H.,  642. 

Heinemann,  — ,  811. 

Heinemann,  F.  H.,  201. 

Heinrich,  G.,  706. 

Heinzelmann,  J.  H.,  496,  497. 

HeUer,  O.,  416,  1213,  1216,  1228,  1333. 

Hellersberg-Wendriner,  A.,  1192. 

Hellmann,  H.,  1077. 

Hemmer,  H.,  466. 

Hemminghaus,  E.  H.,  1404. 

Henderson,  A.,  1399. 

Henkel,  H.,  758. 

Hennig,  J.,  43,  460,  461, 1267, 1271, 1284, 

1288,  1289,  1299, 1303,  1325,  1451. 
Hense,  C.  C,  647,  958. 
Hentschel,  C.,  1354. 


Herford,  C.  H.,  31,  658,  661. 

Hering,  G.  F.,  1055. 

Hermes,  K.  H.,  698,  959. 

Hersenberg,  W.,  1478. 

Herz,  E.,  85. 

Herzfeld,  G.,  1242. 

Hess,  J.  A.,  1295. 

Hettner,  H.,  339. 

Heuer,  O.,  457. 

Heuser,  F.  W.  J.,  1550, 1551. 

Heuwes,  — ,  897. 

Hewitt-Thayer,  H.  W.,  332,  577,  596, 

1314, 1315, 1547. 
Heydet.X.,  1611. 
Heydrick,  M.,  1082. 
Heynen,  W.,  1247. 
Hippe,  F.,  1484. 
Hippe,  J.,  59. 
Hirschberg,  J.,  679. 
Hirschberg,  L.,  682. 
Hirzel,  L.,  333,  936. 
Hoch,  H.  L.,  1053. 
Hoch,  W.,  1586. 
Hochbaum,  E.,  205. 
Hochgesang,  M.,  956. 
Hock,  S.,  1347. 
Hocks,  M.  D.,  1536. 
Hofer,  E.,  1521. 
Hofer,  G.,  121. 
Hofmann-Ulm,  H.,  1445. 
Hofmann  v.  Wellenhoff,  P.,  454. 
von  Hohenhausen,  E.,  1356. 
Hohlfeld,  A.  R.,  1266. 
Holl,  K.,  569, 1369. 
Holland,  W.  L.,  122. 
Hollander,  L.  M.,  835. 
Holls,  F.  W.,  1442. 
Holtermann,  K.,  1015. 
Holthausen,  F.,  570. 
Holzhausen,  P.,  482, 1349. 
ten  Hoor,  G.  J.,  183,  279,  323,  398. 
Horn,  E.,  1026. 
Horn,  W.,  1297. 
Horner,  E.,  361. 
Horstmeyer,  R.,  452. 
Howard,  W.  G.,  177, 178, 179. 
Howie,  M.  D.,  1499. 
Hiibler,  F.,  440. 
Huebner,  A.,  63. 


524      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 


Hubner,  F.,  1377. 
Hubner,  G.,  1522. 
Hiittemann,  W.,  934. 
Humbert,  C.  H.,  645. 
Husgen,  H.,  65. 
Huther,  A.,  806. 

Ibershoff,  C.  H.,  362,  399,  432,  433, 

441,  442,  446,  609,  610,  620,  628. 
Isaacsen,  H.,  854. 
Ischer,  R.,  296,  939. 

Jacks,  W.,  1331. 
Jacobowski,  L.,  858. 
Jacobs,  M.,  794. 
Jacobson,  A.,  1621. 
Jacoby,  D.,  833,  867. 
Jacoby,K.,309. 
Jannecke,  U.,  589. 
Jahn,  K.,  226. 
Jameson,  A.,  1458. 
Jantz,  H.,  1269. 
Jantzen,  H.,  145. 
Jenney,  F.  G.,  478. 
Jenny,  G.  K.,  419. 
Jenny,  H.  E.,  550. 
Joachimi-Dege,  M.,  763. 
Jones,  H.  M.,  246. 
Jones,  K.,  1452. 
Jones,  O.  F.,  769. 
Jones,  T.  D.,  1292. 
Joret,  C,  140,  248. 
Jost,  T.,  1580. 
Josten,  W.,  1133,  1137. 
Jurgens,  W.,  986,  1042. 

Kabel,  P.,  1454. 
Kahane,  A.,  1122. 
Kahn,  L.  W.,  675, 1039. 
Kaiser,  O.,  1034. 
Kallenbach,  H.,  1097,  1098. 
Kamps,  H.,  1268. 
Kane,  R.  J.,  834. 
Kauenhowen,  K,  785,  921,  935. 
Kaulfuss-Diesch,  C.  H.,  91,  741. 
Kawczynski,  M.,  306. 
Kawerau,  W.,  594. 
Kayser,  R.,  996. 
Keckeis,  G.,  930. 


Keerl,  F.,  1457. 
Keller,  L.,  310, 1277. 
Keller,  W.,  992, 1577. 
Kellner,  L.,  1524. 
Kelly,  J.  A.,  144,  155,  285. 
Keppler,  Ernst,  713. 
Kerber,E.,  1105. 
434,      Kern,  K.,  972. 
Kerr,  A.,  1527. 
Kettelhoit,  P.,  55. 
Kettner,  G.,  257,  329,  522,  871. 
Kies,  P.  P.,  260,  261,  262,  263,  264,  267, 

270,  331,  363,  396,  400. 
Kilian,  E.,  703,  786,  787,  1030,  1042, 

1043,  1121. 
Kilian,  W.,  995. 
Kind,  J.  L.,  625. 

Kindermann,  H.,  665,  864,  1004. 
Kindt,  H.,  1450. 
King,  H.  S.,  209. 
Kippenberg,  A.,  341. 
Kircher,  E.,  475. 
Kirchgeorg,  O.  H.,  302. 
Klaar,  A.,  1007. 
Klatt,  E.,  1609. 
Kleeman,  S.,  342. 
Kleineibst,  R.,  274. 
vonKlenze,  C.,  1166. 
Klibansky,  R.,  200. 
Klingemann,  G.,  585. 
Klinnert,  A.,  1607. 
Kluckhohn,  P.,  1101. 
Knaak,  G.,  1446. 
Knight,  A.  H.  J.,  128, 129,  734. 
Knortz,  K.,  1618. 
Knothe,  H.,  464. 
Koberstein,  A.,  753,  754. 
Koch,  F.,  547. 
Koch,  J.,  1373. 

Koch,  M.,  141,  288,  294, 1102, 1320. 
Kohler,  E.,  1251. 
Kohler,  R.,  745. 
Kollmann,  A.,  947. 
Konnecke,  G.,  78. 
Koster,  A.,  902. 
Kohler,  H.  F.,  1510. 
Kolb,  L.,  555. 
Kollewijn,  R.  A.,  709. 
Konrad,  K.,  352. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany 


525 


Korff,  H.  A.,  1508. 

Korten,  H.,  1590. 

Koschmieder,  A.,  852. 

Kost,  E.,  189. 

Koszul,  A.,  32. 

Koziol,  H.,  1465. 

Kracke,  A.,  1092. 

Kraeger,  H.,  1095. 

Kramer,  F.  J.,  102,  103. 

Krasensky,  O.,  228. 

Krause,  F.,  1346. 

Krauss,  B.,  1042. 

Krauss,  R.,  82,  924,  952. 

Kretschmer,  E.,  512. 

Krieg,  H.,  370. 

von  Krockow,  L.,  1174. 

Krogmann,  W.,  415. 

Kriiger,  H.  A.,  1540. 

Krummel,  C.  A.,  1370. 

Krumpelmann,   J.   T.,   501,   875,    1080, 

1220,  1224,  1229,  1597. 
Kruse,  G.  R.,  687. 
Kiihn,  W.,  766. 
Kiiry,  H.,  847. 
Kullmer,  C.  J.,  836. 
Kunze,  A.,  403. 
Kupper,  H.,  591. 
Kurrelmeyer,  W.,  25,  299,  368. 
Kyrieleis,  R.,  595. 

Labinski,  M.,  689. 

Lachmanski,  H.,  311. 

Lain,  F.,  1335. 

Lambel,  H.,  850. 

Landau,  M.,  929. 

Landgraf,  H.,  1270. 

Landsberg,  H.,  928. 

Lange,  V.,  1198. 

Lanz,  M.,  859. 

Lauchert,  F.,  602. 

Law-Robertson,  H.,  1623. 

Lazenby,  M.  C,  1029. 

Learned,  M.  D.,  1181. 

Lederer,  M.,  1405. 

Leitzmann,  A.,  273,  816,  1005,  1096, 

1382. 
Lemcke,  E.,  1143. 
Lemcke,  L.  G.,  644. 
Lenz,  L.,  295. 


Leo,  — ,  450. 

Leo,  F.  A.,  678,  801,  960, 1048. 

Leon,  T.  H.,  1228. 

Lessing,G.E.,526,931. 

Lessing,  O.  E.,  1616. 

Levy,  S.,  384,  499, 1490. 

Liddell,  M.  F.,  1258. 

von  Liliencron,  R.,  721. 

Liljegren,  S.  B.,  197,  515. 

Limeballe,  P.,  1003. 

zur  Linde,  O.,  280. 

Lindner,  A.,  1043. 

Liptzin,  S.,  1525. 

Litzmann,  B.,  720,  724,  920. 

Loening,  R.,  699,  962. 

Loschhorn,  K.,  1046. 

Loewenberg,  E.  L.,  1205. 

Loewenberg,  J.,  468. 

Lohre,  H.,  474, 1431, 1519. 

Long,  O.W.,  1189. 

Longo,  J.,  587. 

Loomis,  C.  G.,  239. 

Low,  C.  B.,  524. 

Lucas,  W.  J.,  676. 

Ludwig,  A.,  886,  964,  966,  971,  1115. 

Ludwig,  E.,  1383. 

Ludwig,  O.,  877,  968, 1047, 1071, 1422. 

Ludeke,  H.,  1036, 1037, 1106, 1107, 1309, 

1418. 
Liider,  F.,  1432. 
Luserke,  M.,  1124. 
Liithi,  H.  J.,  700. 
Lukacs,  G.,  1434. 
Lussky,  A.  E.,  597. 
Luther,  B.,  892. 
van  de  Luyster,  N.,  1178. 

Maack,  R.,  494. 
Macintosh,  W.,  1332, 1505. 
MackaU,  L.  L.,  1186, 1279, 1407. 
Maclean,  G.  E.,  1534. 
McCluney,  D.  C,  Jr.,  1238. 
MacMillan,  J.  B.,  1230. 
Mager,  A.,  600. 
von  Maltzahn,  W.,  1012. 
Manikowsky,  F.,  540. 
Mare,  M.  L.,  277. 
Marjasch,  S.,  1549. 
Marx,  E.,  297. 


526      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 


Marx,  P.,  1123. 

Mattheson,  P.  E.,  154. 

Matthey,  W.,  1523. 

Matz,  A.,  1330. 

Maurer,  K.  W.,  1158. 

Mautner,  F.  H.,  185. 

Mazzini,  G.,  1357. 

Meinecke,  H.,  508. 

Meinhold,  F.  L.,  242. 

Meisnest,  F.  W.,  870,  933,  943. 

Meissner,  A.,  1043. 

Meissner,  J.,  74,  76. 

Melchior,  F.,  1378. 

Mendheim,  M.,  691. 

Mennie,  D.  M.,  1265. 

Mensel,  E.  H.,  846. 

Merschberger,  — ,  916. 

Metz,  A.,  603. 

Meyer,  C.  F.,  74. 

Meyer,  H.,  579. 

Meyer,  Hildegard,  1197. 

Meyer,  R.  M.,  1050, 1085, 1435. 

Meyer,  W.,  1535. 

Meyer-Benfey,  H.,  817. 

Meyerfeld,  M.,  1593, 1613, 1628. 

Mielke,  G.,  13. 

Milberg,  E.,  305. 

Mildebrath,  B.,  348. 

Miller,  A.  E.,  844, 1545. 

Miller,  E.  E.,  321. 

Minkowski,  H.,  50,  51. 

Minor,  J.,  291,  371,  503,  629,  783,  800, 

837,  878,  911, 1467. 
Mis,  L.,  1088. 
Mitchell,  R.  M.,  1488. 
Monnig,  R.,  1560. 
M6rtl,H.,  1110. 
Moore,  W.  G.,  233. 
Morland,  M.  A.,  539. 
Morris,  M.,  436. 
Morse,  B.  J.,  1570. 
Mortensen,  J.,  829. 
Moryson,  F.,  73. 
Muller,  — ,  1278. 
Mueller,  E.,  469. 
Muller,  F.  M.,  1275. 
Muller,  J.  H.,  865. 
Muller,  P.,  1287. 
Miiller-Ems,  R.,  1430. 


Mulfinger,  G.A.,  1196. 
Muller,  S.  H.,  1552. 
Muncker,  F.,  10,  301,  439. 
Muskalla,  K.,  519. 

Naundorf,  M.,  1559. 
Nedden,  R.,  316. 
Needier,  G.  H.,  1507. 
Nessler,  K.,  477. 
Nettenheim,  J.,  1241. 
Neuendorf!,  O.,  1249. 
Neuhof,  H.,  1139. 
Neumann,  W.,  172. 
Neumayer,  E.  M.,  184. 
Niedecken-Gebhart,  H.,  89. 
Nielsen,  J.  L.,  619. 
Niessen,  C,  90. 
Nolte,  F.  O.,  166,  265. 
Nordstrom,  J.,  130. 
Norman,  F.,  1290. 
Northup,  C.  S.,  2,  394. 
Norton,  C.  E.,  1276. 
Norwood,  E.  1140. 
Nussberger,  M.,  659,  884. 

Ochsenbein,  W.,  1379. 
Oechelhauser,  W.,  1042,  1043. 
O'Donnell,  G.H.R.,  1182. 
Oftering,  M.S.,  117. 
Oppel,  H.,  823. 
Osawa,  M.,  1589. 
Oswald,  V.  A.,  1630. 

Pachaly,  R.,  1491. 
Paetow,  W.,  778. 
Palm,  H.,  711, 1081. 
Palmer,  P.  M.,  22,  24,  26,  27. 
Pascal,  R.,  96,  250,  666. 
Paul,  A.,  1501. 
Peckham,H.  H.,  1163. 
Pennekamp,  H.,  535. 
Petersen,  J.,  401,  888, 1038. 
Petherick,  E.  A.,  57. 
Petsch,  R.,  882,  896. 
Petter,  G.  B.,  1600. 
Petzet,  E.,  493. 
Pfau,  W.,  455. 
Pfeiffer,  E.,  1111. 
Pfenniger,  E.,  287. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany 


527 


Pfiitzenreuter,  W.,  127. 

Pfund,  H.  W.,  1193, 1272. 

Phelps,  W.  L.,  1326. 

Philippovig,  V.,  601. 

Pinatel,  J.,  167. 

Pinger,  W.  R.  R.,  584. 

Pinkuss,  F.,  196. 

Pinloche,  A.,  723. 

Pizzo,  E.,  421. 

Plath,  O.,  1453. 

Plischke,  H.,  1410. 

Pockmann,  H.  A.,  4. 

PohhH.,  151. 

Politzer,  H.,  1554. 

Pomezny,  F.,  529. 

Pongs,  H.,  945. 

Porterfield,  A.  W.,  1518. 

Portmann,  P.  F.,  538. 

Prahl,A.J.,  1148,  1183. 

Price,  L.  M.,  5,  12,  16,  18,  136,  168,  247, 
272,  324,  369,  382,  390,  404,  405,  406, 
509,  510,  514,  571,  573,  822, 1260, 1328. 

Price,  M.  B.,  136. 

Prolss,  R.,  1042. 

Prutz,  R,  517. 

Puknat,  S.B.,  1159. 

Puis,  A.,  908. 

Purdie,E.,  149,511. 

Pusey,  W.  W.,  1631. 

Quarrel,  W.  EL,  277. 

RameUo,  G.,  732. 
Ransmeier,  J.  C,  1529. 
Ransohoff,  G.,  588. 
Raphael,  G.,  1089. 
Rauch,  H.,  861. 
Ravenna,  G.,  1392. 
Read,  H.  A.,  1413. 
Rehder,H.,  848, 1573. 
Rehorn,  F.,  556. 
Reichart,  W.  A.,  1145, 1152. 
Reichelt,  K,  1321. 
Reichmann,  F.,  6. 
Reinsch,  F.  H.,  1191. 
Rhoades,  L.  A.,  251. 
Rhyn,  H.,  1245. 
Richards,  A.  E.,  397,  527,  528. 
Richardson,  M.  E.  A.,  1384. 


Richter,  F.,  1091. 

Richter,  H.,  458, 1367, 1591. 

Richter,  K,  765, 1253. 

Richter,  W.,  98. 

Ridderhoff,  K.,  521. 

Riedel,  -,  755. 

Rieder,  M.,  991. 

Riethmuller,  R.,  174. 

Riley,  T.,  1206. 

Riley,  T.  A.,  1194. 

de  Riquer,  E.,  828. 

Ritter.,  A.,  980. 

Ritter,  E.,  668. 

Ritter,  O.,  612,  621. 

Robertson,  J.  G.,  119,  229,  230,  252,  269, 

365,  420,  507,  762, 1371, 1402. 
Robson-Scott,  W.  D.,  37,  283. 
Roehm,  A.  I.,  1162. 
Roenneke,  R.,  985. 
Roescher,  F.  A.,  1256. 
Rosier,  M.,  337. 
Roethe,  G.,  338. 
Rotteken,  H.,  343. 
Rose,  E.,  1601. 
Rose,  W.,  19. 
Rosenberg,  F.,  1444. 
Roth,  G.,  437. 
Roth,  W.,  663. 
Rothe,  H.,  667,  1134. 
Roustan,  L.,  1202. 
Routh,  H.  V.,  1233. 
R6zsa,  D.,  671. 
von  Rtidiger,  G.,  1068. 
Rumelin,  G.,  643. 
Ruland,  C,  221. 
Ruthe,  B.,  195. 


Sachs,  C,  284. 
Sachs,  K.,  674. 
Sachs-Brandenburg,  K. 
Saenger,  S.,  1305. 
Salditt,  M.,  969. 
Sahnger,  H.,  1062. 
Saludok,  E.,  1572. 
Sandbach,  F.  E.,  1469. 
vonSanden,  K.,  1614. 
Sandmann,  B.,  899. 
San  Lazzaro,  C,  1565. 


224. 


528      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 


Sann,  A.,  330. 

Sarrazin,  G.,  1263. 

Satzke,  M.,  298. 

Sauer,  Arthur,  704. 

Sauer,  August,  217,  443,  614,  800,  925, 

1416. 
Schacht,  R.,  873. 
Schaefer,  A.,  680. 
Schaible,  K.  H.,  152. 
Schalles,  E.  A.,  1067. 
Schatzmann,  G.,  900. 
Schemann,  L.,  1575. 
Scherer,  W.,  1083. 
Schindler,  J.,  1234. 
Schioler,  M.  C,  774. 
Schirmer,  W.,  1307. 
Schladebach,  K.,  1537. 
Schlaf,  J.,  1627. 
Schlegel,  A.  W.,  480,  797. 
Schlegel,  J.  E.,  708. 
Schlenther,  P.,  240. 
Schlosser,  A.,  1558. 
Schlosser,  Rainer,  1118. 
Schlosser,  Rudolf,  1098. 
Schmid,  C.  H.,  505,  572. 
Schmid,  K,  53. 

Schmidt,  E.,  255,  483,  513,  860,  940. 
Schmidt,  F.  W.  V.,  472. 
Schmidt,  J.,  757,  1237,  1327,  1341,  1420, 

1494. 
Schmidt,  M.  L.,  1226. 
Schmidt,  W.,  1119. 
Schmitter,  J.,431. 
Schmitz,  W.,  592. 
Schneeberger,  H.,  894. 
Schneider,  F.,  1574. 
Schneider,  F.  J.,  520,  586. 
Schneider,  H.,  211,545. 
Schneider,  K,  795. 
Schoffler,  H.,  14,  156,  459,  821. 
Schon-Rene,  O.  E.,  677. 
Schoenemann,  F.,  1168,  1177,  1246,  1400. 
Schonle,  G.,  44. 
Schoenwerth,  R.,  113. 
Scholte,  J.  H.,  278,  953. 
Schoof,  W.,  987. 
Schork,  L.,  249. 
Schott,  E.,  358. 
Schrader.  F.  F.,  1208. 


Schrader,  H.,  790. 
Schramm,  W.  A.,  1 100. 
Schreiber,  C.  F.,  1051. 
Schreinert,  K.,  773. 
Schroeder,  A.  E.,  1222. 
Schroder,  K,  356. 
Schroder,  R.  A.,  825. 
Schroeder,  S.,  1170. 
Schroer,  M.  A.,  749. 
Schucking,  L.  L.,  639,  640. 
Schtiddekopf,  K.,  1016. 
Schuhmacher,  E.,  702. 
Schult,  F.,  989. 
Schulte,  J.,  1090. 
Schultz,  F.,  534,  548. 
Schulz,  W.,  618,  690,  979. 
Schulze,  H.  G.,  425. 
Schulze,  U.,  1569. 
Schumann,  D.  W.,  1624,  1625. 
Schuster,  M.,  1515. 
Schwartz,  R.,  99. 
Schwarz,  A.,  1094. 
Schwarz,  F.  H.,  1608. 
Schwarz,  H.,  1137. 
Schweighofer,  K.,  1538. 
Schweinshaupt,  G.,  768. 
Schweinsteiger,  H.,  498. 
Schwenkendiek,  A.,  105. 
Schwinger,  Reinhold,  537. 
Schwinger,  Richard,  282. 
Scott,  D.  S.  F.,  1273, 1274. 
Seebass,  A.,  1099. 
Sehrt,E.,  1136. 
Seibel,  G.,  1480. 
Seidensticker,  0.,  142. 
Seidlin,  0.,  1555, 1615. 
Sendel,  K,  866. 
Servaes,  F.,  169. 
Seuffert,  B.,  937. 
Shears,  L.  A.,  1500, 1539. 
Sigmann,  L.,  1232, 1496. 
Simon,  J.,  1440. 
Simpson,  M.,  938. 
Sinzheimer,  S.,  1362. 
Skinner,  M.  M.,  1437. 
Smith,  C.  A.,  1161. 
Smith,  M.  H.,  281. 
Soffe\  E.,  386. 
Sollas,H.,  381. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany 


529 


Speck,  H.G.B.,  1112. 

Speck,  J.,  1318. 

Spengler,  F.,  104. 

Spink,  G.  W.,  1257, 1259, 1387. 

Spirigatis,  M.,  28. 

Spranger,  E.,  533,  554. 

Sprenger,  L.,  1319. 

Sprenger,  R.,  392,  435,  488,  903,  906,  946, 

1355,  1395,  1456,  1475. 
Springer,  O.,  1542. 
Springer,  R.,  581, 1359. 
Stadler,  E.,  941. 

Stahl,  E.  L.,  670, 1008, 1128, 1562. 
Stahlmann,  H.,  551. 
Stahr,  A.,  751. 
Stammler,  W.,  862. 
Stanger,  H.,  1459. 
Stecher,  M.,  314. 
Steck,  P.,  890. 
Stefansky,  G.,  1329. 
Steig,  R.,  1472. 
Steinberg,  J.,  607. 
Steiner,  A.,  1595,  1605. 
Steiner,P.,  1571. 
Steinke,  M.  W.,  626. 
Stern,  A.,  876. 
Sternfeld,  F.  W.,  235. 
Sternitzke,  E.,  489. 
Stettner,  L.,  565. 
Steuber,  F.,  568. 
Stewart,  M.  C,  611,  615. 
Stiven,  A.  B.,  23. 
Stompfe,  K.,  662. 
Strich,  F.,  234, 1372. 
Strieker,  K.,  990, 1032, 1042. 
Stroedel,  W.,  1026. 
Struble,  G.  G.,  1028. 
Stubenrauch,  A.  K,  887. 
Stucki,L.,  1129. 
Sturtevant,  A.  M.,  895. 
Suhl,  A.,  1553. 
Sulger-Gebing,  E.,  470. 
Suphan,  B.,  378,  553,  759,  849, 1476. 

Tanger,  G.,  719. 

TardehH.,  1141. 

Teeter.  L.  M.,  336. 

Thayer,  H.  W.,  see  Hewitt-Thayer,  H.W. 

Thiel,  R.,  1262. 


Thomas,  A.,  893. 

Thomas,  L.  H.  C,  1511,  1512. 

Thomas,  W.,  1498. 

Thompson,  G.  W.,  1215,  1517. 

Thorstenberg,  E.,  1617. 

Thost,  H.,  856. 

Thurmann,  I.,  1127. 

Tieck,  L.,  70. 

van  Tieghem,  P.,  190,  191,  192,  451,  770. 

Tittmann,  J.,  72, 124. 

Tobler,  G.,  636,  776. 

Tolksdorf,  C,  1587. 

Tombo,  R.,  449. 

Tomlinson,  C.,  826. 

Trautmann,  K,  75,  79,  80,  735,  742. 

von  Treitschke,  H.,  1337. 

Trieloff,  O.  P.,  203. 

Trimmel,  F.,  165. 

Tiirkheim,  L.,  318. 

Uebel,  O.,  393. 

Uhde-Bernays,  H.,  669,  789. 

Uhlendorf,  B.  A.,  1218. 

Ullrich,  H.,  344,  345,  347,  349,  359,  426. 

Ulrich,  O.,  456. 

Ulrich,  P.,  1502. 

Ulrici,  H.,  798,  799. 

Umbach,  E.,  313. 

Unflad,  L.,  638. 

Unger,  R.,  634. 

Urban,  E.,  60. 

Usteri,  P.,  575. 

Vacano,  S.,  1528. 

Vail,  C.  D.,  266,  268,  271. 

Valentin,  V.,  1364. 

VanderVelde,  A.,485. 

Veselovskiy,  A.,  1350. 

Vetter,  T.,  33,  34,  35,  111,  214,  215,  216, 

290,  315,  672. 
Victory,  B.  M.,  377. 
Vietor,  K.,  41,  389. 
Viles,  G.  B.,  430. 
Vincke,  G.,  567,  649,  909,  915,  919,  998, 

999, 1043. 
Vischer,  F.  T.,  752. 
Vodicka,  T.,  1485. 
Volk,  V.,  1427. 
Vogeler,  A.,  743. 


530      University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 


Vogely,  H.,  1049. 

Voigt,  F.  A.,  1149,  1152,  1156,  1567. 

Volkenborn,  H.,  1261. 

Vollmer,  C,  1164,  1403. 

Vollrath,  W.,  1264, 1579. 

Volz,  G.  B.,  791. 

Vos,  B.  J.,  1479. 

Vrancken,  S.,  688. 

Vulpius,W.,  1291. 


?,A.,491. 
Waag,  E.,  447. 
Wachler,  E.,  1084. 

Wadepuhl,  W.,  1070,  1187, 1188, 1286. 
Wiichtler,  P.,  1483. 
Waetzoldt,  S.,  490. 
Wagener,  C.  B.,  802. 
Wagener,  H.  F.,  473. 
Wagner,  A.  M.,  1393. 
Wagner,  H.  F.,  340,  346. 
Wagner,  J.,  1117. 
Wagner,  L.  E.,  1172. 
Wagschal,  F.,  546. 
Wahr,  F.  P.,  819,  1147,  1154. 
von  Waldberg,  M.,  223. 
Walden,  H.,  606. 
Waldschmidt,  C,  367. 
Walter,  E.,  927,  1306. 
Walther,  C,  1474. 
Walz,  J.  A.,  159,  160,  207,  208,  407,  428, 

616. 
Walzel,  O.  F.,  530,  531,  536,  543,  559, 

874, 1016. 
Waniek,  G.,  238. 
Waterhouse,  G.,  40,  1281, 1283. 
Weber,  G.,  853. 
Weber,  P.  C,  1169. 
Weddigen,  O.,  1252, 1342. 
Wegmann,  C,  1243. 
Wehe,W.,  1171. 
Wehl,  F.,  997. 

von  Weilen,  A.,  402,  694,  792,  951,  1006. 
Weiser,  C.  F.,  532. 
Wellek,  R.,  1441. 
Wendling,  E.,  840. 
Wenger,  K.,  1494. 
Werner,  J.,  1360. 
Werner,  R.  M.,  633,  993. 
West,  V.  R.,  1401. 


von  Westenholz,  F.,  106,  814,  907. 

Westphal,  —  1612. 

Wetz,  W.,  1018,  1020, 1366. 

Weydt,  G.,  150. 

Whiting,  G.  W.,  1461. 

Whitman,  S.,  9. 

Whyte,  J.,  1236. 

Wicke,  A.,  237. 

Widmann,  W.,  697. 

vonWiecki,  E.,  1391. 

Wiehr,  J.,  1374. 

Wiem,  I.,  29. 

Wieninger,  G.,  974. 

Wihan,  J.,  188,  445,  1336. 

Wild,  R.,  1520. 

Wildi,  M.,  1548. 

Wilhelmi,  J.  H.,  1390. 

Wilkie,  R.F.,293,471. 

Willey,  N.,  1219,  1223. 

Williams,  C.  A.,  613. 

Wilmans,  W.,  383. 

Wilson,  R.  A.,  1425. 

Winckler,  C,  1248. 

Winds,  A.,  695,  747. 

Winter,  J.  W.,  1033. 

Wippermann,  W.,  1581. 

Witkowski,  G.,  87,  868. 

Wittsack,  R.,  1001. 

WUslocki,  H.,  486. 

Wodick,  W.,  120. 

Wolcken,  F.,  15. 

Wohlgemuth,  J.,  171. 

Wolf,  L.,  525. 

Wolff,  E.,  162,  651,  830,  926,  970, 1072. 

Wolff,  M.  J.,  654,  744,  779,  838,  965. 

Wolfsteig,  A.,  194. 

Wood,  A.,  366. 

Wood,  F.,  1592. 

Woodson,  L.  H.,  1231. 

Worp,  J.  A.,  88. 

Wulcker,  R.,  74. 

Wulfing,  J.  E.,  1044. 

Wiirtenberg,  G.,  664. 

Wustling,  F.,  1308. 

Wukadinovic,  S.,  241,  502,  910,  1411. 

Wundt,  M.,  583,  967. 

Wurmb,  A.,  64. 

Wurth,  L.,  948. 

von  Wurzbach,  W.,  1023. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany  531 

Wyplel,  L.,  245, 1375, 1376.  Zelak,  D.,  1103. 

Wysocki,  L.  G.,  712.  Zenker,  R.,  1334. 

de  Wyzewa,  T. ,  1 584.  Zernial,  U. ,  879. 

Zeydel,  E.  H.,  1313, 1316. 
Yates,  D.,  1059.  Ziegert,  M.,  380. 

Zieglschmid,  A.  J.  F.,  1180,  1563. 
Zabeltitz,  M.  Z.,  11.  Zimmermann,  P.,  83,  84. 

Zaeckel,  E.,  1409.  Zschau,  W.  W.,  45. 

Zarek,  O.,  1620.  Zucker,  A.  E.,  6,  923, 1606. 

Zart,  G.,  193.  Zupitza,  J.,  1447. 

Zdziechowski,  M.,  1344. 


INDEX  OF  AUTHORS 

Translators  are  not  regularly  included  in  this  index.  The  index  does  not  register 
the  names  and  relations  indicated  in  the  bibliography,  pp.  395-516,  since  the  bibli- 
ography is  self -indexed. 


Abbt.  See  Fielding,  Richardson. 

Abel,  100,  110 

Achim  von  Arnim,   300,   302.   See   also 

Ossian,    Percy,    Richardson,    Scott, 

Shakespeare. 
Addison,  12,  35,  36,  39,  44,  45,  51,  52, 

54-57  passim,  60,  61,  67,  88,   103, 

137,   146,   147,   157,   164,  217,   219, 

220,  221,  224,  229,  241 
Addison  and 

Bodmer,  40,  43  f.,  48  f.,  50,  104,  106, 

O9o   o9p; 

Brawe,  147 

Gellert,  47,  56,  57 

Gottsched,  146  f. 

Gottsched,  L.  A.  V.,  57,  60,  147,  222 

Grimm,  147 

Haller,  61 

Herder,  60 

Kriiger,  147 

Lessing,  57,  228 

Mattheson,  55 

Moser,  37  f. 

Mylius,  57 

Pitschel,  147 

Quistorp,  147 

Rabener,  59 

Schlegel,  J.  E.,  147 

Wieland,  56,  234 
Aldrich,  361,  368 
Alexis.  See  Haring. 
Ames,  13 

Ames  and  Harsdorffer,  14,  16 
Amory  and 

Kastner,  187 

Lessing,  187 

Mendelssohn,  187 

Nicolai,  187  f .,  197 

Uz,  187 

Wieland,  187 
Anderson,  383 
Angelus  Silesius,  374 
Anseaume,  151 

Anzengruber.  See  Shakespeare. 
Arbuthnot  and  Liscow,  41 
Aristotle,  224,  230  f.,  223,  251,  262  f . 
Arndt.  See  Byron. 
Arnold,  M.,  300 


Arnold,  T.,  368 
Auerbach,  364.  See  also  Scott. 
Augustine,  62 
Austen,  307 

Ayrenhoff.  See  Dryden  and  Shakespeare. 
Ayrer,   28-31.   See   also   Kidd,   Machin. 
Marlowe,  Peele,  Shakespeare. 

Bacon,  45 
Bacon  and 

Haake,  8 

Morhof ,  8 

Nietzsche.  285 

Schupp,  9 

Hof mann  von  Hofmannswaldau,  8 
Baker  and 

Gryphius,  16 

Hofmann  von  Hofmannswaldau,  16 
Balzac,  355 

Bancroft  and  Goethe,  320 
Banks  and  Lessing,  230 
Barclay  and 

Birken,  10 

Buchner,  10 

Grimmelshausen,  10 

Harsdorffer,  10 

Opitz,  10 

Weise,  10 

Zesen,  10 
Barrie,  382 
Barrow,  45 
Basedow.  See  Locke. 
Baudissin.  See  Shakespeare. 
Baumgarten,  S.  J.,  85,  90 
Bayley,  13 
Bayley  and 

Moscheroseh,  15 

Voetius,  14 
Beaumarchais,  153 
Beaumont  and  Fletcher,  26,  219 
Beaumont  and  Fletcher  and 

Lessing,  229 

Schroder,  161 

Tieck,  201 
Beaumont,  Madame  Le  Prince  de,  54 
Beck,  H.  See  Fielding. 
Beck,  R.  See  Byron. 
Beer-Hoffmann.  See  Massinger. 


[532] 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany 


533 


Beil.  See  Moore. 

Bennet,  382 

Berge.  See  Milton. 

Bernhard,  Prinz  von  Sachsen-Weiinar, 
366 

Betterton,  217 

Birken.  See  Barclay. 

Bismarck,  372 

Bitzius.  See  Scott. 

Blackmore,  75 

Blackwell,  46,  126,  133 

Blackwell  and  Hamann,  137 

Blair,  H.,  120,  125 

Blair,  H.  and  Herder,  122, 126 

Blankenburg,  187.  See  also  Fielding, 
Goldsmith,  Richardson,  Sterne. 

Blum,  80 

Boccage,  227 

Bock.  See  Sterne. 

Bode.  See  Colman,  Fielding,  Sterne. 

Bodmer,  37,  47,  53,  54,  58,  59,  64,  83, 
109,  110,  146,  148,  164,  179,  225, 
234.  See  also  Addison,  Butler,  Dry- 
den,  Fielding,  Johnson,  S.,  Locke, 
Milton,  Newton,  Ossian,  Percy,  Pope, 
Richardson,  Shaftesbury,  Shake- 
speare, Steele,  Swift,  Thomson, 
Young. 

Boehme,  A.,  217 

Boehme,  J.,  96,  374 

Borne,  345.  See  also  Byron,  Shakespeare, 
Sterne. 

Boie.  See  Carey. 

Boileau,  41,  66,  69,  224 

Bolingbroke,  221 

Booth,  217 

Borcke.  See  Shakespeare. 

Bothe.  See  Percy. 

Bradford,  14 

Brandes.  See  Lillo,  Steele. 

Brawe,  146,  162,  225.  See  also  Addison, 
Lillo,  Moore,  E.  Young. 

Brecht.  See  Marlowe. 

Breithaupt,  119  f .  See  also  Lillo. 

Breitinger,  53,  54,  59.  See  also  Locke, 
Milton,  Richardson. 

Brentano,  C.  See  Ossian,  Pope,  Shake- 
speare, Sterne. 

Brentano,  S.  See  Pope. 

Bradford,  14 

Brockes,  64  f.,  77  f.,  320.  See  also 
Chaucer,  Cowley,  Derham,  Hume, 
Milton,  Pope,  Richardson,  Shaftes- 
bury, Thomson. 


Bromel.  See  Lillo. 

Bronte,  357,  358,  359 

Brooke  and  Sturz,  153 

Browne,  J.  and  Herder,  245 

Browne,  T.,  14 

Browning,  300 

Bruno,  96 

Buchanan,  11 

Buchner,  10.  See  also  Barclay. 

Buckingham,  45 

Buckingham  and  Gottsched,  149 

Buchner.  See  Shakespeare. 

Burger,  46.  See  also  Ossian,  Percy,  Pope, 

and  Shakespeare. 
Bulwer-Lytton,  300,  346  f . 
Bulwer-Lytton  and 

Gutzkow,  346  f. 

Hahn-Hahn,  346  f . 

Schmidt,  J.,  346  f .,  357 
Bunyan,  14 
Bunyan  and 

Spener,  14 

Wieland,  183 
Burde.  See  Milton. 
Burnet,  14 
Burney  and 

La  Roche,  39 

Schroder,  161 
Burns,  309-311 
Burns  and 

Freiligrath,  310  f. 

Goethe,  309  f. 
Burr,  336 
Butler,  45 
Butler  and 

Bodmer,  40 

Gottsched,  40 

Haller,  40,  51 

Waser,  40 
Byron,  300,  301,  311,  316-328,  371 
Byron  and 

Arndt,  373 

Beck,  321 

Bismarck,  372 

Borne,  321 

Chamberlain,  372 

Dingelstedt,  321 

Freiligrath,  312,  321 

Goethe,  299,  315,  324-328,  330  f . 

Grabbe,  322  f . 

Gregorovius,  321 

Grillparzer,  323  f. 

Griin,  321 

Gutzkow,  322 


534       University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 


Byron  and  (Continued) 
Haring,  319 
Hamerling,  321 
Hartman,  321 
Hauptmann,  371  f. 
Heine,  312,  317,  321 
Herwegh,  321 

Hoffmann  von  Fallersleben,  321 
von  Hohenhausen,  316-318,  320 
Immermann,  319 
Jacobsen,  316  f.,  326 
Knebel,  324,  326 
Laube,  322 
Lenau,  321, 323 
Meissner,  301 
Miiller,  W.,  319,  321 
Nietzsche,  284  f. 
Pfitzer,  321 
Platen,  321 
Prutz,  321 
Schlegel,  A.  W.,  318 
Schmidt,  J.,  316 
Schopenhauer,  326 
Strachwitz,  321 
Tieck,  327 
Toller,  372 
Treitschke,  372 
Waiblinger,  321 
Waldau,  321 
Wienbarg,  322 
Zedlitz,  321 

Calderon,  279,  282 

Campbell,  300 

Campe.  See  Defoe. 

Canitz,  90 

Carey  and  Boie,  139 

Carlyle,  124,  299,  300,  309  f .,  357,  371 

Carlyle  and  Goethe,  299,  313 

Cather,  384 

Centlivre  and  Gottsched,  149 

Cervantes,  169,  184  f .,  188, 190,  192,  202, 

205,  319 
Cesarotti,  124, 126 
Chamberlain,  371  f. 
Chandler,  45 
Chapman,  9,  22 
Chateaubriand,  362 
Chaucer  and 

Brockes,  37 

Hagedorn,  37 

Herder,  247 
Chesterfield,  221 
Chesterton,  382 


Chevrier,  134 
Chillingworth,  85 
Christian  1, 181 
Christian  II,  9 
Churchill,  384 
Cibber  and 

Gottsched,  148  f. 

Lessing,  154,  226 

Schroder,  161 
Clairaut,  167 
Clarke,  45 

Clarke  and  Herder,  86 
Claudius.  See  Sterne. 
Clauren,  336 
Clemens,  368-370 
Clement,  149 
Coffey  and 

Gottsched,  226 

Weisse,  226 
Cogswell,  326,  366 
Colbert,  13 

Coleridge,  36,  46,  300,  306,  307,  311 
Collyer,  165 
Colman,  35 
Colman  and 

Bode,  191 

Kotzebue,  191 

Schroder,  161 

Stephanie,  d.  J.,  191 

Sturz,  38 
Congreve  and 

Lessing,  155,  226 

Schlegel,  J.  E.,  73 

Schroder,  161 

Weisse,  71 
Conti,  222 
Cooper,  362  f.,  369 
Cooper  and 

Gerstaeker,  363 

Goethe,  367 

Hauff,  337  f. 

Mollhausen,  363 

Sealsfield,  363 

Strubberg,  363 
Corneille,  146,  229,  251 
Coste,  89 
Cowley  and 

Brockes,  67 

Triewald,  67,  103 
Crabbe,  317 
Craig,  276  f. 

Cramer.  See  Eowe,  E.  Milton,  Young. 
Crevecoeur,  362 
Crisp  and  Lessing,  160 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany 


535 


Cronegk.  See  Young. 
Crousaz,  64,  68 
Crown  and  Schroder,  161 
Cudworth,  85,  89 
Cumberland  and 

Eost,  153 

Schroder,  161 

Dalberg.  See  Shakespeare. 
Davenport,  22 
Defoe,  47,  52,  164,  371 
Defoe  and 

Campe,  42 

Gellert,  43,  49 

Schnabel,  42,  49 

Vischer,  42 
Dekker,  9,  22,  302 
Delius.  See  Shakespeare. 
Denis.  See  Ossian. 
Derham.  See  Brockes. 
Descartes,  13,  89 
Deschamps,  146 
Desmaizeaux,  63 
Destouches,  148 
Devrient.  See  Shakespeare. 
Dickens,  300,  331,  346,  347-354,  371 
Dickens  and 

Frenssen,  356  f. 

Freytag,  348-351,  353 

Hacklander,  348 

Hesslein,  348 

Holtei,  348 

Ludwig,  351-353 

Raabe,  354  f . 

Eeuter,  353  f. 

Schmidt,  J.,  346,  358 

Spielhagen,  345,  346 

Ungern-Sternberg,  348 
Diderot,  13,  92,  97,  131,  148,  152,  159, 

160, 167,  172,  178,  253 
Diericke.  See  Lillo. 
Dilherr.  See  Sonthom. 
Dingelstedt.  See  Byron  and  Shakespeare. 
Dodd,  140,  236,  248,  256 
Drayton  and  Hof  mannswaldau,  9 
Dreiser,  384 
Drollinger.  See  Pope. 
Dryden,  39  f.,  93,  136,  217,  218,  219 
Dryden  and 

Ayrenhoff,  238 

Bodmer,  40,  45 

Hagedorn,  47 

Handel,  71 

Lessing,  226,  227,  228,  229 


Weisse,  71 

Wernicke,  39  f . 

Wieland,  238 
Du  Bellay,  8, 10 
Duchal,  45 
Du  Resnel,  64 
D'Urfe,  8 
Dusch,   35.   See  also  Pope,  Eichardson, 

Thomson. 
Dyk.  See  Moore,  E. 
Dyke  and  Moscherosch,  15 

Ebert,  35,  59,  225.  See  also  Milton,  Pope, 

Sterne,  Thomson,  Young. 
Eichendorff,  300,  357,  358,  359 
Ekhof .  See  Shakespeare. 
Eliot,  G.  and  Gutzkow,  359 
Eliot,  T.,  382 
Emerson,  300 

Erasmus,  8.  See  also  More,  T. 
Ernesti,  96 
Ervine,  382 
Eschenburg.  See  Ossian,  Pope,  Thomson, 

Shakespeare. 
Etherege  and  Gottsched,  149 
Eulenberg.  See  Shaw,  Wilde. 
Everett,  360 

Fabricius.  See  Milton. 
Farquhar  and 

Lessing,  159 

Schroder,  161 
Feind.  See  Shakespeare. 
Fenelon,  106,  166 
Ferguson,  45 

Ferguson  and  Schiller,  100 
Feuehtwanger.  See  Shaw. 
Fielding,  35,  36,  44,  50, 180-192,  331 
Fielding  and 

Abbt,  171 

Beck,  191 

Blankenburg,  171,  185  f. 

Bode,  45 

Bodmer,  40,  180 

Goethe,  189  f.,  191,  214,  299,  361,  366 

Gottsched,  180 

Gutzkow,  347 

Haller,  180 

Heine,  303 

Herder,  173,  180  f.,  361 

Heufeld,  191 

Jung-Stilling,  197 

Klinger,  192 

Leisewitz,  192 


536        University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 


Fielding  and  (Continued) 

Leasing,  169,  181 

Liehtenberg,  146,  166  '#$ 

Marggraf ,  346 

Moser,  191 

Miiller,  J.  G.,   (Miiller  von  Itzehoe), 
188 

Musaus,  40,  171, 183 

Nicolai,  187  f. 

Resewitz,  181  f . 

Schiller,  162,  192 

Schroder,  190 

Schubart,  192 

Steffens,  191 

Stephanie,  d.  J.,  190, 191 

Wieland,  183-185 
Fleming.  See  Owen. 
Fletcher,  219.  See  also  Beaumont. 
Fontane,    300.    See    also    Percy,    Scott, 

Thackeray. 
Ford,  45 

Ford  and  Brecht,  383 
Fordyce,  45 

Fordyce  and  Gellert,  90  f . 
Foster,  86 
Fouque,  279,  319 
Franklin  and 

Goethe,  366 

Moser,  37 
Freiligrath,  300.  See  also  Burns,  Byron, 
Longfellow,  Moore,  T.,  Shakespeare, 
Scott,  Whitman. 
Frenssen.  See  Dickens. 
Freytag,    346,    364.    See    also    Dickens, 

Scott. 
Fiissli,     105.     See     also     Johnson,     S., 

Reynolds,  Smollett,  Sterne. 
Fulda.  See  Shakespeare. 
Fuller,  M.,  300 
Fuller,  T.,  220 

Gascoigne  and  Goethe,  330 
Gartner,  59 
Galsworthy,  382 
Garrick,  162,  217,  235 
Garrick  and 

Liehtenberg,  38,  46 

Sturz,  38 
Gay,  45 
Gay  and 

Brecht,  372 

Hagedorn,  37 
Gebler,  See  Lillo. 


Gellert,  35,  47,  55,  56,  59,  82,  148,  154, 
160,  181.  See  also  Addison,  Fordyce, 
Hutcheson,  Richardson,  Shaftesbury, 
Steele,  Swift,  Young. 
Gemmingen.  See  Milton,  Shakespeare. 
George.  See  Shakespeare,  Wilde. 
Gerstacker.  See  Cooper. 
Gerstenberg,  137.  See  also  Milton,  Os- 
sian,     Percy,     Richardson,     Shake- 
speare, Sterne,  Young. 
Gessner,  77,  165,  235,  238.  See  also  Mil- 
ton, Steele,  Thomson. 
Gibbon  and  Herder,  35 
Giseke,  35,  59 
Glapthorne,  22 

Gleim,  35,  59,  76,  158,  167,  200.  See  also 
Milton,  Shaftesbury,  Sterne,  Thom- 
son, Young. 
Gobineau,  371 

Goethe,  35,  38,  56,  160,  163,  169  f .,  174, 
187,  189,  202,  255,  283,  292,  295, 
299,  301,  306,  309  f.,  313-315,  317, 
320,  322,  341,  356,  365-368,  378. 
See  also  Burns,  Byron,  Carlyle, 
Cooper,  Fielding,  Franklin,  Gas- 
coigne, Goldsmith,  Hood,  Johnson, 
Lamb  (Caroline),  Lillo,  Milton, 
Moore,  T.,  Ossian,  Percy,  Richard- 
son, Scott,  Shaftesbury,  Shake- 
speare, Smollett,  Steele,  Sterne, 
Swift,  Thomson,  Washington, 
Young. 
Gotz.  See  Shaftesbury. 
Goldoni,  157,  179 
Goldsmith,   35,    50,    52,    111,   193,    198, 

207-214,  331 
Goldsmith  and 
Eekart,  212 
Blankenburg,  209 
Goethe,  178,  187,  206,  207-212,  213, 

214, 299 
Gotter,  211 
Hamann,  207 
Heine,  303 
Herder,  C,  207 

Herder,  173,  207-209,  210,  248 
Jester,  212 
Jung-Stilling,  208  f . 
Lambrecht,  213 
La  Roche,  209 
Lenz,  209 
Marggraf,  346 
Mendelssohn,  213 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany 


537 


Merck,  211 
Nicolai,  209 
Rebmann,  213 
Schroder,  161,  213 
Spielhagen,  356 
Stein,  210 
Veitel,  212 
Wittenberg,  212  f. 
Gongora,  8 
Gotthelf .  See  Bitzius. 
Gottsched,  25,  40,  47,  53,  54,  55,  58,  59, 
146  £.,  149,  154,  156,  157,  160,  228, 
231,    261,    237.    See    also    Addison, 
Buckingham,  Butler,  Centlivre,  Cib- 
ber,     Coffey,     Etherege,     Fielding, 
Locke,    Milton,    Pope,    Richardson, 
Shaftesbury,    Shakespeare,    Steele, 
Swift,  Wycherley,  Young. 
Gottsched,  L.  A.  V.,  54,  148.  See  also 
Addison,  Pope,  Shakespeare,  Steele. 
Grabbe.  See  Byron,  Shakespeare. 
Grater.  See  Percy,  Tytler. 
Granville  and  Brawe,  154 
Greene,  18, 19,  22,  25,  26 
Gregorovius,  382 
Grillparzer,  320.  See  also  Byron,  Lewis, 

Lillo,  Shakespeare. 
Grimm,  126.  See  also  Addison. 
Grimm,  H.,  371 
Grimmelshausen.  See  Barclay. 
Grossmann,  153 
Griin.  See  Byron. 
Gryphius,    82.    See   also    Baker,    Owen, 

Shakespeare. 
Gundolf.  See  Shakespeare. 
Gutzkow,  345,  346,  364.  See  also  Byron, 
Bulwer-Lytton,      Eliot,      Fielding, 
Shakespeare,  Sterne,  Smollett. 

Haake.  See  Bacon,  Milton. 

Hacklander.  See  Dickens. 

Haring,  343,  364.  See  also  Byron,  Scott. 

Hagedorn,  36,  47,  76,  82,  108.  See  also 
Chaucer,  Dryden,  Gay,  Hume,  John- 
son, S.,  Mallett,  Milton,  Pope,  Prior, 
Richardson,  Shaftesbury,  Steele, 
Swift,  Thomson,  Young. 

Hahn-Hahn,  358,  365.  See  also  Bulwer- 
Lytton. 

Hall,  11 

Hall  and  Harsdorffer,  15  f . 

Haller,  36,  44,  47,  55,  108.  See  also 
Addison,  Butler,  King,  Milton,  New- 
ton, Ossian,  Pope,  Richardson,  Roch- 


ester, Shaftesbury,  Swift,  Thomson, 
Young. 

Hamann,  38,  137.  See  also  Goldsmith, 
Hervey,  Ossian,  Shakespeare,  Sterne, 
Young. 

Hamerling.  See  Byron. 

Hammer,  217 

Hardenberg.  See  Novalis. 

Harmer,  138. 

Harsdorffer,  7,  10,  15,  16.  See  also  Bar- 
clay, Hall,  Sonthom. 

Hart,  356 

Harte,  361,  368 

Hartmann.  See  Byron. 

Hauff.  See  Cooper,  Irving,  Scott. 

Haug.  See  Percy. 

Hauptmann.  See  Byron,  Shakespeare. 

Hawkesworth,  52,  55 

Haydn.  See  Thomson. 

Haywood,  E.,  and  Lessing,  157,  181 

Hebbel,  300,  335,  346,  379.  See  also 
Shakespeare. 

Heimann.  See  Shakespeare. 

Heine,  300,  345.  See  also  Byron,  Field- 
ing, Goldsmith,  Moore,  T.,  Richard- 
son, Shakespeare,  Smollett,  Sterne, 
Swift. 

Heinrich  Julius  von  Braunschweig,  18, 
28,  29,  31 

Heinse.  See  Young. 

Heinsius,  8 

Hemmingway,  384 

Hensel.  See  Sheridan,  F. 

Herbert  of  Cherburg  and  Griindig,  86 

Herder,  C,  131,  195,  197,  210.  See  also 
Goldsmith,  Richardson. 

Herder,  35,  38,  47,  81,  136,  187,  195,  219, 
255,  272,  362.  See  also  Addison, 
Blair,  H.,  Brown,  J.,  Chaucer,  Field- 
ing, Franklin,  Gibbon,  Goldsmith, 
Home,  Hume,  Hurd,  Johnson,  S., 
Lowth,  Milton,  Montagu,  Ossian, 
Percy,  Pope,  Ramsay,  Richardson, 
Robertson,  Shaftesbury,  Shake- 
speare, Sidney,  Spenser,  Sterne, 
Swift,  Warburton,  Whitby,  Young. 

Hermes,  181,  184,  246,  362.  See  also 
Richardson. 

Hervey,  306 

Hervey  and  Hamann,  117 

Herwegh.  See  Byron,  Shakespeare. 

Hettner.  See  Shakespeare. 

Hess,  86 

Heuf  eld,  153.  See  also  Fielding. 


538        University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 


Heywood,  22 

Hippel.  See  Sterne. 

Hirschfeld.  See  Thomson. 

Holty.  See  Milton,  Percy. 

Hoffmann,  E.  T.  A.,  219,  361.  See  also 

Lewis,  Walpole. 
Hoffmann  von  Fallersleben.  See  Byron. 
Hof mann  von  Hofmannswaldau,  8,  9,  16, 

36,  64.  See  also  Baker,  Drayton. 
Hofmansthal,     383.     See     also     Otway, 

Wilde. 
Hogarth  and  Liehtenberg,  46 
von  Hohenhausen.  See  Byron,  Longfellow. 
Holmes,  361 

Holtei.  See  Shakespeare. 
Holz.  See  Whitman. 
Home,  H.,  242,  245,  247 
Home,  J.,  122 

Home  and  Herder,  343,  345 
Homer,  66,  96,  109,  110,  124,  125  f.,  128, 

137,  168  £.,  218,  238,  241,  246,  254, 

268 
Horace,  65,  66  f .,  94 
Houghton,  22 
Housman,  382 
Houwald.  See  Lillo. 
Howells,  384 
Huber,  35,  105 
Hiittner,  366 
Hugo,  383 
Humboldt,  366 
Hume,  122,  331 
Hume  and 
Brockes,  37 
Hagedorn,  37 
Herder,  35 
Hurd,  45 

Hurd  and  Herder,  245 
Hus,  12 
Hutcheson,  44 
Hutcheson  and 
Gellert,  56,  90  f. 
Schiller,  110 

Ibsen,  291,  379 

Iffland,   163,   281.   See   also   Moore,   E., 

Shakespeare. 
Immermann,  364.  See  also  Byron,  Scott, 

Shakespeare. 
Irving,  300,  367 
Irving  and 
Hauff,  337  f. 
Sealsfield,  364 


Jacobi,  F.,  and  Shaftesbury,  92 

Jacobi,  J.  G.  See  Sterne. 

Jean  Paul.  See  Bichter. 

Jerusalem,  86 

Johnson,  S.,  52,  122,  137,  217,  236 

Johnson,  S.,  and 

Bodmer,  36 

Fiissli,  38 

Hagedorn,  37 

Herder,  245,  246 

Sturz,  38 
Jolliphus,  18 
Jonson,  218,  241 
Jonson  and 

Leasing,  229 

Tieck,  281,  301  f . 

Zweig,  382 
Jordan.  See  Shakespeare. 
Joyce,  382 

Jung-Stilling.  See  Fielding,  Goldsmith, 
Ossian,  Shakespeare,  Sterne. 

Kastner,  164.  See  also  Amory. 
Kant,  41,  99,  101 
Keller,  357.  See  also  Shakespeare. 
Kennicott,  134 
Kestner.  See  Sterne. 
Kind.  See  Lillo. 
King  and 
Haller,  63 
Leibniz,  63 
Kingsley,  357 
Kinkel,  300 
Klaj,  7 
Kleist,    E.    C.    See   Pope,    Shaftesbury, 

Thomson. 
Kleist,  H.  See  Shakespeare. 
Klingemann.  See  Shakespeare. 
Klinger,  362.  See  also  Fielding,  Moore, 

E.,  Shakespeare. 
Klopstock,  45,  47,  59,  109,  110,  137,  165, 

361.  See  also  Milton,  Ossian,  Bich- 

ardson,     Eowe,     E.,     Shaftesbury, 

Sterne,  Thomson,  Young. 
Klopstock,  M.  See  Eichardson,  Eowe. 
Klotz.  See  Ossian. 
Knebel,  98.  See  also  Byron. 
Konig.  See  Milton,  Shaftesbury. 
Kosegarten.  See  Percy,  Eichardson. 
Kotzebue,  163,  332.  See  also  Moore,  E., 

Sterne. 
Kretschmann.  See  Ossian. 
Kriiger.  See  Addison. 
Kuhlmann,  9 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany 


539 


Kiirnberger,  365 
Kurz.  See  Shakespeare. 
Kyd,  22 

La  Bruyere,  55 

La  Chapelle,  202 

Lachmann.  See  Shakespeare. 

La  Fayette,  166 

Lafontaine,  A.,  332 

La  Fontaine,  J.,  66 

Lamb,  Caroline,  and  Goethe,  325 

Lange.  See  Shaftesbury. 

La  Place,  236 

La  Eoche,  S.,  50,  172,  178,  197,  362.  See 
also  Goldsmith,  Bichardson. 

Laube,  345.  See  also  Byron,  Shakespeare. 

Lauremberg,  9 

Le  Clerc,  13,  14,  89 

Lee  (Sophie),  306 

Lee  (Sophie),  and  Schroder,  161 

Leibniz,  51,  70,  78,  92,  96,  97,  99,  101. 
See  also  Locke,  Shaftesbury. 

Leisewitz,  262.  See  also  Fielding. 

Lenau,  365.  See  also  Byron. 

Lennox  and  Lessing,  169 

Lenz.  See  Goldsmith,  Ossian,  Pope,  Bich- 
ardson, Shakespeare,  Young. 

Lerse.  See  Shakespeare. 

Lessing,  35,  47,  74,  86,  146,  147,  153  f., 
154,  159  f.,  163,  172,  185,  187,  251, 
263,  283,  348.  See  also  Addison, 
Amory,  Banks,  Beaumont,  Cibber, 
Congreve,  Crisp,  Dryden,  Farquhar, 
Fielding,  Jonson,  Lennox,  Lillo, 
Milton,  Percy,  Pope,  Bichardson, 
Shadwell,  Shaftesbury,  Shakespeare, 
Steele,  Sterne,  Swift,  Thomson, 
Vanbrugh,  Wycherley,  Young. 

Lewald,  365 

Lewes,  300 

Lewis,  M.,  308,  324 

Lewis,  M.  G.,  and 
Grillparzer,  308 
Hoffmann,  308 

Lewis,  S.,  384 

Lichtenberg,  38,  45.  See  also  Fielding, 
Hogarth,  Sterne,  Swift. 

Lieberkiihn.  See  Lillo. 

Lillo,  49, 149-151,  159,  160 

Lillo  and 

Bassewitz,  150 
Baumgarten,  153 
Brandes,  153 
Brawe,  153 


Breithaupt,  153 

Bromel,  304,  305 

Dierecke,  153 

von  Gebler,  153 

Goethe,  158 

Grillparzer,  288  f .,  304,  305 

Houwald,  304 

Kind,  304 

Lessing,  154-158,  228 

Lieberkiihn,  153 

Martini,  153 

Moritz,  305  f. 

Miillner,  304,  305 

Pf  eil,  153 

Schink,  153 

Schiller,  158,  304  f . 

Schroder,  151  f. 

Tieek,  304,  305 

Werner,  304,  305  f. 
Liscow.  See  Pope,  Swift. 
Locke,  44,  55,  85,  88,  89 
Locke  and 

Basedow,  88 

Bodmer,  87  f . 

Breitinger,  87 

Leibniz,  87 

Moser,  88 

Wolff,  87,  88 
Logau.  See  Owen. 
Lohenstein,  8,  39,  61 
London,  384 
Longfellow,  300,  361 
Longfellow  and 

Freiligrath,  361 

von  Hohenhausen,  361 
Lope  de  Vega,  288 
Lowell,  361 

Lowth  and  Herder,  138 
Lucretius,  81 

Ludwig,  Prinz  von  Anhalt-Kothen,  7,  9 
Ludwig,  O.,  255,  359,  364.  See  also  Dick 

ens,  Scott,  Shakespeare. 
Lyly,  10 
Lyman,  366 

Machin,  23 

Machin  and  Ayrer,  30 

Mackenzie,  52 

Macpherson,  35.  See  also  Ossian. 

Macpherson  and 

Klopstock,  39 

Sturz,  38 
de  Magny,  106 
Malherbe,  9, 10 


540       University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 


Mallett,  136,  138 

Mann,  T.  See  Sterne,  Whitman. 

Manzoni,  302,  333 

Marggraf,  349.  See  also  Fielding,  Scott, 

Smollett. 
Marino,  8,  65,  67,  103 
Marivaux,  166,  167,  169 
Marlowe  and 

Ayrer,  30 

Brecht,  383 

Miller,  J.  M.,  145 
Marmontel,  163 
Marryat,  371 
Marston,  23 
Martini.  See  Lillo. 
Mason,  23 
Massinger,  23 

Massinger  and  Beer-Hofmann,  383 
Mattheson,  383.  See  also  Addison. 
Maupertius,  71 
Medwin,  326 

Meiningen,  Duke  of.  See  Shakespeare. 
Meissner.  See  Byron. 
Meister,  58 

Mencke,  See  Milton,  Shakespeare. 
Mendelssohn,  92,  100,  156,  169,  245.  See 
also   Amory,  Locke,  Milton,   Pope, 
Eichardson,     Shaftesbury,     Shake- 
speare, Sterne,  Young. 
Menius,  20-22,  26,  27,  28 
Menzel,  322 
Mercier,  163,  253 

Merck,  38,  131,  186.  See  also  Goldsmith. 
Meredith,  300 
Merimee,  333 
Meyer.  See  Shakespeare. 
Michaelis,  46,  86,  138.  See  also  Eichard- 
son, Thomson. 
Miller,  J.,  361 
Miller,    J.    M.,    46.    See    also    Marlowe, 

Percy. 
Milton,  12,  16,  35,  36,  44,  48,  60,  67,  71, 

103-112, 128,  137 
Milton  and 

Berge9,  45,  103,  113 

Bodmer,  35,  40  f.,  50,  103-108,  109, 
110,112 

Breitinger,  105 

Biirde,  104 

Cramer,  107 

Ebert,  107, 109 

Fabricius,  103 

Gemmingen,  112 

Gerstenberg,  107,  109 


Gessner,  106 

Giseke,  109 

Gleim,  109 

Goethe,  110-112 

Gottsched,  106 

Haake,  103 

Hagedorn,  104 

Haller,  109  f . 

Herder,  107,  109,  110,  249 

Holty,  109 

Klopstock,  35,  47,  49,  50,  74,  100  f., 
108,  109,  121 

Konig,  103 

Lessing,  109 

Mencke,  109 

Mendelssohn,  109 

Morhof,  103 

Moritz,  38 

Miiller,  (Maler),  109 

Postel,  103 

Pyra,  106 

Eamler,  109 

Schiller,  108,  110 

Schubart,  110 

Stolberg,  109 

Voss,  109,  112 

Wernicke,  103 

Wieland,  107,  108 

Winckelmann,  109 

Zacharia,  112,  115 
Mollhausen.  See  Cooper. 
Moser,  37.  See  also  Addison,  Fielding, 

Franklin,  Locke,  Young. 
Moliere,  148 

Montagu  and  Herder,  244,  245  f . 
Montesquieu,  13 
Moore,  E.,  and 

Beil,  152 

Brawe,  162 

Dyk,  152 

Iffland,  152 

Klinger,  152 

Kotzebue,  152 

Schroder,  161 

Weisse,  162 
Moore,  T.,  and 

Freiligrath,  311,  312 

Goethe,  299,  311  f. 

Heine,  312 
More  and  Erasmus,  11 
Morhof,  8,  10.  See  also  Bacon,  Milton, 

Owen,  Shakespeare. 
Moritz.  See  Lillo,  Milton,  Shaftesbury, 
Sterne,  Young. 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany 


541 


Moritz  von  Hessen,  18,  23,  28-29 

Moryson,  17 

Moscherosch,  7,  16.  See  also  Sonthom. 

Mosheim.  See  Shaftesbury. 

Miiller,  J.  G.  (Miiller  von  Itzehoe),  189. 
See  also  Fielding,  Richardson. 

Miiller  (Maler).  See  Milton,  Shake- 
speare. 

Miiller,  W.,  320.  See  also  Byron,  Mar- 
lowe. 

Miillner.  See  Lillo. 

Mundt,  345 

Muralt,  44 

Muratori,  305 

Murphy  and  Schroder,  161 

Musaus,  172,  185.  See  also  Fielding, 
Eichardson. 

Mylius,  38,  40,  59.  See  also  Addison, 
Pope. 

Naubert,  306,  332,  336 

Neuber,  25,  146,  154 

Newton,  51 

Newton  and  Haller,  63 

Nicolai,  37,  119,  131,  156,  279.  See  also 

Amory,  Fielding,  Goldsmith,  Percy, 

Richardson,   Shakespeare,  Smollett, 

Sterne,  Young. 
Nietzsche,  374.  See  also  Bacon,  Byron, 

Shakespeare. 
Nivelle  de  la  Chaussee,  148,  159 
Novalis,  280,  377.  See  also  Shakespeare, 

Young. 

O'Brien,  125, 126,  130 

Oeser,  248 

O'Neill,  383 

Opitz.  See  also  Barclay,  Owen,  Sidney. 

Ossian,  46,  49,  110,  112-135,  136 

Ossian  and 

Achim  von  Arnim,  303 

Bodmer,  125 

Boie,  130 

Burger,  47, 125 

Denis,  124, 125,  129,  130,  131,  132 

Gerstenberg,  126  f.,  135 

Eschenburg,  127 

Haller,  46,  47,  135 

Hamann,  130 

Harold,  127 

Herder,  46,  47,  109,  124,  126,  130-133, 
139,140,143,144,246,320 

Jung-Stilling,  197 

Klopstock,  50,  124,  125-127,  128-130 


Klotz,  124 

Kretschmann,  126  f.,  130 

Lenz,  124 

Rambach,  134 

Ryno,  127 

Saam,  127 

Schafer,  332 

Schiller,  134 

Stolberg,  L.,  125 

Sturz,  123 

Tieck,  134,  302 

Voss,47, 125 

Wachsmuth,  127 

Weisse,  124,  126,  127,  130 
Otway  and  Hofmannsthal,  380 
Owen,  7  f .,  59 
Owen  and 

Fleming,  10 

Gryphius,  10 

Logau,  10 

Morhof,  10 

Opitz,  10 

Weckherlin,  10 

von  Palthen.  See  Thomson. 

Paquet.  See  Whitman. 

Passerani,  90 

Peele,  23 

Peele  and  Ayrer,  30 

Penn,  14  f . 

Percy,  136-145,  249 

Percy  and 

Achim  von  Arnim,  142,  145,  301 

Bodmer,  45,  141 

Boie,  47,  139,  142  f. 

Bothe,  141 

Brentano,  143, 145,  301 

Burger,  47,  139, 140, 142-144 

Fontane,  145 

Gerstenberg,  169 

Goethe,  138,  145 

Grater,  142 

Haug,  141 

Herder,  137,  139,  140-141,  143 

Holty,  145 

Kosegarten,  141 

Lessing,  146 

Michaelis,  D.  M.,  138 

Miller,  J.  M.,  145 

Nicolai,  140 

Ramler,  140 

Raspe,  138, 139 

Seckendorf ,  141 

Uhland,  145 


542       University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 


Percy  and  (Continued) 
Ursinus,  140, 141 
Voss,  139, 145 
Perkins,  5 
Pfeffel,  153 
Pf  eil.  See  Lillo. 
Pfitzer.  See  Byron. 
Philip  von  Limbroch,  85 
Philipp  Julius  von  Pommern-Wolgast,  22 
Philips,  52 

Pitschel.  See  Addison. 
Platen.  See  Byron,  Shakespeare. 
Plato,  89,  96,  97 
Plotinus,  89,  96 
Poe,  361 
Poinsinet,  141 
Pope,  36,  44,  45,  49,  59,  61-71,  75,  76,  81, 

88,103,146,217,219,221 
Pope  and 

Bodmer,  40,  55,  68  f.,  71 

Brentano,  S.,  70 

Brockes,  67  f .,  71 

Burger,  70 

Drollinger,  68  f.,  69  f . 

Dusch,  68,  69,  70 

Ebert,  80 

Eschenburg, 70 

Gottsched,  68  f . 

Gottsched,  L.  A.  V.,  69 

Hagedorn,  37,  47,  61,  64-67,  71 

Haller,  61-64,  71 

Herder,  70,  236,  246 

Kleist,  E.  C,  70 

Lenz,  68,  76,  119 

Lessing,  71,  90 

Liscow,  41 

Mendelssohn,  71,  90 

Mylius,  69 

Eabener,  59 

Ramler,  71 

Schiller,  68 

Schlosser,  68 

Uz,  69,  70 

Voss,  46 

Weisse,  71 

Wieland,  235,  236,  238 

Zacharia,  69 

Zernitz,  70 
Postel,  39  f .  See  also  Milton. 
Postl.  See  Sealsfleld. 
Prevost,  13,  166, 167, 182,  221 
Prior,  59 

Prior  and  Hagedorn,  47 
Probst,  228 


Prutz,  345.  See  also  Byron,  Shakespeare. 
Piickler-Muskau,  314,  345 
Pyra,  69,  82.  See  also  Milton,  Shaftes- 
bury. 

Quistorp.  See  Addison. 

Kaabe,    357.    See    also    Dickens,    Scott, 

Sterne,  Thackeray. 
Eabener,   59.  See  also  Addison,  Swift, 

Young. 
Racine,  230,  251 
Eadcliff,  306,  307 
Baimund,  288 

Eambach.  See  Ossian,  Young. 
Eamler.  See  Milton,  Percy,  Pope. 
Eamsay  and  Herder,  144 
Easpe.  See  Percy. 
Eaumer,  345 
Eaynal,  13 
Eeeve,  306 

Eegis.  See  Shakespeare. 
Eehfues.  See  Scott. 
Eeimarus,  86 

Bernhardt.  See  Shakespeare. 
Eeinhold,  18 

Eesewitz,  349.  See  also  Fielding,  Young. 
Eestif  de  la  Bretonne,  302. 
Eeuter.  See  Dickens. 
Eeynolds  and  Fiissli,  38 
Eiccoboni,  178,  212 
Eice,  383 
Eichardson,  35,  36,  44,  49,  51,  148,  153, 

160,  164-179,  180-191  passim 
Eichardson  and 

Abbt,  181 

Achim  von  Arnim,  302  f. 

Blankenburg,  171 

Bodmer,  170 

Breitinger,  170 

Brockes,  164 

Dusch,  186 

Gellert,  168, 171,  173  f.,  175,  302 

Gerstenberg,  50 

Goethe,  176,  178 

Gottsched,  110 

Hagedorn,  37,  164  f. 

Haller,  39,  46, 165-168 

Heine,  302 

Herder,  C,  172  f . 

Herder,  35,  49,  50,  171, 172  f. 

Hermes,  174  f .,  176 

Klopstock,  39,  171  f. 

Klopstock,  M.,  39,  171 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany 


543 


Kosegarten,  179 

La  Roche,  176,  186  f .,  302,  362 

Lenz,  179 

Mendelssohn,  181 

Michaelis,  165 

Miiller,  J.  G.,  176 

Musaus,  171,  175  f.,  181,  189 

Mcolai,  175 

Schiller,  182 

Schmid,  179 

Sonnenfels,  170  f . 

Tieck,  302 

Uz,  167 

Wagner,  176, 179 

Wieland,  171, 176 
Richey,  67,  103,  221 
Richter,  347,  355,  359.  See  also  Sterne. 
Eiedel,  199.  See  also  Sterne. 
Riehl.  See  Scott. 
Rilke,  376. 
Robertson,  331 
Robertson  and  Herder,  35 
Robinson,  96,  112, 135,  158,  311,  327 
Rochester  and  Haller,  61 
Rohrbach,  37 
Ronsard,  8, 10 
Rosenblut,  228 
Rossetti,373 

Rost,  69.  See  also  Cumberland. 
Rothe.  See  Shakespeare. 
Rousseau,  153,  200,  242,  253,  301,  317 
Rowe,  E.,  113  f . 
Rowe,  E.,  and 

Cramer,  114 

Klopstock,  74,  116  f . 

Klopstock,  M.,  117 

Wieland,  35, 119,  234 
Rowe,  N.,  217,  218  f .,  221 
Rowe,  K,  and  Wieland,  235 
Rowley,  23 
Ruekert.  See  Byron. 
Ruppius,  363,  369 
Rymer,  219 

Sachs,  24,  31,  228 
Sack,  86 
Sackville,  18,  28 
St.  Evremond,  90 
St.  Maur,  106 
St.  Pierre,  362 
Sand,  358,  359 
Sannazaro,  8 
Saurin,  152, 161 


Scaliger,  8, 13 
von  Schaf  er.  See  Ossian 
Scheffel.  See  Scott. 

Schiller,  162,  163,  292,  299,  332,  361.  See 
also  Ferguson,  Fielding,  Hutcheson, 
Lillo,   Milton,   Ossian,   Pope,   Rich- 
ardson,   Shaftesbury,    Shakespeare, 
Sterne,  Thomson,  Young. 
Schlaf .  See  Whitman. 
Schlegel,  A.  W.  See  Byron,  Shakespeare. 
Schlegel,  F.  See  Byron,  Shakespeare. 
Schlegel,  J.  A.,  59,  225 
Schlegel,  J.  E.,  59,  91,  225  f.,  228,  229. 
See     also     Addison,     Shakespeare, 
Steele,  Thomson. 
Schlegel,  J.  H.  See  Thomson. 
Schlegel,  Karoline.  See  Shakespeare. 
Sehleiermacher,  89 
Schlozer,  31 

Schmid,  C.  H.,  125,  160.  See  also  Steele. 
Schmidt,  C.  E.  K.  See  Thomson. 
Schmidt,    J.,    346,    348,    356.    See    also 
Bulwer-Lytton,      Byron,      Dickens, 
Scott,  Shakespeare,  Thackeray. 
Schmidt,  Klamer,  35 
Schmidt,  K.  A.,  59 
Schnabel.  See  Defoe. 
Schopenhauer.  See  Byron,  Shakespeare. 
Schreyvogel.  See  Shakespeare. 
Schroder,  160.  See  also  Beaumont,  Bur- 
ney,  Cibber,  Colman,  Congreve,  Cum- 
berland, Crown,  Farquhar,  Fielding, 
Fletcher,  Goldsmith,  Lee   (Sophie), 
Moore,    E.,    Murphy,    Shakespeare, 
Sheridan,  Southern. 
Schubart,  251,  362.  See  also  Shakespeare, 

Thomson. 
Schummel.  See  Sterne. 
Schupp.  See  Bacon,  Sidney. 
Schwabe.  See  Shakespeare. 
Schwager.  See  Sterne. 
Schwenter.  See  Shakespeare. 
Simrock.  See  Shakespeare. 
Scott,  300,  301,  306,  316,  317,  329-344, 

346,  371 
Scott  and 

Achim  von  Arnim,  302 

Auerbach,  340 

Bitzius,  340 

Fontane,  343  f . 

Freiligrath,  311 

Freytag,  331,  332,  338-341,  350 

Goethe,  299,  329-330 

Haring,  333-336 


544       University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 


Scott  and  (Continued) 

Hauff,  336  f.,  337 

Ludwig,  342 

Marggraf ,  346  f . 

Miiller,  H.,  332 

Eaabe,  332,  358 

Rehfues,  332 

Reinhardt,  K.  H.  L.,  332 

Richter,  F.  P.  E.,  332 

Riehl,  332 

Schafer,  332 

Seheffel,  332 

Schmidt,  J.,  330  f.,  335,  338 

Sealsfield,  363  f . 

Spindler,  332 

Tieek,  302,  329,  333 

Tromlitz,  332 

van  der  Velde,  332 
Sealsfield,  362  f.  See  also  Cooper,  Irving. 
Seckendorf .  See  Percy. 
Seidl.  See  Bunyan. 
Shadwell,  39  f. 

Shadwell  and  Lessing,  155,  159 
Shaftesbury,  14,  49,  59,  75,  88-102,  180, 

186,241 
Shaftesbury  and 

Bodmer,  37,  94 

Brockes,  67,  78,  90 

Gellert,  56,  90  f . 

Gleim,  94 

Goethe,  68,  96,  98-100 

Gotz,  94  f . 

Hagedorn,  36,  37,  65,  93  f. 

Haller,  62-64,  90,  94 

Herder,  68,  86,  96-98,  99,  100,  101  f., 
138  f. 

Jacobi,  96 

Kleist,  E.  C,  94 

Klopstock,  93,  94 

Konig,  90 

Lange,  94  f . 

Leibniz,  89 

Lessing,  89  f .,  91-93,  229 

Mendelssohn,  89  f . 

Moritz,  99,  100 

Mosheim,  90 

Pyra,  94  f . 

Schiller,  68,  94,  100-102 

Spalding,  86,  90 

Tobler,  98 

Uz,  94  f . 

Wieland,  68,  95  f.,  100, 101  f . 

Wolff,  89 

Zernitz,  70 


Shakespeare,  23,  24,  35,  36,  45,  46,  47, 

48  f.,  60,  61,  71  f.,  110,  152,  163, 

217-296,371 
Shakespeare  and 

Achim  von  Arnim,  282 

Ayrenhoff,  238 

Ayrer,  30 

Baudissin,  271,  272  f.,  275 

Bodenstedt,  278 

Bodmer,  42,  222,  223-225 

Borcke,  222,  223-225 

Brawe,  152  f. 

Brentano, 282 

Biichner,  285,  292 

Burger,  47,  144,  161,  271 

Dalberg,  253 

Delius,  271 

Devrient,  276 

Eckert,  238 

Ekhof ,  162 

Eschenburg,  45,  237  f .,  266 

Feind,  219 

Freiligrath,  274 

Eulda,  278 

Gemmingen,  253 

George,  278  f . 

Gerstenberg,  230,  233,  237  f.,  241,  243 

f.,  279,  282 
Goethe,  206,  214,  234,  239  f.,  247-250, 

256-259,  265-269,  271,  275,  282,  285, 

290, 299 
Gottsched,  223-225,  229,  232 
Gottsched,  L.  A.  V.,  222,  225 
Grabbe,  275,  285,  286  f .,  323 
Grillparzer,  288  f.,  293 
Gryphius,  24,  31-32,  225 
Gundolf,  277 
Gutzkow,  274,  295 
Hamann,  230,  244 
Hauptmann,  285,  293-295 
Hebbel,  289-291 
Heimann,  24 
Heine,  282  f. 
Herder,  138,  140,  230,  233,  236,  243, 

244-249,  251,  256,  257,  279 
Herwegh,  274,  275 
Hettner,  291 
Holtei,  289,  295 
Iffland,  162,  266,  267 
Jordan,  278 
Jung-Stilling,  197 
Keller,  293 
Kleist,  H.,  285  f . 
Klingemann,  266,  275 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany 


545 


Klinger,  251  f. 

Kurz,  291 

Lenz,  248,  249-251,  279 

Lerse,  248 

Leasing,  225-234,  236,  241,  244  f .,  254- 
256,  271,  279 

Ludwig,  285,  291  f .,  342 

Meiningen,  Duke  of,  276 

Mencke,  220,  221 

Mendelssohn,  259 

Morhof,  219 

Miiller  (Maler),  253,  271 

Nicolai,  F.,  236-259 

Nietzsche,  284  f . 

Novalis,  281  f. 

Prutz,  291 

Eegis,  278  f. 

Bernhardt,  276  f . 

Bothe,277 

Schiller,  14,  161,  162,  192,  238,  259- 
266,  275,  290,  306 

Schlegel,  A.  W.,  217, 237,  238,  265,  266, 
268,  270,  271-273,  275,  279 

Schlegel,  F.,  240  f.,  274,  280,  346 

Schlegel,  J.  E.,  35,  223  f .,  225,  241,  243 

Schlegel,  Karoline,  272  f. 

Schmidt,  J.,  291 

Schroder,  47,  160  f .,  162,  265,  266,  275 

Schubart,  361 

Schwabe,  40,  58 

Schwenter,  31  f. 

Simrock,  278 

Tieck,  Dorothea,  271,  272  f.,  275,  278 

Tieck,  L.,  268,  269,  270,  271,  273,  278, 
279-281,  289,  301  f .,  346,  348  f. 

Ulrici,  271,  274 

Velten,  241 

Vischer,  291 

Voss,  267,  272,  275 

Wackenroder,  279 

Wagner,  H.  L.,  253 

Wagner,  E.,  292  f . 

Weise,  24 

Weisse,  230,  231-234,  236,  253 

Wieland,  45,  96,  230,  234-238,  243,  271 
Sharpe,  23 
Shaw,  380-382 
Shaw  and 

Bab,  381 

Bahr,  381 
Shaw,  E.,  23 
Shelley,  313 
Shenstone,  137 
Sheridan,  F.,  and  Hensel,  153 


Sheridan,  E.,  and  Schroder,  161 
Sheriff,  382 
Sherlock,  178  f.,  222 
Sherwood,  383 
Shirley,  23 
Sidney  and 

Herder,  247 

Opitz,  10 

Schupp, 10 

Weckherlin,  10 
Sinclair,  384 
Slevogt,  80 
Smith,  F.  H.,  384 
Smollett,  50,  190,  191,  198 
Smollett  and 

Fiissli,  38 

Goethe,  190 

Gutzkow,  347 

Heine,  303 

Marggraf,  346 

Nicolai,  188 

Stephanie,  d.  J.,  191 
Socrates,  200 
Sonnenfels.    See    Addison,    Eichardson, 

Sterne. 
Sophocles,  168,  263,  285,  380 
Southern  and  Schroder,  161 
Southey,  317,  325 
Southey  and 

Freiligrath,  311 

Schiller,  311 
Spalding.  See  Shaftesbury. 
Spener,  14 
Spenser  and 

Herder,  247 

Weckherlin,  10 
Spielhagen,  364.  See  also  Dickens,  Gold- 
smith. 
Spindler,  322,  364.  See  also  Scott. 
Spiess,  336 

Spinoza,  90,  92,  96,  97,  99 
Stahelin,  383 

Steele,  39,  44,  45,  52,  55,  56,  154,  217 
Steele  and 

Bodmer,  57 

Brandes,  57 

Gellert,  57 

Gessner,  57 

Goethe,  57 

Gottsched,  L.  A.  V.,  225 

Hagedorn,  56 

Lesising,  56 

Schlegel,  J.  E.,  148 


546        University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 


Steele  and  {Continued) 

Schmid,  56 

Wieland,  56 

von  Stein,  C,  259 
Steffens.  See  Fielding. 
Stephanie,  d.  J.  See  Fielding,  Smollett. 
Sterne,  35  f.,  45,  49,  193-206,  303 
Sterne  and 

Blankenburg,  196, 198  f . 

Bock,  198 

Bode,  193,  194 

Boie,  194 

Brentano,  303 

Claudius,  194 

Ebert,  193 

Fiissli,  38 

Gerstenberg,  194 

Gleim,  194, 195 

Goethe,  195,  196,  204,  355 

Hamann,  194,  196,  203 

Hedemann,  198 

Heine,  303 

Herder,  194,  196  f . 

Hippel,  194,  202,  203 

Jaeobi,  194, 195 

Jung-Stilling,  199 

Kestner,  178 

Klopstock,  194 

Kotzebue,  198 

Lessing,  169  f.,  193,  194 

Lichtenberg,  46,  188,  196,  198 

Mann,  T.,  378 

Mendelssohn,  194 

Nicolai,  187,  197 

Raabe,  355  f . 

Richter,  203  f .,  303 

Riedel,  196 

Schiller,  192 

Schmid,  203 

Schummel,  194,  196 

Schwager,  196 

Sonnenfels,  196 

Sturz,  198 

Thiimmel,  201  f . 

Tieck, 202 

Wezel,  197  f . 

Wieland,  193, 194, 199-201 

Zimmermann,  193,  194 
Still,  23 

Stilling.  See  Jung-Stilling. 
Stoddard,  361 
Stolberg,    101,    320.    See    also    Milton, 

Ossian. 
Storm,  357 


Strachwitz.  See  Byron. 
Strubberg.  See  Cooper. 
Sturz.  See  Brocke,  F.,  Johnson,  S.,  and 

Sterne. 
Suard,  126,  131 
Sudermann,  379 
Sue,  355 
Sulzer,  100 
Surrey,  10 

Swift,  35,  44,  45,  49,  59,  164,  241,  371 
Swift  and 

Bodmer,  41 

Gellert,  41 

Goethe,  41,  42 

Gottsched,  41,  58 

Hagedorn,  41 

Haller,  41,  61 

Heine,  319 

Herder,  41,  42 

Kastner,  41 

Lessing,  41 

Lichtenberg,  41  f .,  46 

Liscow,  41 

Rabener,  41,  59 

Richter,  203 
Sylvester  and  Weckherlin,  10 
Synge,  382 

Tasso,  106 

Tassoni,  69 

Taylor,  45 

Taylor,  J.,  and  Herder,  86 

Temple,  14,  219 

Thackeray,  300,  311,  346,  357  f. 

Thackeray  and 

Fontane,  360 

Gutzkow,  358 

Prutz,  359 

Raabe,  355 

Schmidt,  J.,  357  f . 

Spielhagen,  345 
Theobald,  217,  236,  247 
Thomas  a  Kempis  and  Zesen,  15 
Thomasius,  51  f .,  55 
Thomson,  35,  36,  45,  49,  59,  73-84,  88, 

108,  122,  147 
Thomson  and 

Bodmer,  76,  81  f.,  94,  95 

Brockes,  74,  76,  77-78,  103 

Dusch,  80 

Ebert,  74,  76 

Eschenburg,  76,  79 

Gessner,  76,  80,  93 

Giseke,  76,  80  f . 


Price:  English  Literature  in  Germany 


547 


Gleim,  74,  79 

Goethe,  83  f. 

Hagedorn,  37,  47,  65,  74  f . 

Haller,  78-79 

Haydn,  81 

Hirschf  eld,  86 

Kleist,  E.  C,  79-80 

Klopstock,  47,  74 

Lessing,  73,  76,  80,  81,  156,  227 

Michaelis,  73 

von  Palthen,  80 

Schiller,  74  f . 

Sehlegel,  J.  E.,  73 

Schlegel,  J.  H.,  74 

Schmidt,  C.  E.  K.,  74 

Schubart,  74 

Wieland,  76,  82  f . 

Zacharia,  80 
Thorschmidt,  86 
Thiimmel.  See  Sterne. 
Ticknor,  366 

Tieck,  D.  See  Shakespeare. 
Tieck,  L.,  282,  301.  See  also  Beaumont, 
Byron,  Jonson,  Lillo,  Ossian,  Eich- 
ardson,  Scott,  Shakespeare,  Sterne, 
Webster. 
Tillotson,  45 
Tindal,  86,  90 
Tobler.  See  Shaftesbury. 
Toland,  90 

Toland  and  Mosheim,  86 
Toller.  See  Byron. 
Treitschke.  See  Byron. 
Triewald.  See  Cowley. 
Tromlitz.  See  Scott. 
Tscharner.  See  Young. 
Twain,  Mark.  See  Clemens. 
Tytler  and  Grater,  142 

Uhland.  See  Percy. 
Ulrici.  See  Shakespeare. 
Unzer.  See  Young. 
Ursinus.  See  Percy. 

Uz.     See     Amory,     Pope,     Bichardson, 
Shaftesbury,  Young. 

Vanbrugh  and  Lessing,  226 

van  der  Velde.  See  Scott. 

Velten.  See  Shakespeare. 

Vergil,  79,  81, 106,  124,  218 

Vida,  7  f . 

de  Vigny,  333 

Vischer,  F.  T.  See  Shakespeare. 


Vischer,  L.  F.  See  Defoe. 

Vostius.  See  Bayley. 

Voltaire,  55,  61,  68,  71,  106,  108,  146, 

147,  148,  179,  217,  221  f.,  226,  229, 

230 
Vondel,  109 
Voss,   36.   See   also   Goldsmith,   Milton, 

Ossian,  Percy,  Shakespeare. 
Vulpius,  306,  319,  332,  336 

Wackenroder.  See  Shakespeare. 

Wachter,  322,  336 

Wagner,  H.  L.  See  Shakespeare. 

Wagner,  B.  See  Shakespeare. 

Wagstaff,  137 

Waiblinger.  See  Byron. 

Waldau.  See  Byron. 

Walpole,  306,  307 

Walpole  and  Hoffmann,  308 

Warburton,  81 

Warburton  and 

Herder,  246,  247 

Zinck,  68 
Warner,  23 
Warton,  247 
Waser.  See  Butler. 
Washington  and  Goethe,  361 
Webb,  45 
Weber,  V,  206 
Webster,  18 

Webster  and  Tieck,  302,  332 
Weckherlin,  95.  See  also  Owen,  Sylvester, 

Wotton. 
Weise.  See  Shakespeare. 
Weisse,  39,  77,  153,  162.  See  also  Coffey, 

Dryden,  Moore,  E.,  Shakespeare. 
Wekherlin,  361 
Werner.  See  Lillo. 
Wernicke.  See  Dryden. 
Wezel.  See  Sterne. 
Whitby  and  Herder,  86 
Whitman,  361,  372-378 
Whitman  and 

Bahr,  375 

Dehmel,  375 

Engelke,376 

Eulenberg,  374 

Freiligrath,  372  f. 

Goll,  375 

Hauptmann,  375 

Hayek,  375 

Holz,  375 

Landauer,  375 

Lerch,  376 


548        University  of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology 


Whitman  and  (Continued) 

Lissauer,  376 

Mann,  T.,  376-378 

Paquet,  375,  376 

Pinthus,  375 

Schlaf,  373,  375 

Stehr,  376 

Wegner,  376 

Werfel,  376 

Winckler,  376 

Zweig,  S.,  374,  376 
Whittier,  361 

Wieland,  41,  47,  68,  77,  96,  185,  187,  189, 
248,  285.  See  also  Addison,  Amory, 
Dryden,    Fielding,     Milton,    Pope, 
Richardson,    Rowe,    E.,    Rowe,    N., 
Shaftesbury,    Shakespeare,    Steele, 
Sterne,  Thomson,  Young. 
Wienbarg.  See  Shakespeare. 
Wilbrandt,  285 
Wilde,  378-380 
Wilde  and 

Eulenberg,  350 

George,  379 

Hofmannsthal,  379 
Wilder,  383 
Williams,  383 
Willkomm,  365,  367 
Wilmot,  23 

Wolfe  and  Hesse,  384  f . 
Wolff,    36,    51,    101.    See    also    Locke, 

Shaftesbury. 
Wood  and 

Herder,  46 

Michaelis,  46,  241 
Wordsworth,  36,  300,  317,  325 
Wordsworth  and 

Freiligrath,  311 

Herder,  311 

Schlegel,  F.,  311 
Wotton  and  Weckerlin,  10 
Wyatt,  10 
Wycherley  and 

Gottsched,  149 

Lessing,  159,  226 
Wycliff e,  8 


Yeats,  382 

Young,  35,  47,  48  f .,  55,  71, 113-121,  147, 

152,  182,  230,  241-243,  306 
Young  and 

Bodmer40,  114,  118 

Brawe,  113, 147,  152 

Cramer,  114  f.,  118 

Cronegk, 118 

Ebert,  114 

Gellert,  116 

Gerstenberg,  243 

Gleim,  114 

Goethe,  120 

Gottsched,  40,  113,  242 

Hagedorn,  37,  118 

Haller,  114,  118 

Hamann,  114,  117  f.,  242  f. 

Heinse,  118 

Herder,  115,  118, 173,  246 

Klopstock,  74,  114 

Lenz,  119  f. 

Lessing,  119,  242 

Mendelssohn,  118 

Moser,  118 

Moritz,  120 

Nicolai,  242 

Novalis,  121 

Rabener,  59 

Schiller,  121 

Tscharner,  38,  118  f. 

Unzer,  118 

Uz,  114 

Wieland,  119,  121,  235 

Zacharia,  115 

Zacharia,  35,  59,  69,  115  f.  See  also  Mil- 
ton, Pope,  Thomson,  Young. 

Zedlitz.  See  Byron. 

Zernitz.  See  Pope. 

Zesen,  7,  9,  16.  See  also  Barclay,  Thomas 
a  Kempis. 

Zimmermann,  38,  95,  119,  184,  199,  235. 
See  also  Sterne. 

Zschokke,  306 

Zweig.  See  Jonson,  Whitman. 


• 


Date    Due 


Due 

Returned 

Duo 

Returned 

APR  0  1  198f  i 

I                   """       """ 

;  , 

• 

'                       * 

mmm  m         L 

.       J 

L 

! 

i 

* 

| 

i 

•. 

v 

i 

\ 

i  • 

.  .. 

« 

$0& 

V.  37